The Theatre of the Greeks  

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{{Template}} The Theatre of the Greeks () is a book by John William Donaldson on ancient Greek theater.


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N this edition of the Theatre of the Greeks I have been, INat last, permitted to deal with the book according to my own judgment, and I have been also allowed sufficient time for making those improvements which I deemed necessary. The result has been, that, instead of long extracts from other authors, preceded by an original introduction, the book is now substantially an independent treatise on the Greek Drama followed by about one hundred pages of supplementary matter. The following reasons will explain why I have felt myself compelled to make this change in the form and character of the work. It seems to me, that the convenience of the student will be better consulted by placing before him a continuous discussion on the history and representation of the Greek Drama, than by giving him a certain amount of information in an introductory essay, and requiring him to go to Bentley and Schlegel for the most important details. With regard to Schlegel, the greater part of the extracts from his Lectures, which were incorporated in former editions of this work, consisted of an analysis of the different Greek plays ; and as I have now introduced into my own treatise all that is necessary on D. T. G. b vi PREFACE TO THE SEVENTH EDITION. this head for the usual purposes of a student, I did not think it desirable to reproduce remarks, which, however acute and original, are rather slight in their texture and not always in accordance with the results of the most recent criticism. I have nevertheless retained many of Schlegel's more general observations, which are still very valuable and interesting, and have introduced these extracts as supplements to different chapters in my own treatise. With regard to Bentley, I should have been most reluctant to omit the passages from his Dissertation on Phalaris, had I thought that by so doing I should diminish the number of those who still make themselves acquainted with that admirable book. But those, who are likely to read the extracts, would be most likely to be attracted by the book itself ; and I consider it of great importance, that as many students as possible should study in extenso a work, which not only constitutes an epoch in classical philology, but is the first example and origin of that historical criticism, which has produced and is still producing such important effects on our estimation of ancient literature in general. Accordingly, as the extension given to my own treatise and the expense incurred by the numerous illustrations rendered it necessary that some sacrifice should be made in the letterpress of the book, I have omitted Bentley, in the hope that he will be studied, independently of his contributions to the literary history of the Drama, by all who wish to become critics or scholars. On the other hand, I have not only retained the translation of Aristotle's Poetic, on which I have bestowed some additional pains, but have also given extracts from Vitruvius and Julius Pollux, because it appeared that a complete introduction to a scholarlike study of the Greek drama ought to contain what PREFACE TO THE SEVENTH EDITION. vii the ancients have written on the subject, the more so as I have made frequent references to these three sources of information. The last part of the book, which gives an account of the language, metres, and prosody of the dramatists, is no longer a number of detached notes, but has assumed the form of a coherent disquisition. Mr Tate's essay, which is identified with this book and records the honest research of that successful and experienced teacher, has been retained out of respect for his memory, no less than on account of its practical value. A prominent and distinctive feature of the present edition will be recognized in the numerous illustrations from the best ancient authorities, by which the details of a Greek theatrical performance are reproduced and rendered visible to the student. Some of these have been borrowed from Mr Rich's very useful Companiontothe Latin Dictionary and Greek Lexicon. The majority appear for the first time in an English book. With regard to the Theatre at Aspendus, which has done more than any ancient monument to substitute reality for conjecture in our notions of the ancient scene, it is to be regretted that Schönborn's photographs are not forthcoming ; but Texier's views of the elevation and interior, which are here reproduced, are sufficient to give an adequate idea of the only ancient theatre which has come down to us without material dilapidations. Thus remodelled and illustrated I venture to believe that the Theatre of the Greeks is now in harmony with the existing condition of our knowledge in regard both to Greek literature and to ancient art. It has at any rate assumed the form which I conceive to be most proper for such a work ; and as I viii PREFACE TO THE SEVENTH EDITION. hope that the study of the Greek Drama will never be altogether neglected by the countrymen of Shakespeare, I shall be glad to think that I have contributed something towards the pleasant and profitable cultivation of this important branch of classical learning. J. W. D. CAMBRIDGE, September 20th, 1860.



οὐ γάρ τι νῦν γε κἀχθές, ἀλλ᾽ ἀεί ποτε ζῇ ταῦτα, κοὐδεὶς οἶδεν ἐξ ὅτου φάνη.


WEE cannot assign any historical origin to the Drama. Resulting as it did from the constitutional tendencies of the inhabitants of those countries in which it sprang up, it necessarily existed, in some form or other, long before the age of history ; consequently we cannot determine the time when it first made its appearance, and must therefore be content to ascertain in what principle of the human mind it originated. This we shall be able to do without much difficulty. In fact the solution of the problem is included in the answer to a question often proposed, " How are we to account for the great prevalence of idol worship in ancient times ? " For, strange as it may appear, it is nevertheless most true, that not only the drama, (the most perfect form of poetry,) but all poetry, sculpture, painting, architecture, and whatever else is beautiful in art, are the results of that very principle which degraded men, the gods of the earth, into grovelling worshippers of wood and stone, which made them kneel and bow down before the works of their own hands. This principle is that which is generally called the love of imitation, —a definition, however, which is rather ambiguous, and has been productive of much misunderstanding. We would rather state this principle to be that desire to express the abstract in the concrete, that " striving after objectivity," as it has been termed by a modern writer , that wish to render the conceivable perceivable, which is the ordinary characteristic of an uneducated mind. The inhabitants of southern Europe, in particular, have in all ages shown a singular impatience of pure thought, and have been continually endeavouring to represent under the human form, either allegorically or absolutely, the subjects of their contemplations³. Now the first abstract idea which presented itself to the minds of rude but imaginative men was the idea of God, conceived in some one or other of his attributes. Unable to entertain the abstract notion of divinity, they called in the aid of art to bring under the control of their senses the subject of their thoughts, and willingly rendered to the visible and perishable the homage which they felt to be due to the invisible and eternal. By an extension of the same associations, their anthropomorphized divinity was supposed to need a dwelling-place ; hence the early improvements of architecture on the shores of the Mediterranean. His worshippers would then attempt some outward expression of their gratitude and veneration :-to meet this need, poetry arose among them . The same feelings would suggest an imitation of the imagined sufferings or gladness of their deity ; and to this we owe the mimic

1 The German reader would do well to consult on this subject Von Raumer's Essay on the Poetic of Aristotle (Abhandl. der Hist. Philologischen Klasse der Kön. Akad. der Wissensch. 1828) . We do not think Dr. Copleston's view of this subject (Prælectiones Academicæ, pp. 28 sqq. ) sufficiently comprehensive, 2 Wachsmuth, Hell. Alterth. II. 2, 113. 3 See Wordsworth's Excursion (Works, v. pp. 160 foll. ) . 4 Thus Strabo says, that "the whole art of poetry is the praise of the gods ," ἡ ποιητικὴ πᾶσα ὑμνητική. x. p. 468. (The word οὖσα, which is found in all the editions at the end of this sentence, has evidently arisen from a repetition of the first two syllables of the following word woαúrws, and must be struck out. For the sense of the word vμvnтikh, comp. Plato, Legg. p. 700 a. ) And Plato, Legg. VII. 799 A, would have all music and dancing consecrated to religion . When Herder says ( Werke z. schön. Lit. und Kunst. II. p. 82), "Poetry arose, not at the altars, but in wild merry dances ; and as violence was restrained by the severest laws, an attempt was in like manner made to lay hold, by means of religion, on those drunken inclinations of men which escaped the control of the laws, " he does not seem to deny the fact on which we have insisted, that religion and poetry are contemporaneous effects of the same cause ; at all events, he allows that poetry was at first merely the organ of religion. And although V. Cousin endeavours to prove that religion and poetry were the results of different necessities of the human mind, he also contends that they were analogous in their origin. " Le triomphe de l'intuition religieuse est dans la création du culte, comme le triomphe de l'idée du beau est dans la création de l'art, " &c. (Cours de Philosophie, p. 21, 2) . THE RELIGIOUS ORIGIN OF THE GREEK DRAMA. 