Political consciousness
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| - | :"Several versions of [[critical theory]] have focused on the processes of [[status nascendi|synthesis, production, or construction]] by which the phenomena and objects of human communication, culture, and [[political consciousness]] come about. Whether it is through the transformational rules by which the [[deep structure]] of language becomes its [[surface structure]] (Chomsky), the universal pragmatic principles through which mutual understanding is generated (Habermas), the semiotic rules by which objects of daily usage or of fashion obtain their meanings (Barthes), the psychological processes by which the phenomena of everyday consciousness are generated (psychoanalytic thinkers), the ''[[episteme]]'' that underlies our cognitive formations (Foucault), and so on, there is a common interest in the processes (often of a linguistic or symbolic kind) that give rise to observable phenomena. Here there is significant mutual influence among aspects of the different versions of critical theory. Ultimately this emphasis on production and construction goes back to the revolution wrought by [[Kant]] in philosophy, namely his focus in the ''[[Critique of Pure Reason]]'' on synthesis according to rules as the fundamental activity of the mind that creates the order of our experience." | + | Following the work of [[Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel]], [[Karl Marx]] outlined the workings of a '''political consciousness'''. |
| + | ==The politics of consciousness== | ||
| + | [[Consciousness]] typically refers to the idea of a being who is self-aware. It is a distinction often reserved for human beings. This remains the original and most common usage of the term. For Marx, consciousness describes a person's political sense of self. That is, consciousness describes a person's awareness of politics. For Marx, an authentic consciousness was linked to understanding one's true position in History. While Hegel placed God behind the workings of consciousness in people, Marx saw the [[political economy]] as the engine of mind. | ||
| - | == In Linguistics == | + | In the 20th century, many social movements and intellectuals have developed this use of consciousness. |
| - | In [[linguistics]], and especially the study of [[syntax]], the '''deep structure''' of a linguistic expression is a theoretical construct that seeks to unify several related structures. For example, the sentences "Pat loves Chris" and "Chris is loved by Pat" mean roughly the same thing and use similar words. Some linguists, in particular [[Noam Chomsky]], have tried to account for this similarity by positing that these two sentences are distinct ''surface forms'' that derive from a common ''deep structure''. | + | ==False consciousness== |
| + | In Marx's view, consciousness was always political, for it was always the outcome of politic-economic circumstances. What one thinks of life, power, and self, for Marx, is always a product of ideological forces. | ||
| - | The concept of deep structure plays an important role in [[transformational grammar]]. In early transformational syntax, deep structures are derivation trees of a [[context free language]]. These trees are then transformed by a sequence of tree rewriting operations ("transformations") into [[surface structure]]s. The [[terminal yield]] of a surface structure tree, the surface form, is then predicted to be a grammatical sentence of the language being studied. The role and significance of deep structure changed a great deal as Chomsky developed his theories, and since the mid 1990s deep structure no longer features at all (see [[Transformational grammar]]). | + | For Marx, ideologies appear to explain and justify the current distribution of wealth and power in a society. In societies with unequal allocations of wealth and power, ideologies present these inequalities as acceptable, virtuous, inevitable, and so forth. Ideologies thus tend to lead people to accept the status quo. The subordinate people come to believe in their subordination: the peasants to accept the rule of the aristocracy, the factory workers to accept the rule of the owners, consumers the rule of corporations. This belief in one's own subordination, which comes about through ideology, is, for Marx, [[false consciousness]]. |
| - | It is tempting to regard deep structures as representing meanings and surface structures as representing sentences expressing those meanings, but this is not the concept of deep structure favoured by Chomsky. Rather, a sentence more closely corresponds to a deep structure paired with the [[surface structure]] derived from it, with an additional [[phonetic form]] obtained from processing of the surface structure. It has been variously suggested that the interpretation of a sentence is determined by its deep structure alone, by a combination of its deep and surface structures, or by some other level of representation altogether ([[Logical form (linguistics)|logical form]]), as argued in 1977 by Chomsky's student [[Robert May (linguist)|Robert May]]. Chomsky may have tentatively entertained the first of these ideas in the early 1960s, but quickly moved away from it to the second, and finally the third. Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, the [[generative semantics]] movement put up a vigorous defence of the first option, sparking an acrimonious debate, the "[[Linguistics Wars]]". | + | That is, conditions of inequality create ideologies which confuse people about their true aspirations, loyalties, and purposes. Thus, for example, the [[working class]] has often been, for Marx, beguiled by nationalism, organized religion, and other distractions. These ideological devices help to keep people from realizing that it is they who produce wealth, they who deserve the fruits of the land, all who can prosper: instead of literally thinking for themselves, they think the thoughts given to them by the ruling class. |
| - | The "surface" appeal of the deep structure concept soon led people from unrelated fields (architecture, music, politics, and even ritual studies) to use the term to express various concepts in their own work. In common usage, the term is often used as a synonym for [[universal grammar]] — the constraints which Chomsky claims govern the overall forms of linguistic expression available to the human species. This is probably due to the importance of deep structure in Chomsky's earlier work on universal grammar, though his concept of universal grammar is logically independent of any particular theoretical construct, including deep structure. | + | ==Consciousness and the political-economy== |
| - | According to Middleton (1990), [[Schenkerian analysis]] of music corresponds to the Chomskyan notion of deep structure, applying to a two-level generative structure for melody, harmony, and rhythm, of which the analysis by Lee (1985) of rhythmical structure is an instance. See also [[Chord progression#Rewrite rules]]. | + | For Marx, consciousness is a reflection of the political economy. A person's thoughts tend to be shaped by his or her political and economic circumstances. He famously wrote, "It is not the consciousness of men that determines their being, but, on the contrary, their social being that determines their consciousness." |