5 dances of ancient Hellas, and the first beginnings of the drama there. But although art and religious realism have much in common even in their latest applications, we are not to suppose that all attempts to give an outward embodiment to the religious idea are to be considered as real approximations to dramatic poetry. All art is not poetry, and all poetry is not the drama . Polytheistic worship and its concomitant idolatry are the most favourable conditions for the development of art in all its forms and applications. And conversely, those nations and epochs which have been most remarkable for the cultivation of a pure and spiritual religion have been equally remarkable for a prevalent distaste and incompetency for the highest efforts of art. In ancient times, we have the case ofthe Israelites : for many years they strove with varying success to resist the temptations to idolatry which surrounded them on every side, and left to Greece and modern Europe the greatest aid to abstract thought, in the alphabet which we still 1 The view which we have taken in the text, of the origin of the fine arts, is, we conceive, nearly the same asthat of Aristotle ; for it appears to us pretty obvious that his treatise on Poetic was, like many of his other writings, composed expressly to confute the opinions of Plato, who taking the word ulunois in its narrowest sense, to signify the imperfect counterfeiting, the servile and pedantic copying of an individual object, argued against uunois in general as useless for moral purposes. Whereas Aristotle shows that if the word uiμnois be not taken in this confined sense, but as equivalent to " representation," as implying the outward realisation of something in the mind, it does then include not only poetry, but, properly speaking, all the fine arts : and μiunois is therefore useful, in a moral relation, if art in general is of any moral use. That he understood µíμnois in this general sense is clear from his Rhetoric, III. I, § 8 : τὰ ὀνόματα μιμήματά ἐστιν· ὑπῆρξε δὲ ἡ φωνὴ πάντων μιμητικών τατον τῶν μορίων ἡμῖν διὸ καὶ αἱ τέχναι συνέστησαν, ἥ τε ῥαψῳδία καὶ ἡ ὑποκριτικὴ καὶ αἱ ἄλλαι. It was, however, as Schleiermacher justly observes (Anmerkungen zu Platons Staat, p. 543), not of art absolutely that Plato was speaking, but only of its moral effects ; for doubtless Plato himself would have been most willing to assent to a definition of art which made it an approximation to or copy of the idea of the beautiful (comp. Plat. Resp. VI. p. 484 C) ; and this is only Aristotle's opinion expressed in other words. Von Raumer truly remarks in the essay above quoted, p. 118, "The πapádelyμa (Poet. XV. 11, XXVI. 28), which Aristotle often designates as the object to be aimed at, is nothing but that which is now-a- days called the ' ideal, ' and by which is understood the most utter opposite of a pedantic imitation." Herder also was fully aware that although Plato contradicts Aristotle in regard to the Dithyramb, he was speaking in quite a different connexion, " in ganz anderer Verbindung" (Werke z. schön. Lit. u. Kunst. II. p. 86) . We may add, that our definition of μlun- ois as a synonym for " art," which has also been given in direct terms by Müller (Handb. der Archäol. beginn. ), " Die Kunst ist eine Darstellung (uiunots) d. h. eine Thätigkeit durch welche ein Innerliches äusserlich wird," "Art is a representation (uiunois), i. e. an energy by means of which a subject becomes an object" (comp. Dorians, IV. ch. 7, § 12), is the best way of explaining the pleasure which we derive from the efforts of the fancy and imagination, which, as has been very justly observed, is always much greater when "the allusion is from the material world to the intellectual, than when it is from the intellectual world to the material" (Stewart's Elements ofthe Philosophy of the Mind, I. p. 306) . 6 THE RELIGIOUS ORIGIN OF THE GREEK DRAMA. employ. Yet we find that native art was, strictly speaking, nonexistent among them. The few symbols which they employed in their early days were borrowed from Egypt or Chaldæa ; and when, in the most flourishing epoch of their monarchy, their powerful and wealthy king wished to build a temple to the true God, he was obliged to call in the aid of his idolatrous neighbours the Tyrians¹ . Nay more, it would not be fanciful to connect the subsequent idolatry of Solomon with his patronage of the fine arts. It is remarkable, too, that the first trace of a dramatic tendency in the lyric poetry of the Israelites is visible in an idyll attributed to the same prince. And far as the book of Job is from any dramatic intention, the dialogues of which it mainly consists must be added to the many proofs which have been adduced of the comparatively modern date, and foreign origin, of that didactic poem². Even the incomplete metrical system of the Hebrews, as compared with the wonderful variety and perfection of Greek prosody, must be regarded as furnishing supplementary evidence of the inartificial character and antimimetic tendencies of the early inhabitants of Palestine. So also in modern times, long after the drama had ceased to exhibit any traces of its original connexion with the rites of a heathen worship, and when it was looked upon merely as a branch of literature, or as an elegant pastime, in proportion as Christian nations adhered to or abhorred the sensual rites which the Church of Rome borrowed from heathendom, when it assembled its priest-ridden votaries within the newly-consecrated walls of a profane Basilica,-in the same proportion the drama throve or declined, and, in this country, either inflicted vengeance on the hapless author of a Histriomastix, or concealed its flaunting robes from the austere indignation of Smectymnuus. To return, however, to the more immediate influences of polytheism and idolatry on the origination of the ancient drama, we observe that the dramatic art, wherever it has existed as a genuine product of the soil, has always been connected in its origin with the religious rites of an elementary worship³ ; that is, with those enthusiastic orgies which spring from a personification of the powers 1 I Kings vii . 13. 2 Ewald, poetisch. Bücher des alten Bundes, III . p. 63. In connexion with the Phallic rites of Hindostan and Greece, we may mention that in the South Sea Islands, at the time of Cook's second voyage, a birth was represented on the stage. See Süvern über Aristoph. Wolken, p. 63, note 6. THE RELIGIOUS ORIGIN OF THE GREEK DRAMA. 7 of nature. This was the case in India¹, and in those parts of Italy where scenic entertainments existed before the introduction of the Greek drama. But in Greece this was so, not only in the beginning, but as long as the stage existed ; and the circumstance, which gave to the Attic drama its chief strength and its highest charms, was its continued connexion with, the state-worship of Bacchus, in which both Tragedy and Comedy took their rise. We must not allow ourselves to be misled by our knowledge of the fact that the drama of modern Europe, though derived from that of ancient Greece, exhibits no trace of its religious origin. The element which originally constituted its whole essence has been overwhelmed and superseded by the more powerful ingredients which have been introduced into it by the continually diverging tastes of succeeding generations, till it has at length become nothing but a walking novel or a speaking jest-book. The plays of Shakspeare and Calderon (with the exception, of course, of the Autos Sacramentales of the latter) are dramatic reproductions of the prose romances of the day, with the omission of the religious element which they owed to the monks², just as the Tragedies of Eschylus and Sophocles would have been mere epic dramas, had they broken the bonds which connected them with the elementary worship of Attica. But this disruption never took place. In ancient Greece the drama retained to the last the character which it originally possessed. The theatrical representations at Athens, even in the days of Sophocles and Aristophanes, were constituent parts of a religious festival ; the theatre in which they were performed was sacred to Bacchus, and the worship of the god was always as much regarded as the amusement of the sovran people. 1 "Like that of the Greeks, the Hindu drama was derived from, and formed part of, their religious ceremonies. " Quarterly Rev. No. 89, p. 39. The comparative antiquity of the Greek and Indian drama is regarded very differently by the most eminent orientalists. For while Weber thinks it " not improbable that even the use of the Hindoo drama was influenced by the performance of the Greek dramas at the courts of Greek kings" (Indische Skizzen, p. 28), Lassen will not allow such an origin of the Indian drama, which he considers to be of native growth ( Indische Alterthums- kunde, II. p. 1157). Even supposing however that the Indian drama was as old as the time of Asoka II. ( Asiat. Res. xx. p. 50 ; Lassen, II. p. 502) , it is admitted (Lassen, I. 616, 625 ; II. 507) that Krishna, who stood in intimate connexion with the origin of the Hindoo theatre, was specially worshipped in the Saurasenic or eastern district (Arrian, Ind. VIII. 5) , and there is every reason to believe that he was an imported deity ; so that the Indian stage, even if aboriginal, may have derived its most charac teristic features from the Greek. Malone's Shakspeare, Vol. III. pp. 8 sqq.; Lessing, Geschichte der Engl. Schau bühne (Werke, XV. 209). 8ස THE RELIGIOUS ORIGIN OF THE GREEK DRAMA. This is a fact which cannot be too strongly impressed upon the. student : if he does not keep this continually in view, he will be likely to confound the Athenian stage with that of his own time and country, and will misunderstand and wonder at many things which under this point of view are neither remarkable nor unintelligible. How apt we all are to look at the manners of ancient times through the false medium of our every-day associations ! how difficult we find it to strip our thoughts of their modern garb, and to escape from the thick atmosphere of prejudice in which custom and habit have enveloped us ! and yet, unless we take a comprehensive and extended view of the objects of archæological speculation, unless we can look upon ancient customs with the eyes of the ancients, unless we can transport ourselves in the spirit to other lands and other times, and sun ourselves in the clear light of bygone days, all our conceptions of what was done by the men who have long ceased to be, must be dim, uncertain, and unsatisfactory, and all our reproductions as soulless and uninstructive as the scattered fragments of a broken statue¹. These remarks are particularly applicable to the Greek stage. For in proportion to the perfection of the extant specimens of ancient art in any department, are our misconceptions of the difference between their and our use of these excellent works. We feel the beauty of the remaining Greek dramas, and are unwilling to believe that productions as exquisite as the most elaborate compositions of our own playwrights should not have been, as ours were, exhibited for their own sake. But this was far from being the case. The susceptible Athenian, - whose land was the dwelling-place of gods and ancestral heroes², - to whom the clear blue sky, the swift-winged breezes , the river fountains, the Ægean gay with its countless smiles, and the teeming earths from which he believed his ancestors were immediately created, were alike instinct with an all-pervading spirit of divinity ; -the Athenian, who loved the beautiful, but loved it because it was divine, —who looked upon all that genius could invent, or art execute, as but the less unworthy offering to his pantheism¹ ; and 1 See some good remarks on this subject in Niebuhr's Kleine Schriften, Vol. I. p. 92, and in his letter to Count Adam Moltke (Lebensn. Vol. II. p. 91). 2 Hegesias ap. Strab. IX. p. 396. 3 Esch. Prom. V. 87—90. 4 Mr. Grote remarks (Hist. of Greece, VIII. p. 444), with special reference to the Athenian drama, that "there was no manner of employing wealth, which seemed so appropriate to Grecian feeling, or tended so much to procure influence and popularity THE RELIGIOUS ORIGIN OF THE GREEK DRAMA. 9 considered all his festivals and all his amusements as only a means of withdrawing the soul from the world's business, and turning it to the love and worship of God¹ , how could he keep back from the object of his adoration the fairest and best of his works ? We shall make the permanent religious reference of the Greek drama more clear, by showing with some minuteness how it gradually evolved itself from religious rites universally prevalent, and by pointing out by what routes its different elements converged, till they became united in one harmonious whole of " stateliest and most regal argument2." The dramatic element in the religion of ancient Greece manifested itself most prominently in the connected worship of Apollo, Demeter, and Dionysus. Thus at Delphi, the main seat of the Dorian worship of Apollo, the combat with the serpent, and the flight and expiation of the victorious son of Latona, were made the subject of a representation almost theatrical³. And Clemens Alexandrinus tells us that Eleusis represented by torch-light the rape of Proserpine, and the wanderings and grief of her mother Demeter, in a sort of mystic drama . Dionysus, who was worshipped both at Eleusis and at Delphi , was personated by the handsomest young men who could be found, in a mimic ceremony at the Athenian Anthesteria, which represented his betrothal to the wife of the King Archon ; and there were other occasions, quite unconnected with theatrical exhibitions, in which the Bacchic mythology was made the subject of direct imitation '. But it was not in these forms of worship that the Attic drama immediately originated, however much it may have been connected with them in spirit. The almost antagonistic materials of Dorian and oriental mythology had to seek their common ground, and the lyric chorus of the Dorians had to combine itself with the epos of the Ionian rhapsode, to its possessors, as that of contributing to enhance the magnificence of the national and religious festivals. " 1 Strabo, x. p. 467 : ἥ τε γὰρ ἄνεσις τὸν νοῦν ἀπάγει ἀπὸ τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων ἀσχολη μάτων, τὸν δὲ ὄντως νοῦν τρέπει πρὸς τὸ θεῖον. 2 Milton's Prose Works, p. 101 . 3 Plutarch, Quæst. Gr. II. p. 202, Wyttenb.; De Defect. Orac. II. pp. 710, 723, Wyttenb. 4 Cohort. ad Gentes, p. 12 , Potter. 5 Plut. de EI Delphico, p. 591 , Wyttenb.: τὸν Διόνυσον, ᾧ τῶν Δελφῶν οὐδὲν ἧττον ἢ τῷ ᾿Απόλλωνι μέτεστιν, 6 Demosth. in Near. pp. 1369, 70 ; Plutarch, Nic. c. 3. 7 Plutarch, Quæst. Gr. II. p. 228, Wyttenb. 10 THE RELIGIOUS ORIGIN OF THE GREEK DRAMA.` before such a phenomenon as the full-grown Tragedy of Æschylus could become possible. We see these ingredients standing side by side, like oil and vinegar, and not perfectly fused¹, in the first Attic tragedy which we open. It is the business of the following pages to point out how they came together. In order to do this in a satisfactory manner, we must constantly bear in mind the important statement of Aristotle , that " both Tragedy and Comedy originated in a rude and unpremeditated manner ; the first from the leaders of the Dithyrambs, and the second from those who led off the Phallic songs. " To reconcile all our scattered information on the subject with this distinct and categorical account of the beginning of the Greek drama, we must in the first place confine ourselves to Tragedy. We must see how the solemn choral poetry of the Dorians admitted of a union with the boisterous Dithyramb, which belonged to the orgiastic worship of an exotic divinity. And, we must inquire how the leaders of this lyrical and Dorized Dithyramb became the vehicles of the dramatic dialogues in which the Tragedy of Athens carried on the development of its epic plots. We shall then be able without much difficulty to consider the case of Comedy, which exhibited in its older form the unmitigated ingredients of the noisy Phallic Comus. The following, therefore, will be the natural succession of the topics, to which we are invited by an inquiry into the origin of the Greek drama. As its first beginnings are to be sought in a form of religious worship, we must endeavour to ascertain at starting what was the nature of the system which gave rise to a ceremonial capable of dramatic representation. It has been mentioned generally that the religion, which produced the drama, is essentially connected with the worship of the elements, and that the Greek drama in particular manifests itself in the cognate worship of Apollo, Demeter, and Dionysus. It will therefore be our first business to show that the Greek worship of these deities was implicitly capable of producing, and in fact did produce, both the solemn chorus ofTragedy, and the Phallic extravagances of the old Comedy of Athens. As however this comic drama, though expressing more 1 Eschyl. Agam. 322: Ὄξος τ᾽ ἄλειφά τ᾽ ἐγχέας ταὐτῷ κύτει, Διχοστατοῦντ᾽ ἄν, οὐ φίλω, προσεννέποις. 2 Poet. c. IV.; below, Part II. THE RELIGIOUS ORIGIN OF THE GREEK DRAMA. 11 plainly than Tragedy the original form and the genuine spirit of the religion of Bacchus, borrowed its theatrical attire from the completed Tragedy of Eschylus, we must trace the development both of the tragic chorus and of the tragic dialogue before we can speak of Athenian Comedy and its varieties ; and we shall find that the latest form of ancient Comedy, while it approximates to the drama of modern Europe, in the machinery of its plot and incidents, derives its leading characteristics from the last of the great tragedians, and not only discards all allusions to the Phallic origin of the Comus, but even evades a direct reference to the religious festivals with which it was formally connected. Accordingly, the order, in which we propose to treat the subject, will both exhaust the materials at our disposal, without incurring a risk of repetition, and will present the facts connected with the growth of the Greek drama in the legitimate order of cause and effect, and in accordance with the laws of their historical development. CHAPTER II. THE CONNECTED WORSHIP OF DIONYSUS, DEMETER AND APOLLO. δεῦτ᾽ ἐν χορόν, Ολύμπιοι, ἔπι τε κλυτὰν πέμπετε χάριν, θεοί . PINDAR. WHWHATEVER opinion may be entertained respecting the indigenous character of other Greek deities, there cannot be the slightest doubt that the worship of Dionysus or Bacchus was of oriental origin , and that it was introduced into Greece by the Phoenicians, who, together with the priceless gift of the Semitic alphabet, imparted to the Pelasgian inhabitants of the Mediterranean coasts a knowledge of those forms of elementary worship which were more or less common to the natives of Canaan and Egypt. The mythical founder of Thebes, the Phoenician Cadmus, is connected with both of these innovations. For while he directly teaches the use of letters ', it is his daughter Semele, who, according to the tradition, in B. C. 1544 gives birth to Dionysus, the Theban wine-god '. The genealogy of Cadmus connects him not only with Phoenicia, but also with Egypt, Libya, Cilicia, and Crete³. And the historical interpretation of the legend is simply 1 Herod. v. 58 ; Diod. III . 67, v. 57 ; Plin. H. N. VII. 56. 2 Herod. II. 145. According to Herodotus, II. 49, Cadmus himself was a wor- shipper of Dionysus, and taught this religion to Melampus. 3 The pedigree is as follows (Creuzer, Symbol. IV. p. 8) : Agenor, son of Neptune and Libya, in Phoenicia.. Cadmus.. Harmonia. Phoenix. Polydorus. Semele. Autonoe. Agave. Ino. Telephassa. Cilix. Europa. Jupiter. Dionysus. CONNECTED WORSHIP OF DIONYSUS, DEMETER AND APOLLO. 13 this, that the Phoenician navigators, who visited every part of the Mediterranean, carrying their commerce and their language to the distant regions of Spain and Britain, succeeded, after some opposition, in establishing their own worship on the main land of northern Greece about the middle of the sixteenth century before our æra. In order that we may understand the true and original character of a religion, which the plastic fancy and eclectic liberalism of the Greeks modified by an intermixture of heterogeneous elements, it will be necessary to consider the forms of faith and worship, which were cultivated by the Phoenicians and other Semitic tribes in the country from which they set forth on their voyages for the purposes of commerce or colonisation. Among the Semitic nations , as in all the most ancient communities of men, the Sun and Moon were the primary objects of adoration¹. The Sun, on account of his greater power and brightness², was worshipped as a male divinity under some one of the names Bel or Baal, and Melek, Molech, Moloch, Milkom, or Malchan, signifying " Lord " or " King" respectively³. The Moon, with her weaker light and the humidity which accompanied the period of her reign, was regarded as a female deity , and worshipped as Asherah, the goddess of prosperity , or Astarte, the bright star of heaven®. Each of these deities had its cheerful, as well as its gloomy aspect. The Sun, which ripens the fruit, also burns up vegetation. He is the god not only of generation but also of destruction. The Moon, which gives the fertilizing 1 The attributes and worship of these Semitic deities have been well discussed by F. W. Ghillany, die Menschenopfer der alten Hebräer, Nürnberg, 1842, pp. 118 sqq. See also F. Nork, Biblische Mythologie, Stuttgardt, 1842 , Vol. 1. pp. 12-137. 2 Macrob. Saturn. I. 21, 12 : significantes hunc deum solem esse, regalique potestate sublimem cuncta despicere, quia solem Jovis oculum appellat antiquitas. 3 See New Cratylus, § 479. That the sun-god was a king was an idea familiar to the Greeks also. Thus Eschylus, Persœ, 228 : rîλe πpòs dvoµaîs åvaктos ' Hλiov φθινασμάτων. 4 Plutarch, Is. et Os. c. 53 ; Macrob. Sat. I. 17, 53. 5 from “ to be happy,” =ǹ μakapla. Fuerst, however (Handwörterb. I. p. 155), renders it socia, conjux, i . e. of Baal, as the Phoenician D (Osir) “the husband, " is an epithet of the male god. ¤ Gesenius, Thesaur. p. 1083 : " nil fere dubito quin ny idem sit quod A , stella, κar' ¿žoxýv stella Veneris, ita ut ' Aorpoάpx?, quomodo Astarte appellatur (Herodian. 5, 6, 8 10), etymon bene referat." That Astarte was the Moon is distinctly stated by Lucian, de dea Syria, 4 : 'Aσrápтnv dè ¿yw dokéw Zeλnvainv čuμevai. And this is shown by her representation as a horned goddess : see the passages quoted by Gesenius, l. c. 14 THE CONNECTED WORSHIP OF DIONYSUS, dew, is also the goddess of the dark hours of night from which she regularly withdraws from time to time her silver light. This division of attributes favoured the introduction of the other planets (for the Sun and Moon were classed with the planets) into the cycle of the deities to be worshipped. In his benignant aspect the Sun was occasionally represented by Jupiter ' ; as a malignant god he was generally superseded by Saturn ', though Mars assumed some of his functions as hostile to the human race³. On the other hand, Astarte was as often represented by the planet Venus as by the Moon . If Mercury played any part at all it was as a subordinate and inferior manifestation of goodness . In their supposed order of distance from the earth, the seven so-called planets were arranged as follows : Saturn, the most distant, Jupiter, Mars, the Sun, Venus, Mercury, the Moon. And assigning each of the 24 hours of the day and the night to a repeated series of the planets in this order, they found that if the first hour of a particular day was assigned to Saturn, the first hour of the following day would belong to the Sun, of the next day to the Moon, and so on in the order preserved to our times by the names of the days of the week . According to the Semitic mode of viewing the supremacy of the distant and gloomy Saturn, the seventh and last day was consecrated to him", and when it was discovered that the number six was a perfect number, it was inferred that no other period could be assigned to the creation of all things under his auspices . On the seventh day therefore the 1 Phaethon was both Jupiter and the Sun. Cf. Cic. de Nat. Deor. II. 20 ; Athen- æus, VII. p. 326 B ; Horat. 2 Carm. XVII. 22 ; te Jovis impio tutela Saturno refulgens eripuit. Cf. Jul. Firmicus, p. 328. This opposition between Jove and Saturn is pre- served in our adjectives “ Jovial ” and “ Saturnine, ” derived from the Neo- Platonic school.

  • Propert. IV. 1, 84 ; Lucan, 1. 650 ; Tac. Hist. v. 4 ; Juv. VI. 569 ; Manetho, III.