| + | <blockquote> | ||
| + | Perhaps Marx's greatest contribution to modern thought... is his comprehensive investigation into the role of Ideology, or how social being determines consciousness, which results in certain (for the most part unconscious) belief and value systems depending on the particular economic infrastructure pertaining at the time. From a Marxian point of view all cultural artifacts--religious systems, philosophical positions, ethical values--are, naturally enough, products of consciousness and as such are subject to these ideological pressures. | ||
| + | </blockquote> | ||
| - | == In Intercultural Communication == | + | ==Consciousness and social movements== |
| - | Intercultural Communication is when a member of one culture produces a message for consumption by another culture. The source of cultural views, such as behavior, attitudes, or customs, can be found in a culture’s deep structure. Deep structure is important because they carry the messages that mean the most to people. More importantly, the “we” identity connects the individual to cultural groups and the main organizations of that culture. Since the beginning of time, people have defined themselves in terms of ancestry, religion, language, history, values, customs, and institutions. Deep Structure in the intercultural field of study generally consists of three major structures: family, history (community, state), and worldview (religion). | + | Many [[social movements]] have loosely followed Marx's thinking on consciousness. Attaining consciousness, many believe, means finding one's ''true'' historical path, as opposed to the propaganda dispensed by the ruling elites. Thus, the [[feminist movement]] spoke of [[consciousness raising]] and many South African activists have subscribe to a [[Black Consciousness Movement]], which calls upon Blacks to pursue their "true" political trajectory (as opposed to the ideas set out by, for example, the [[apartheid]] regime). In the latter example, for many South African Blacks, consciousness meant rejecting racist ideas about Blacks, rejecting White rule of the nation, and restoring Black identity, history, and power. |
| - | The family structure involves mainly nuclear and extended families. The family is a universal experience across every culture. It is also the oldest and one of the most essential human institutions. Note that governments have always changed or disappeared, yet the family unit always seems to survive; even though the dynamics and traditions of families in different cultures may be different, the family unit has always been constant across cultures. The family structure has also been influenced by old and new institutions. For example, in the United States, there is a less defined standard of what comprises a family. Noleer and Fitzpatrick regarded family as “a group of intimates who generate a sense of home and group identity, complete with strong ties of loyalty and emotion, and an experience of history and a future.” | + | In a politically charged sense, becoming "politically conscious" is often meant to connote that people have awakened to their ''true'' political role, their ''actual'' identity. For Marx, this meant that the working classes would become conscious of themselves as the agents of history--they would unite and share in the wealth of labor. This, for Marx, was their historical role and their right (as opposed to working for wages, fighting wars on behalf of capitalists, and so forth). For many African Americans, "consciousness" has meant identifying and discrediting forms of [[White supremacy]], including those internalized by Blacks. In these uses of the term "consciousness" is truth or destiny. These uses of political consciousness are often politically charged. Does, for example, a Black woman lack consciousness because she generally supports a system run mostly by White male capitalists? If she became politically conscious would she think differently? What is her "true" consciousness supposed to look like? |
| - | The history structure is vital to the deep structure. It gives cultures a sense of identity. It is what they want to be remembered by in the present and future. History involves formal and informal governments, a sense of community, political system, and geography. Past history has always impacted current behaviors. For example, current events in the Middle East can trace their roots back to conflict over sacred territories throughout the region. The main idea to think about with history is how the historical cultural roots have influenced the behaviors and perspectives of today’s world. | + | Many marxists, feminists, African Americans (and other groups), have ceased to argue that there is one true form of consciousness. Instead, while preserving a sense that the ruling class perpetuates a [[dominant ideology]] and often behaves in ways which harm people, many dissenters now hold a more liberal position which tolerates a variety of political positions. The complexities of political consciousness are described by the theories of [[cultural hegemony]]. |
| - | The worldview structure involves the religion of a culture. The worldview of a culture is its orientation toward God, humanity, nature, the universe, life and death, etc… Religion is the main element through which worldview is derived in a culture. All religions are different in perspectives, yet they all have certain commonalities amongst them. They all have rituals, sacred scriptures, a high power of nature, rules and ethics. Due to religion, there has always been a belief in the existence of a reality beyond that of the human world, and this aspect has served as originator of cultures worldwide. | + | ==See also== |
| + | * [[Critical consciousness]] | ||
| + | * [[Class consciousness]] | ||
| + | * [[Consciousness raising]] | ||
| + | * [[Double consciousness]] | ||
| + | * [[History of Consciousness]], an interdisciplinary program at the University of California, Santa Cruz. | ||
| + | * [[Identity politics]] | ||
| - | == References == | ||
| - | * Noam Chomsky (1957). ''Syntactic Structures''. Mouton. | ||
| - | * Noam Chomsky (1965). ''Aspects of the Theory of Syntax''. MIT Press. | ||
| - | * Noam Chomsky (1981). ''Lectures on Government and Binding''. Mouton. | ||
| - | * Noam Chomsky (1986). ''Barriers''. Linguistic Inquiry Monographs. MIT Press. | ||
| - | * C. S. Lee (1985). "The rhythmic interpretation of simple musical sequences: towards a perceptual model", in P. Howell, I. Cross and R. West (eds.), ''Musical Structure and Cognition'' (Academic Press), pp. 53-69. | ||
| - | * Richard Middleton (1990). ''Studying Popular Music''. Open University Press. | ||
| - | Samovar, L, & Porter, R (August 2003). Communication between Culures .Wadsworth Publishing. | ||
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Following the work of Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, Karl Marx outlined the workings of a political consciousness.