245 : Κρόνου βλαβεραύγεος ἀστήρ. 3 Ovid, Am. I. 8, 29 : stella tibi oppositi nocuit contraria Martis. 4 Cicero, de Natur. Deor. III. 23 ; Phil. Bybl. ap. Euseb. Præp. Evang. I. 10 ; Theodoret, III. Reg. Quæst. 50 ; Augustin, Qu. in Jud. VII. ; Suidas, s. v. ' Aoráprn. 5 Mercury is regarded as the messenger of the supreme deity, because he is nearest to the Sun and of equal apparent velocity (Cicero, de Natur. Deor. II. 20 ad fin.; Tim. c. 9, p. 505 ; de Rep. VI. 17, § 17) . He was often identified with Apollo ( Macrob. I. 19, 16) or with the Sun (ibid. 8). 6 Dio Cassius, XXXVII. 19, p. 137, Bekker. The passage is translated at length in the Philol. Mus. I. pp. 2, 3. 7 Creuzer, Symbol. II. p. 186. We find the same number sacred to Apollo and Dionysus, who are other forms of the sun-god ; Creuzer, 1. 1. IV. p. 117. It seems clear that in the opinion of Plato, who echoed Pythagorean and Hera- cleitean theories more immediately derived from the last, the leîov yevvntov, or the DEMETER AND APOLLO. 15 priests clothed in black made an offering to Saturn in his black six-sided temple¹ . Similar offerings were made to the planets Mars and Jupiter on the third and fifth days of the week. But although these specialities of planetary worship appeared in the religious systems of most of the Semitic tribes, these nations were always ready to fall back on the general worship of the Sun and the Moon, the latter being also regarded as the goddess of the Earth ; and while the former presided over all the modifications of the rites sacred to Baal or Moloch, the latter appears as his correlative in all that was either savage or lascivious in his peculiar worship. As a malignant deity, or more specifically as Moloch, the sungod is tauriform² and is appeased by the offering of human victims³. In the same capacity his sister deity, whether representing the Moon or the Earth, has the head of a cow , and is always connected, in the oldest forms of her worship, with the same horrid rites. It is very interesting to trace this Semitic development of the idea that the Divine Being is wroth with man and is best appeased with the blood of his noblest creature, as it spreads itself along the Mediterranean till it is checked every where by the purer humanity and juster sentiments of the Greeks . Both in Palestine and at Carthage Moloch was represented by a metal figure either human with a bull's head or entirely bovine, in which the human victims, generally children, were burnt alive . There can be no doubt that the brazen bull of Phalaris at Agrigentum was a remnant of Carthaginian or Phoenician worship established there , and that the burning of human victims, inaugurated by Perillus, was due rather to the Semitic worship than to the arbitrary cruelty of a tyrant, whose name, though treated with living world (de Anim. Procr. in Tim. 10170, p. 142, Wyttenb. ), was indicated by a period which was represented by the perfect number 6, the human creation, or the state, being represented by a series of arithmetical_calculations based on this (Plat. Resp. p. 546 ; see our interpretation of the passage, Trans. ofPhilol. Soc. Vol. 1. No. 8) . 1 Gesenius, Commentar. über d. Jesaia, II. p. 344. 2 Macrobius, Saturnal. I. 21 , § 20. 3 Kenrick, Phoenicia, pp. 315 sqq.

  • See the figure in Gesenius, Thesaurus, p. 1083, and comp. New Cratylus, § 470.

5 Creuzer, Symbol. II. 447. 6 See the passage quoted from B. Jarchi, ad Jer. VII . 31 , by Winer, Realwörterb. s. v. Molech; the well- known description in Diodor. Sic. XX. 14 ; and the passage translated from Jalkut in Hyde, Hist. Rel . Vet. Pers. p . 132. 7 See J. E. Ebert, Zukeλ. I. 1 , pp. 41-106 , quoted by Creuzer, Symbol. II. p. 447 ; and Ghillany, Menschenopf. p. 226. 16 THE CONNECTED WORSHIP OF DIONYSUS, abhorrence by Pindar¹, is perhaps as mythical as that of Busiris2. The fact that this bull was afterwards recognized at Carthage clearly proves its Semitic origin and religious use³ . The rescue of Athens from the worshippers of Moloch in Crete is described mythically as the slaying by Theseus of an ox-headed Minotaur, to whom the Athenians were obliged to send every nine years a tribute of seven youths and seven maidens, the sacred number of the Semitic Saturn¹. Hercules similarly liberates the Italians from their thraldom to the semi-taurine5 Cacus, who murdered men in a cave or grotto corresponding to the Cretan labyrinth . The man of brass called Talos, who haunted both Crete and Sardinia, and slew strangers in his red-hot embraces, is another form of the image of Moloch . Nor was the female goddess without her share in these homicidal rites. The Europa or broad-faced moon, who is borne on the back of a bull to the Minotaur's island Crete, is the same deity as the "Αρτεμις Ταυροπόλη of the coasts of the Euxine to whom strangers were sacrificed. The interrupted sacrifice of Iphigenia points to the prevalence of such a rite in her worship. And the name ' Opewoía, or ' Opola, which was given to this goddess in Lemnos and elsewhere, undoubtedly referred to the loud wailings of her victims , for which the floggings of the Spartan youth were a sort of compromise⁹. 1 Pyth. I. 95 : τὸν δὲ ταύρῳ χαλκέῳ καυτῆρα νηλέα νόον ἐχθρὰ Φάλαριν κατέχει παντᾶ φάτις, where he is contrasted with the φιλόφρων ἀρετά of Croesus. 8 2 The tradition that Phalaris feasted on children (Aristot. Eth. Nic. VII. 5, § 2) clearly identifies him with Moloch. It is not improbable that even the name Paλapis may be connected with the Bacchic attributes Paλýs and Þáλλos (i. e. with the Semitic and ), and that he is merely himself a representative of the Acóvvoos TaupoKépws. If so, it will be a curious reflection that historical criticism arose in a controversy respecting the authenticity of some highly rhetorical epistles in Attic Greek attributed to this imaginary personage ! 3 See Cicero, in Verrem, IV. 33. 4 That the Minotaur was an object of worship is clear from the representation on a vase, which exhibits the monster as about to sacrifice the seven Athenian maidens on an altar (Böttiger, Ideen zur Kunstmyth. Taf. v. ) . The names of Pasiphae, the mother, and Ariadne- Aridela (' Apiðýλav, Tǹv ’ Apiádvηv Kρnres, Hesych. ), the sister of the Minotaur, point to his true character as a form of the Sun-god. 5 Virgil (Æn. VIII. 192) merely calls him Semihomo, but we may supply the other half by a reference to Ovid's description of the Minotaur as Semibovemque virum semi- virumque bovem (2 Ar. Am. v. 23). 6 When he is called the son of Vulcan, and is said to breathe forth fire, the refer- ence is no doubt to the brazen statue of Moloch, 7 Apollod. 1. 9, § 26. 8 Kenrick, On Herodotus, II. 44. 9 Creuzer, Symbol . II . 528. DEMETER AND APOLLO. 17 Now it appears that Dionysus or Bacchus, the latter name and its synonym Iacchus referring to the outcries attending his worship, first appeared to the Greeks as a tauriform sun-god appeased by human victims '. As late as the classical days of the Greek drama it was customary to address him as appearing in the shape of a bull, or at least with the horns of that animal . And many of his epithets pointed to the human blood which was shed at his altars. He was called 'Ωμάδιος οι Ωμοφάγος, because he had human sacrifices at Chios, Lesbos, and Tenedos³, and his name Zaypeús is best explained by a similar reference . Persian prisoners were solemnly offered up to him on the day before the battle of Salamis . The Delphic oracle sanctioned the yearly sacrifice at Potniæ in Bœotia of a beautiful boy to Dionysus, until, as in the story of Iphigenia, a kid was substituted for the victim . At the feast called Σkiépeia, a scourging of women took the place of the human sacrifice to Dionysus at Alea in Arcadia, in the same way as the boys were whipped rather than slain in honour of Artemis Orthosia". The Semitic sun-god and his Greek representative Dionysus were not only worshipped under the form of a wrathful and cruel Moloch, to whom the blood of human victims was an acceptable and even necessary offering. He appeared also as the god of generation and reproduction, as the cause both of human life, and of that annual growth of the fruits of the earth , by which human life 1 See the passages quoted by Ghillany, Menschenopf. p. 225. 2 In the Baccha of Euripides ( 1008) the chorus says to the god: pávηli Taûpos, and we have in 1149 : ταῦρον προηγητῆρα συμφορᾶς ἔχων. In the festival of Dionysus of Elis, he was greeted as die Taupe, and invited to come Boéw Todi, i.e. with a blessing (Creuzer, Symbolik, II. p. 204, IV. p. 56) ; and similarly he is bidden to approach Kalapoly Todi in Sophocles, Antig. 1143. The authority for the Elean usage is Plutarch, Qu. Gr. XXXVI., who gives the hymn addressed to Bacchus by the Elean women as follows : ἐλθεῖν ἥρω Διόνυσε ἅλιον ἐς ναὸν ἁγνὸν σὺν Χαρίτεσσιν ἐς ναὸν τῷ βοέῳ ποδὶ θύων· εἶτα δὶς ἐπᾴδουσιν· ἄξιε ταῦρε. He adds the question, πότερον ὅτι καὶ βουγενῆ προσαγορεύουσιν καὶ ταῦρον τὸν θεόν. Euripides defines Bacchus as ταυρόκερως θεός (Bacch. 10ο) : and he was also called ταυρόμορφος, βούκερως, κερασφόρος, κεραTODUŃS, XpVσbXEρws, and the like. See on this subject F. Streber's elaborate paper, Ueber den Stier mit dem Menschengesichte auf dem Munzen von Unteritalien und Sicilien, Munich Transactions for 1837, II. pp. 453 sqq. 3 Porphyr. de Abst. II. 55. 4 Creuzer, Symbol. IV. pp. 96 sqq. 5 Plutarch, Themist. c. 13. 6 Pausan. IX. 8. 7 Id. VIII. 23. 8 With reference to the functions of Dionysus as the god of all ripe fruits, Plato calls the yevvala ỏπúpa, or fruits which may be eaten from the trees, as distinguished from the dypoîkos oπúpa, or fruits intended for ulterior applications, by the somewhat strange designation of παιδιά (not παιδεία) Διονυσιὰς ἀθησαύριστος (Legg. 844 D). Hence Bacchus is called devopirns ; Plut. Qu. Sympos. p. 675 F ; Athen. III. 78 B. D. T. G. 2 18 THE CONNECTED WORSHIP OF DIONYSUS, was sustained, above all, as the giver of the grape, which made glad the heart of man, and stimulated him to all that was pleasant and joyous. In this capacity, he was worshipped in his Semitic home as Baal-Peor¹ ; in Byblus, and other Semitic cities, he bore the name of Adonis ; and the Jews called him also Thammuz, from the name of the month July, in which his worship, as that of the glowing and triumphant Sun, was more especially celebrated³. In some parts of Asia Minor the Sun, as the fructifying principle, was worshipped as Priapus*, and though this deity was really another form of Dionysus, one of the mythological legends made him the son of Venus, and a doubtful father, either Dionysus or Adonis . In Palestine, and wherever it appeared, the worship of Baal-Peor was accompanied by frightful immoralities , and there is every reason to believe that the pure and divine religion of the Jews, which denounced the inhuman rites of Moloch, was based on a still more formal repudiation of the worship of a deity, for whose name the Israelites indignantly substituted the word Bosheth, signifying " shame ." The sun-god, as the giver of life, was represented under the more decent type of a serpent ; but the revolting emblem of the Phallus was openly displayed in every country to which this form of religion had penetrated" ; it was a necessary accompaniment of the rural feast of Bacchus in Attica 10 ; till the last century it existed in all its most repulsive features in the heart of 1 רֹעוְּפ לַעַּב or i only (Numbers xxv. 1 sqq., xxxi. 16 ; Josh. xxii. 17) . The name is represented by the Fathers as Beeλpaywp or Belphegor (Etym. M. ad v.; Hieron. in Os. c. 9). 2 Creuzer, Symb. II. pp. 472 sqq. The name is the common Semitic expression for "my Lord, " and is therefore nearly synonymous with Baal. 3 Ezek. viii. 14. 5 Schol. Apoll. Rh. 1. 932. 6 Creuzer, Symbol. II. 411 . 4 Lobeck, Aglaophamus, p. 499. 7e.g. Hosea ix. 10, " They went to Baal- Peor and separated themselves unto that shame, and their abominations were according as they loved. " 8 For the serpent as the Orphic first principle, see Creuzer, Symbol . II . 224; IV. 83, 85; for its use as a symbol of Saturn or Moloch, see Creuzer, ibid. III. 69 ; for its use in the worship of Bacchus and along with the Phallus, see Creuzer, ibid. IV. 137 ; Gerhard, Anthesterien, pp. 158, 160. It was, in fact, a type of the Agathodæmon (Creuzer, IV. p. 55), an Egyptian symbol (Lampridius, Heliogabal. 28), as such adopted by the Israelites (Numb. xxi. 8) . Justin Martyr says rather too generally (Apol. I. 27, p. 71 Α) : παρὰ παντὶ τῶν νομιζομένων παρ' ὑμῖν θεῶν ὄφις σύμβολον μέγα καὶ μυστή plov åvaɣpáperai, but from the context he seems to have understood its meaning. 9 See e.g. Herod. II . 48. That these figures existed in Palestine may be inferred from 1 Kings xiv. 23 ; 2 Kings xvii. 10, xxiii . 14 ; Hos. x. 1. For this worship in Italy, see Plin. H. N. xxvIII. 4, 7 ; August. Civ. Dei, VII. 21 , 24, 2 ; Arnob. IV. 7. 10 See e. g. Aristoph. Acharn. 243 . DEMETER AND APOLLO. 19 Christian Italy ' ; and the oldest traditions derive the indecency of this adoration of the reproductive powers of nature from the drunkenness of the vine-god and his festival2. It was as a Phallic god and as the giver of wine that Dionysus retained his place in the popular worship of ancient Greece. And in this capacity his worship connects itself indissolubly with the mysteries of Demeter and her daughter, the goddesses of the earth and of the under-world³. Generally the productiveness of the earth is regarded as the result of a marriage between the god of the sky, - whether he appears as the genial Sun or as the refreshing rain, — and the goddess, who represents the teeming earth, and weds her daughter to Plutus or Pluto, the owner of the treasures hidden below the surface of the ground, either actually, as metallic riches, or potentially, as the germs of vegetable growth . To the last, this was the leading characteristic of the old Athenian worship of Dionysus, and his spring festival, the Anthesteria, was accompanied by mystic solemnities, pointing at once to this ideal of his religion, and to its Semitic origin . At this festival the mysteries were entrusted to the wife of the king Archon, and to fourteen priestesses called yépaipai, whose number is that of the victims sent to the Minotaur, and is obviously Semitic . As the representative of the State, and as symbolizing the virgin daughter of Demeter, who returned to earth in the spring, the king Archon's wife was solemnly espoused to Dionysus ', just as conversely the 1 At Isernia, one of the most ancient cities in the kingdom of Naples, situated in the Contado di Molise. It was destroyed by an earthquake in 1805, a judgment, as some might think , for this iniquity. 2 Compare Tzetzes, Chiliad. VIII. 211 : Τοῦ οἰνουργίας εὑρετοῦ, φημί, τοῦ Αἰγυπτίου Τοῦ Νῶς καὶ Οσίριδος with the tradition preserved by Berosus respecting the Phallic worship introduced by Ham: " hic est ille Belphegor" (says Cornelius Agrippa, Opp. II. p. 63) , " idolum omnium antiquissimum, quod et Chamos dictum est, a Chamo filio Noe, qui, teste Beroso, idcirco Esenna cognominatus est, hoc est, impudicus sive ignominiosus propa- gator. ' 3 This subject has been recently discussed by Gerhard, über die Anthesterien und das Verhältniss der attischen Dionysos zum Koradienst, Berlin, 1858. 4 Petersen, geh. Gottesd. b. d. Griech. 1848, p. 17. 5 The principal passage for this ceremonial is in the speech against Neæra, attri- buted to Demosthenes, p. 1370. 6 Servius, ad Æneid. VI. 21 , Müller, Dor. 1. 2, 2, § 14, recognizes the worship of Apollo, i. e. of the sun-god in the number 7, and the Ennaeteris in the period of the sacrifice. 7 It was only on the day of these espousals, the 12th of Anthesterion, that the temple was opened (Dem. in Neær. p. 1377) . 2-2 20 THE CONNECTED WORSHIP OF DIONYSUS, Venetian Doge annually married the sea, and she alone was admitted to gaze on the mysterious emblems of the god's worship, on which the welfare of the State was supposed to depend, namely, the sacred serpent and the Phallus '. It is impossible not to recognize in this usage some connexion with the story of Theseus and his Cretan expedition. For Ariadne, whom the Athenian hero carries away from Crete and leaves at Naxos, becomes the bride of Dionysus. And the fourteen victims of the Minotaur reappear in the fourteen yépaipai, and in the noble youths and maidens sacrificed to the sacred serpent of Bacchus . As Semele represents the earth , Dionysus appears not only as her son, but also as her husband ; for in his original form he is the main representative of the fructifying power of heaven. These oscillations in the persons of the sacred allegory need not create any difficulty, for the free play of fancy has combined and recombined the elements of the picture, like the changing figures of a kaleidoscope. The forms of elementary worship, in which the powers of the sky and earth were personified, and which we have thus traced from their Semitic origin, were established among the Pelasgian tribes of Greece long before the epoch called the return of the Heracleids, which marks the establishment of a Dorian, or purely Hellenic, race in the country which we call by their generic name. According to the ethnographic results which we adopt as most probable , the Dorians or Hellenes, properly so styled, were ultimately the same race as the Persians. And they had from the earliest times a sun-god of a very different character from that of the Semitic tribes. The Ormuzd of the Persians was a god of light and purity, an archer-god, the giver of victory and empire, the charioteer of heaven, or the rider of the heavenly steed5; and the Apollo of the Dorians possessed many of these attributes. But although, as an essentially warlike people, and averse from agricultural employments, which they considered the proper occupation of those whom they had conquered with the spear , 1 Gerhard, Myth. 450, 1. 2 Id. Anthester. notes 43, 44. 3 " Semele denotes the ground, not only according to Diodorus, III. 61, but also according to the certain derivation of the name, as θεμέλη, θέμεθλον (cf. ἠϋθεμέθλιος) ; Welcker, Götterlehre, I. p . 536.” Gerhard, Anthest. note 96. 4 New Cratylus, § 92. Compare Gladstone, Homeric Studies, I. pp. 545 sqq. 5 Varronianus, p. 61 , ed. 3. 6 See the spirited drinking song by Hybrias, the Cretan, Athen. p. 695 F, and cf. DEMETER AND APOLLO. 21 the Dorians were not very likely to adopt for its own sake a merely elementary worship, which is the usual idolatry of the tillers of the soil, their national deity Apollo would of course retain his traditionary position as a sun-god ; and it was quite in accordance with the usual procedure that he should supersede the corresponding divinity, whom the northern tribes found established among their Pelasgian or Achæan subjects. The Dorians, when they conquered any country, generally introduced the worship of their own gods, but they endeavoured at the same time to unite it with the religion which they found established in their settlements. Thus they adopted the elementary gods of Laconia, the Tyndaridæ, taking care, however, to give their worship a military and political reference' , so as to make it coincide with the attributes of Apollo, whose office of leader of the army was transferred to them. Similarly Apollo was made the object of the Hyacinthia, an ancient festival connected with the elementary religion of the Ægida . Now the Dorians worshipped, along with Apollo, a female form of that god, called by the same name (with of course a different termination) , invested with the same attributes, and looked upon as his sisters. This need not surprise any one who has paid ordinary attention to systematic mythology ; for we constantly find in all polytheisms sets of duplicate divinities, male and female ' . Now this is most particularly the case with those divinities who were the dpxnyéral of the different nations. Thus there was both a Romus and a Roma , a Vitellius and a Vitellia". In some instances it may be accounted for from the fact that the original division of the nation has been two-fold": and in this way we would explain the double form of the national divinity of the Dorians ; for it appears to us that they were not always Isocr. Panath. p. 326, Bekker : Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἀμελήσαντες γεωργιῶν καὶ τεχνῶν καὶ ἄλλων ἁπάντων. ¹ See Müller's Dorians, 11. ch. 10, § 8, and compare our remarks in the following chapter of this Book. 2 Müller's Dor. II. ch. 8, § 15. 