Contents |
The politics of consciousness
Consciousness typically refers to the idea of a being who is self-aware. It is a distinction often reserved for human beings. This remains the original and most common usage of the term. For Marx, consciousness describes a person's political sense of self. That is, consciousness describes a person's awareness of politics. For Marx, an authentic consciousness was linked to understanding one's true position in History. While Hegel placed God behind the workings of consciousness in people, Marx saw the political economy as the engine of mind.
In the 20th century, many social movements and intellectuals have developed this use of consciousness.
False consciousness
In Marx's view, consciousness was always political, for it was always the outcome of politic-economic circumstances. What one thinks of life, power, and self, for Marx, is always a product of ideological forces.
For Marx, ideologies appear to explain and justify the current distribution of wealth and power in a society. In societies with unequal allocations of wealth and power, ideologies present these inequalities as acceptable, virtuous, inevitable, and so forth. Ideologies thus tend to lead people to accept the status quo. The subordinate people come to believe in their subordination: the peasants to accept the rule of the aristocracy, the factory workers to accept the rule of the owners, consumers the rule of corporations. This belief in one's own subordination, which comes about through ideology, is, for Marx, false consciousness.
That is, conditions of inequality create ideologies which confuse people about their true aspirations, loyalties, and purposes. Thus, for example, the working class has often been, for Marx, beguiled by nationalism, organized religion, and other distractions. These ideological devices help to keep people from realizing that it is they who produce wealth, they who deserve the fruits of the land, all who can prosper: instead of literally thinking for themselves, they think the thoughts given to them by the ruling class.
Consciousness and the political-economy
For Marx, consciousness is a reflection of the political economy. A person's thoughts tend to be shaped by his or her political and economic circumstances. He famously wrote, "It is not the consciousness of men that determines their being, but, on the contrary, their social being that determines their consciousness."
Perhaps Marx's greatest contribution to modern thought... is his comprehensive investigation into the role of Ideology, or how social being determines consciousness, which results in certain (for the most part unconscious) belief and value systems depending on the particular economic infrastructure pertaining at the time. From a Marxian point of view all cultural artifacts--religious systems, philosophical positions, ethical values--are, naturally enough, products of consciousness and as such are subject to these ideological pressures.
Consciousness and social movements
Many social movements have loosely followed Marx's thinking on consciousness. Attaining consciousness, many believe, means finding one's true historical path, as opposed to the propaganda dispensed by the ruling elites. Thus, the feminist movement spoke of consciousness raising and many South African activists have subscribe to a Black Consciousness Movement, which calls upon Blacks to pursue their "true" political trajectory (as opposed to the ideas set out by, for example, the apartheid regime). In the latter example, for many South African Blacks, consciousness meant rejecting racist ideas about Blacks, rejecting White rule of the nation, and restoring Black identity, history, and power.
In a politically charged sense, becoming "politically conscious" is often meant to connote that people have awakened to their true political role, their actual identity. For Marx, this meant that the working classes would become conscious of themselves as the agents of history--they would unite and share in the wealth of labor. This, for Marx, was their historical role and their right (as opposed to working for wages, fighting wars on behalf of capitalists, and so forth). For many African Americans, "consciousness" has meant identifying and discrediting forms of White supremacy, including those internalized by Blacks. In these uses of the term "consciousness" is truth or destiny. These uses of political consciousness are often politically charged. Does, for example, a Black woman lack consciousness because she generally supports a system run mostly by White male capitalists? If she became politically conscious would she think differently? What is her "true" consciousness supposed to look like?
Many marxists, feminists, African Americans (and other groups), have ceased to argue that there is one true form of consciousness. Instead, while preserving a sense that the ruling class perpetuates a dominant ideology and often behaves in ways which harm people, many dissenters now hold a more liberal position which tolerates a variety of political positions. The complexities of political consciousness are described by the theories of cultural hegemony.
See also
- Critical consciousness
- Class consciousness
- Consciousness raising
- Double consciousness
- History of Consciousness, an interdisciplinary program at the University of California, Santa Cruz.
- Identity politics