3 For instance, if Apollo was Loxias, Artemis was Loxo, if he was Hecaergos, she was Hecaerge. See Müller's Dor. II. ch. 9, § 2, notes (u) and (x) especially. Butt- mann, Mytholog. I. p. 16. 4 See Niebuhr, Hist. Rom. 1. pp. 100, 101. And sometimes deities of doubtful sex : compare Thirlwall in the Philol. Museum, Vol. I. pp. 116, 117 ; and on the androgynous character of Bacchus, see Welcker on the Frogs of Aristophanes, p. 224. 5 Malden's Rome, p. 123. 6 Niebuhr, Hist. Rom. I. p. 14. 7 Niebuhr, I. p. 287 ; comp. 224. 22 THE CONNECTED WORSHIP OF DIONYSUS, Tρixáïnes, but that they at first consisted only of the two branches of the family of Ægimius, the Dymanes and the Pamphylians, and that the Heracleids were not till afterwards incorporated among them ' . However this may be, the fact is certain ; there were two leading divinities in the Dorian religion. Now in the elementary worship of the Pelasgians and Achæans there were also two divinities similarly related. These were the Sun and the Moon, worshipped under the related names of Helios and Selene, and by the Pelasgian old inhabitants of Italy, as well under appellations connected with the Greek, as under the names of Janus or Dianus, and Diana'. In Greece, however, the original denominations of these divinities fell into disuse at an early period, and were rather employed to designate the natural objects themselves than the celestial powers whom they were supposed to typify ; and Dionysus or Bacchus was adopted as a new name for the sun-god, and Deo or Demeter for the goddess of the Moon³. These divinities, as we have seen above, were Phoenician importations ; and, connected as they were in many of their attributes with the old elementary worship of the Pelasgians, they soon established themselves as constituent parts of that worship, and were at length blended and confused with the gods of the country. For Dionysus was the wine-god, and Deo the fertile earth from which the vine sprang up. How natural, then, was the transition from the god who gave wine to mortals, to the Sun to whose influence its growth was mainly owing ! But if he ascended from earth to heaven, it was necessary that his sister deity should go with him ; and as his bride Ariadne shone among the stars, so might Demeter, Thyone, or Semele, his mother, sister, or wife, be also translated to the Moon, and rule amid the lights of night. Indeed, Bacchus himself is sometimes represented as a night-god, and in Sophocles he is invoked as the choragus, or choir-leader, of the 1 See Müller's Dor. I. ch. 1 , § 8. 2 "Hλtos and Zeλýn are connected like λn and silva (cf. the proper name Sila, Paley, ad Propert. p. 52) ; Sol and ( Se)luna are the same words under another form . On Janus, or Dianus, see Niebuhr, Hist. Rom. 1. p. 83 ; Buttmann, Mytholog. II. p. 73 ; Döderlein, Lat. Synon. und Etym. I. p. 6. There was also a " Exaтos as well as a ' Ekáτn (see Alberti's note on Hesych. s. v. ' Ekáтolo) . Mr. Scott, of Brasenose College, Oxford, has given a further development of these principles in a very ingenious and satisfactory essay on the mythology of Io, which appeared in the Classical Museum, No. XII. 3 That Bacchus was the sun-god clearly appears from the authorities quoted by Welcker (Nachtrag zur Trilogie, p. 190). DEMETER AND APOLLO. 23 fire-breathing stars, as one celebrated by nocturnal invocations¹ . Thus Bacchus and Demeter were the representatives of those two heavenly bodies by which the husbandmen measured the returning seasons, and as such, though not immediately connected with agriculture , are invoked by the learned Virgil at the commencement of the Georgics³. They also represented the earth and its productions : but there is still another phase which they exhibit ; they were, in the third place, the presiding deities of the under-world*. This also admits of an obvious interpretation. The Greeks, as a consequence of their habit of imparting actual objective existence with will and choice to every physical cause, considered the cause of anything as also in some measure the cause of its contrary. Thus Apollo is not only the cause, but also the preventer of sudden death5 : Mars causes the madness of Ajax , he is therefore supposed to have cured the hero of his disease" ; the violent wind which raised the billows also lulls them to rest ; night, which puts an end to day, also brings the day to light ; and Bacchus, the bright and merry god, is also the superintendent of the orphic or black rites ; the god of life, he is also the god of death ; the god of light, he is also the ruling power in the nether regions ¹º . 10 The worship of Dionysus " consequently partook of the same variations as that of the sun-god whom he superseded ; and while, on the one hand, his sufferings and mischances were bewailed, on the other hand, as the god of light, wine, and generation, as the giver of life and of all that renders life cheerful, his rites were celebrated with suitable liveliness and mirth. That mimicry should enter largely into such a worship, is only what we should expect12. A religion which recognizes a divinity in the great objects 1 Antig. 1130. 3 1.5-7: 4 Herod. II. 123. 6 Soph. Aj. 179. 2 Welcker, Nachtrag, p. 191. Vos, O clarissima mundi Lumina, labentem cœlo qui ducitis annum, Liber et alma Ceres. 9 Id. Trachin. 94. called the son of Latona, 10 Herod. II. 123. 5 Müller's Dor. II. ch. 6, § 2, 3. 7 Id. ibid. 706. 8 Id. ibid. 674. For this reason, says Eustath. ad Iliad. A. p. 22, Apollo is TOUTEσTI, VUKTÓS. Conversely Horat. Carm. Sec. 10 : Alme sol, curru nitido diem qui Promis et celas. 11 It seems to us that Θυώνη or Διώνη is the feminine form of Διόνυσος, or more anciently Διώνυσος. 12 Above, p. 9. The mirror which is given to Bacchus by Vulcan is an emblem of 24 THE CONNECTED WORSHIP OF DIONYSUS, of nature, —which looks upon the Sun and Moon as visible representatives of the invisible potentates of the earth, and sky, and under-world, is essentially imitative in all its rites. The reason why such a religion should exist at all, is, as we have already shown in a general way, also a reason why the ceremonies of it should be accompanied by mimicry. The men who could consider the Sun as the visible emblem of an all- seeing power who from day to day performs his constant round, the cause of light and life ; the Moon, his sister goddess, who exercises the same functions by night ; the two though distant (exaтоi) yet always present powers (πроσтaτńρio ) ; the men who could see in the circling orbs of night "the starry nymphs who dance around the pole ; " such men, we say, would not be long in finding out some means of representing these emblems on earth. If the Sun and the ever-revolving lights were fit emblems and suggestions of a deity, the circling dance round the blazing altar was an obvious copy of the original symbols, and an equally apt representation'. The heavenly powers became gods of the earth, and it was reasonable that the co-ordinate natural causes of productiveness should also have their representatives, who would form the attendants of the personified primal causes of the same effects. The sun-god therefore, when he roamed the earth, was properly attended by the Sileni, the deities presiding over running streams² ; the goddess of the Moon by the Naiades, the corresponding female divinities ; nay, sometimes the two bands united to form one merry trains. To these Sileni were added a mixture of man and goat the mimetic character of his worship-olov Alovúrov ev katóπтpw, Plotinus, IV. 3, 12 (see the passages quoted by Creuzer in his note on p. 707, 1, 3, of his edition). 1 See the author Tepi Xupikŵv, apud Boissonade, Anecd. Gr. IV. p. 458 ; Rhein. Mus. 1833, p. 169 ; cf. note on Soph. Ant. 1113 , p. 224. Though all polytheisms are connected with the production of the mimetie arts, the modes of imitation differ with the nature of the religion. The symbols of an elementary religion are the objects of imitation ; but in a mental religion, art is called upon to produce from the ideal a visible symbol. The mimicry of action is the result of the former, the mimicry of sculpture of the latter. Hence the primitive gods, who were parts of an elementary worship, were not originally represented by statues (comp. Müller, Eumen. § 89, 90, 93). " Ye eldest gods, " says Ion, "Who in no statues of exactest form Are palpable ; who shun the azure heights Of beautiful Olympus, and the sound Of ever-young Apollo's minstrelsy. " 2 Welcker, Nachtrag, p. 214. 3 Strabo, p. 468. Talfourd's Ion, Act iii. Sc. 2. DEMETER AND APOLLO. 25 called Satyrs, who were sometimes confounded with the former, though their origin appears to have been quite different ; for while the Sileni were real divinities of an elementary religion, the Satyrs were only the deified representatives of the original worshippers ' , who probably assumed as portions of their droll costume the skin of the goat, which they had sacrificed as a welcome offering to their wine-god². Such was the religion of Bacchus as it appeared in Greece ; and there is no doubt that it was speedily accepted by the Pelasgian and Achæan tribes ; that it presented the duplicate form, which it had exhibited in its eastern home ; that the mixed religion became prevalent both within and without the Peloponnese ; and that the Dorians, having a pair of deities corresponding in many respects to those objects of elementary worship which they found established in most of the countries they subdued, very naturally adapted their own religion to the similar one already subsisting ; and that accordingly Dionysus took or maintained his place by the side of Apollo even in the Delphic worship. In addition to the circumstances which adapted the religions themselves to an amalgamation such as we find in their ultimate form, there were features in the rites of Dionysus, even in their most ancient halting-places in Crete and elsewhere, which recommended them to the martial tastes of the northern Hellenes. The dances of the Curetes and Corybantes were decidedly military³, and the Bacchic rites, at least as adopted by the Spartans, had a gymnastic character, which accorded well with the rigorous training of the female population in Laconia*. From this brief sketch it will be seen that the connexion of the worship of Dionysus, Demeter, and Apollo, in which we recognize the earliest appearances of dramatic rites , was due to the common 1 Strabo, p. 466 : τούτους γάρ τινας δαίμονας ἢ προπόλους θεῶν, κ.τ.λ. p. 471 : καὶ ὅτι οὐ πρόπολοι θεῶν μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτοὶ θεοὶ προσηγορεύθησαν. 2 Varro, de R. R. I. 2 , 18, 19 ; Virgil, Georg. II . 376-383 ; Ovid, Fast. 1. 349— 360 ; Eurip. Bacch. 138. 3 Strabo, p. 466. 4 There were races at Sparta between young women in honour of Bacchus. Hesych. : Διονυσιάδες. ἐν Σπάρτῃ παρθένοι, αἱ ἐν τοῖς Διονυσίοις δρόμον ἀγωνιζόμεναι. Pausan. III. 13, 7 : τῷ δὲ ἥρωϊ τούτῳ (Διονύσου ἡγεμόνι) πρὶν ἢ τῷ θεῷ θύουσιν αἱ Διονυσιάδες καὶ αἱ Λευκιππίδες [1. Λευκόποδες]. τὰς δὲ ἄλλας ἕνδεκα ἃς καὶ αὐτὰς Διονυ σιάδας ὀνομάζουσι, ταύταις δρόμου προτιθέασιν ἀγῶνα· δρᾶν δὲ οὕτω σφίσιν ἦλθεν ἐκ Acλpwv. Something of the same kind appears to be alluded to in Eurip. Bacch. 853 sqq.: ἆρ᾽ ἐν παννυχίοις χοροῖς θήσω ποτὲ λευκὸν πόδ᾽ ἀναβακχεύουσα. 26 THE CONNECTED WORSHIP OF DIONYSUS, &c. elements which they contained and to the readiness to adopt and appropriate the representative forms of human thought, which is universally characteristic of a plastic polytheism. We are now prepared to discuss the choral rites of the Doric Apollo, and to inquire into the circumstances under which the warlike dances of the northern Greeks came to be used in the celebration of religious solemnities consecrated to the Semitic wine-god. CHAPTER III. THE TRAGIC CHORUS.-ARION. Doch hurtig in dem Kreise ging's, Sie tanzten rechts, sie tanzten links. GÖTHE. IN N the earliest times of Greece, it was customary for the whole population of a city to meet on stated occasions and offer up thanksgivings to the gods for any great blessings, by singing hymns, and performing corresponding dances in the public places¹. This custom was first practised in the Doric states. The maintenance of military discipline was the principal object of the Dorian legislators ; all their civil and religious organisation was subservient to this ; and war or the rehearsal of war was the sole business of their lives . Under these circumstances, it was not long before the importance of music and dancing, as parts of public education, was properly appreciated : for what could be better adapted than a musical accompaniment to enable large bodies of men to keep time and act in concert ? What could be more suitable than the wardance, to familiarize the young citizen with the various postures of attack and defence, and with the evolutions of an army? Music and dancing, therefore, were cultivated at a very early period by the Cretans, the Spartans, and the other Dorians, but only for the sake of these public choruses : the preservation of military 1 This is the reason why, according to Pausan. III . II, 9, the ȧyopá at Sparta was called xopós. We are rather inclined to believe that the Chorus of Dancers got its name from the place ; xopós is only another form of x@p-os : and hence the epithet Evpúxopos which is applied to Athens (Dem. Mid. p. 531) as well as to Sparta (Athen. p. 131 0, in some anapæsts of Anaxandrides). Welcker's derivation of xopós from Xelp (Rhein. Mus. for 1834, p . 485) is altogether inadmissible. See farther, New Cra- tylus, § 280 ; Antigone, Introduction, p. xxix. 2 σтратожÉοον yàp (says an Athenian to a Cretan, Plato, Legg. II. p. 666) πoλiтelav ἔχετε ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐν ἄστεσι κατῳκηκότων. All the Dorian governments were aristocracies, and therefore necessarily warlike, as Vico has satisfactorily shown, whatever we may think of his derivation of πόλεμος from πόλις (Scienz. Nuov. Vol. II. p. 160) . 3 " We and the Spartans, ” says Clinias, “ οὐκ ἄλλην ἄν τινα δυναίμεθα ᾠδὴν ἢ ἣν ἐν τοῖς χοροῖς ἐμάθομεν ξυνήθεις ᾄδειν γενόμενοι . ” Plato, Legg. p. 666. 28 THE TRAGIC CHORUS. —ARION. discipline and the establishment of a principle of subordination, not merely the encouragement of a taste for the fine arts , were the objects which these rude legislators had in view; and though there is no doubt that religious feelings entered largely into all their thoughts and actions, yet the god whom they worshipped was a god of war¹, of music², and of civil government³, in other words, a Dorian political deity; and with these attributes his worship and the maintenance of their system were one and the same thing. This intimate connexion of religion and war among the Dorians is shown by a corresponding identity between the chorus which sang the praises of the national deity, and the army which marched to fight the national enemies. These two bodies were composed, in the former case inclusively, of the same persons ; they were drawn up in the same order, and the different parts in each were distinguished by the same names. Good dancers and good fighters were alike termed πρvées, i.e. πpo-iλées, or " men of the vanguard* ; " those whose station was in the rear of the battle array, or of the chorus, were in either case called fixeîs, or " unequipped" ; " and the evolutions of the one body were known by the same name as the figures of the other . It was likewise owing to this conviction of the importance of musical harmony, that the Dorians termed the constitution of a state-an order or regulative principle (кóσμos). πρυλέες, 1 ' ATÓλλwv-'Aπéλλw , "the defender " (Müller's Dor. II. ch. 6, § 6), who caused terror to the hostile army. Esch. Sept. c. Theb. 147. 2 He was particularly the inventor of the lyre-the original accompaniment of Choral Poetry. Pind. Pyth. v. 67 : ( Απόλλων) πόρεν τε κίθαριν δίδωσί τε Μοῖσαν οἷς ἂν ἐθέλῃ, ἀπόλεμον ἀγαγὼν ἐς πραπίδας εὐνομίαν. 3 "The belief in a fixed system of laws, of which Apollo was the executor, formed the foundation of all prophecy in his worship." Müller, Dor. II. 8, § 10. The Delphian oracle was the regulator of all the Dorian law- systems ; hence its injunctions were called éμotes, or " ordinances. " See the authorities in Müller, II. 8, § 8. 4 See Varronianus, p. 314 ; cf. Athen. XIV. p. 628 F : 80ev kal Zwkpáтns èv toîs ποιήμασι τοὺς κάλλιστα χορεύοντας ἀρίστους φησὶν εἶναι τὰ πολέμια, λέγων οὕτως Οἱ δὲ χοροῖς κάλλιστα θεοὺς τιμῶσιν, ἄριστοι Ἐν πολέμῳ· σχεδὸν γὰρ ὥσπερ ἐξοπλισία τις ἦν ἡ χορεία, κ.τ.λ. 5 Müller thinks (Götting. Gel. Anz. for 1821 , p. 1051) that they were so called, because they were not so well dressed as the front- row dancers. 6 See Müller's Dorians, B. III . c. 12, § 10 ; B. IV. c. 6, § 4. And add to the passages cited by him, Eurip. Troad. 2, 3 : Herc. Fur. 967 : ἔνθα Νηρήδων χοροὶ Κάλλιστον ἴχνος ἐξελίσσουσιν ποδός. ὁ δ᾽ ἐξελίσσων παῖδα κίονος κύκλῳ τόρευμα (1. πόρευμα) δεινὸν ποδός. THE TRAGIC CHORUS. -ARION. 29 Thus Herodotus¹ calls the constitution of Lycurgus, "the order now established among the Spartans” (τὸν νῦν κατεστεῶτα κόσμον Tоîs ΣπαρTIŃτησ ) ; Clearchus speaks of the Lacedæmonians who were prostrated in consequence of their having trodden under foot the most ancient order of their civil polity (οἳ τὸν παλαιότατον τῆς πολιτικῆς κόσμον συμπατήσαντες ἐξετραχηλίσθησαν) ; and Archidamus, in Thucydides³, tells his subjects that their good order (Tò EUKоσμov) is the reason why they are both warlike and wise ; and concludes his harangue to the allied army, when about to invade Attica, with an enforcement of the same principle¹. This description of the Chorus may suffice to show, that, being both regular and stationary, or moving only within the limits of a particular space, it was distinguished, in the latter respect, from the marching troop, which was a regular body of men in a state of progress, and in both respects from the Comus (xôμos) , which was a tumultuous procession of revellers. We find the earliest description of the stationary Chorus in Homer's " Shield of Achilles 5 , ' where, as we shall see presently, the Hyporcheme is intended ; and we have the moving or processional Chorus by the side of the Comus in Hesiod's " Shield of Hercules ." The regularity of the Chorus always necessitated a leader (eçapxos) , who was either the musician or some fugleman among the dancers, who " set the example " to the others. Thus in a dirge the chief mourner was said "to lead off the laments ; " and even the chief player in a game at 1 I. 65. 2 Ap. Athen, xv. p. 681 c. 3 I. 84. 4 Π. ΙΙ : κόσμον καὶ φυλακὴν περὶ παντὸς ποιούμενοι...... ἑνὶ κόσμῳ χρωμένους φαίνεσθαι. This word κόσμος appears to be appropriated to dancing rather than to music : καὶ γὰρ ἐν ὀρχήσει καὶ πορείᾳ καλὸν μὲν εὐσχημοσύνη καὶ κόσμος, κ.τ.λ. Athen. XIV. p. 628 D. 5 Hom. Il. XVIII . 590—606. 7 Küster, de Verb. Med. 1. 23, II. 5. 8 The following passages will show the usage of ¿¿ápxw: Iliad XVIII. 50: Ibid. 314: Ibid. 604: αἱ δὲ (Νηρηΐδες) ἅμα πᾶσαι Στήθεα πεπλήγοντο· Θέτις δ' ἐξῆρχε γοοιο. αὐτὰρ Αχαιοὶ Παννύχιοι Πάτροκλον ἀνεστενάχοντο γοῶντες. Τοῖσι δὲ Πηλείδης ἀδικοῦ ἐξῆρχε γόοιο. δοίω δὲ κυβιστητῆρε κατ᾿ αὐτοὺς Μολπῆς ἐξάρχοντες ἐδίνευον κατὰ μέσσους. To which we may add, Пl. XXIV. 720 : παρὰ δ᾽ εἶσαν ἀοιδοὺς Θρήνων ἐξάρχους οἴτε στονόεσσαν ἀοιδὴν 6 272-285. Οἱ μὲν ἄρ᾽ ἐθρήνεον, ἐπὶ δὲ στενάχοντο γυναῖκες. With which compare Il. 1. 604 ; Odyss. XXIV. 60. The simple apxew occurs in Iliad XIX. 12. Archilochus, fr. 38, Liebel. Athen. XIV. p. 628 A: 30 THE TRAGIC CHORUS. - ARION. ball is said apxeσαι μoλπns¹ ; whence it will be seen that the words μέλπεσθαι and μολπή, when used in speaking of the old Chorus, imply the regular, graceful movements of the dancers, and the Eumolpids were not singers of hymns, but dancers in the Chorus of Demeter and Dionysus2. It would appear, then, that music and dancing were the basis of the religious, political, and military organisation of the Dorian states ; and this alone might induce us to believe that the introduction of choral poetry into Greece, and the first cultivation of instrumental music, is due to them. However, particular proofs are not wanting. The strongest of these may be derived from the fact, that the Doric dialect is preserved in the lyric poetry of the other Grecian tribes. We may notice this in the choral portions of any Attic tragedy. Now it has been sufficiently shown³ that the lyric poetry of the Greeks was an offspring not of the epos, but of the chorus songs ; and if the lyric poetry of the Eolians and Ionians was always (with the exception perhaps of Corinna's Boeotian choruses) written in the Doric dialect, the choral poetry, of which it was a modification, must have been Dorian also . Nor can any argument against this supposition be derived from the fact that the most celebrated of the early lyric poets were not Dorians ; for choral dances existed among the Cretans long before the time of the earliest of these poets ; and it is no argument against the assumed origin of an art in one country, to say that it attained to Ὡς Διωνυσοῖ᾽ ἄνακτος καλὸν ἐξάρξαι μέλος Οίδα διθύραμβον οἴνῳ συγκεραυνωθεὶς φρένας. Archilochus, fr. 44, Liebel. Athen. IV. p. 180 E : Αὐτὸς ἐξάρχων πρὸς αὐλὸν Λέσβιον παιήονα " there was always See which Müller, Dor. II. 8, § 14 (note y) , mistranslates . He says : a person named égápxwv who accompanied the song on an instrument. Thus Archilochus, " &c. But ¿¿áρɣew πрòs avλóv means " to lead off the Paan, either by words or as a dancer, to the accompaniment of the flute played by another person. " Eurip. Alcest. 346 : πрòs Aíßvv λakeîv avλóv : so that Toup has rightly introduced πpòs avλóv in Athenæus, p. 447 B (Em. ad Suid. 1. p. 348) . Pausan. v. 18, 4, speaking of the chest of Cypselus, πεποίηνται δὲ καὶ ᾄδουσαι Μοῦσαι, καὶ ᾿Απόλλων ἐξάρχων τῆς ᾠδῆς καὶ σφίσιν ἐπίγραμμα γέγραπται, Λατοΐδας οὗτος τάχ᾽ ἄναξ εκάεργος Απόλλων, Μοῦσαι δ᾽ ἀμφ' αὐτόν, χαριεὶς χορός, αἷσι κατάρχει. Sophocl. Vit. p. 2 : (Σοφοκλῆς) μετὰ λύρας γυμνὸς ἀληλιμμένος τοῖς παιανίζουσι τῶν ἐπινικίων ἐξῆρχε. 1 Odyss. VI. IOI ; cf. Athen. I. p. 20. 2 Müller, Hist. Lit. Gr. Vol. I. p. 25. 3 By Müller, Dor. B. IV. c. 7, § II. 4 The weight of this argument will be readily appreciated by the readers of Niebuhr's Hist. Rom. I. p. 82, Engl. Transl. THE TRAGIC CHORUS. -ARION. 31 a higher degree of perfection in another' . With regard to Athens in particular, it appears to us, that we have in some sort positive evidence that choruses were not instituted there until the Athenians had recognized the Dorian oracle at Delphi ; for some old Delphian oracles have come down to us , particularly enjoining these Doric rites, a command which could hardly have been necessary, had they existed at Athens from the first. It must be obvious that so long as the choral music and dancing of the Dorians were a religious exercise in which the whole population took a part, the tunes and figures must have been very simple and unartificial. A few plain regulative notes on the tetrachord, and as much concinnity of movement as the public drill-masters could effect, sufficed for the recitation and performance of Pæans in Lacedæmon, Crete, and Delos. But, as a natural consequence of the importance attached to music and dancing, in countries where they formed the basis of religious, political, and military organisation, it was not long before art and genius volunteered their services, and improvements in the theory and practice of instrumental music were eagerly adopted and imported, or cultivated by emulous harpers in the Dorian states. The Eolian colonists of Lesbos, from their proximity to the coast of Asia Minor, were among the first who sought to accommodate the more extensive and varied harmonies of the Phrygians and Lydians to the uses and requirements of the Dorian chorus. Terpander, of Lesbos, who gained the prize at the Lacedæmonian Carneia in B.C. 6763, substituted the seven-stringed cithara for the old tetrachord ; and his contemporaries, the Græco- Phrygian Olympus, and the Boeotian Clonas, exercised an influence scarcely less important on the flute-music of the Greeks. A little later, Thaletas, the Cretan, imported into the choral worship of his own country and Sparta a more impassioned style of music and dancing, which was intimately connected with the rhythmical innovations of Terpander and Olympus¹; and the Lydian Aleman, who was a great poet as well as a great musician, composed songs for the popular chorus, which may be considered as the true beginning of lyric poetry. As these improvements 1 See Themistius, Orat. XXVII. p. 337 A, Harduin.: ¿XX' ovdèn lows kwλúel тà taρ' ἑτέροις ἀρχὴν λαβόντα πλείονος σπουδῆς παρ' ἄλλοις τυγχάνειν. 2 Apud Demosth. Mid. p. 531, § 15, Buttm. 3 Athenæus, XIV. p. 635 E. 4 Müller, Hist. Lit. Gr. c. XII. § 10. 32 THE TRAGIC CHORUS. -ARION. gradually developed themselves, they necessarily superseded the ruder efforts of the old crowd of worshippers ; and the poet, as dnμeoupyós, or " state-workman¹," with his band of trained singers and dancers, at length executed all the religious functions of the collective population. The most ancient and genuine species of the Dorian choral song was the Paan, which was not only practised in the rehearsals of the market-place, but carried to the actual field of battle. It was so thoroughly identified with the worship of Apollo, that we cannot doubt for a moment that its original accompaniment was the harp (pópμys) , with which Apollo himself, in the Homeric Hymn, leads a chorus of Cretans ; he dances with noble and lofty steps, and they follow him, singing the sweet strains of the Iepæan². But as early as the days of Archilochus the flute had taken the place of the harp as an accompaniment to the Pæan at Lesbos . That there was something grave and staid in the original Pæan may be concluded from the topics to which it was confined¹ ; and as late as the time of Agesilaus it was performed at the mournful feast of the Hyacinthia . Whence Plato speaks with disapprobation of the later practice of mixing up the Pean with the Bacchic Dithyrambº; and in general we observe that the Pæan, as devoted to the children of Leto, is kept separate and distinct from the Dythyramb', even 1 Od. XVII. 385: Τίς γὰρ δὴ ξείνον καλεῖ ἄλλοθεν αὐτὸς ἐπελθὼν Αλλον γ' εἰ μὴ τῶν οἳ δημιουργοὶ ἔασιν Μάντιν ἢ ἰητῆρα κακῶν ἢ τέκτονα δουρῶν Η καὶ θέσπιν ἀοιδόν, ὅ κεν τέρπῃσιν ἀείδων ; 2 Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 514 sqq.: ἦρχε δ' ἄρα σφι, ἄναξ Διὸς υἱός, Απόλλων Φόρμιγγ᾽ ἐν χείρεσσιν ἔχων, ἀγατὸν κιθαρίζων, Καλὰ καὶ ὑψὶ βιβάς· οἱ δὲ ῥήσσοντες ἕποντο Κρήτες πρὸς Πυθώ, καὶ ἰηπαιήον᾽ ἄειδον Οἷοί τε Κρητών παιάονες. Cf. Pind. N. v. 22 sqq. 3. Archiloch. apud Athen. v. p. 180 E. : above, p. 30, note. Αὐτὸς ἐξάρχων πρὸς αὐλὸν Λέσβιον παιήονα, 4 The ideal of a Pean is very well given in the first Chorus of the Edipus Tyrannus, 151 sqq. Plutarch (p. 389 B) calls the Pæan Terayμévny kal owppova μοῦσαν. 5 Xen. Ages. II. 17 : οἴκαδε ἀπελθὼν εἰς τὰ Ὑακίνθια, ὅπου ἐτάχθη ὑπὸ τοῦ χορο- ποιοῦ τὸν παιᾶνα τῷ θεῷ συνετέλει. 6 Legg. III. p. 700 D. 7 See Pindar, Thren. Fr. 10, 103 *, according to the emendations which we have elsewhere proposed : THE TRAGIC CHORUS. - ARION. 33 in those countries where the worship of Bacchus was cultivated along with that of Apollo, and after the time when the characteristic Dionysian hymn was raised to the dignity of lyric poetry. From the Dorian Paan three styles of choral dancing developed themselves at a very early period, and most probably received their chief improvements under Thaletas in Crete. These were the Gymnopædic, the Pyrrhic, and the Hyporchematic dances. The yvμvoтaidía γυμνοπαιδία,, or " festival of naked youths," was held in great esteem at Sparta¹ . The immediate object was the worship of Leto and her children, and the music was that of the Paan. But an heroic and tragic character was given to the solemnity by its formal reference to the victory at Thyrea. The praises of the valiant Spartans, who fell on that occasion, were always sung at the Gymnopædia, and the Exarchus wore the Thyreatic crown². The gesticulations and steps of the boys amounted to a rhythmical imitation of the wrestling match and pancration, which is partly implied by the absence of clothings. The Gymnopædic dance was considered as a sort of introduction to the Pyrrhic, just as the exercises of the Palæstra in general were a preparation for military discipline. To be able to move rapidly in armour was a leading accomplishment of the Greek hoplite, and we are expressly told that the Pyrrhic, which was danced by boys in armour, was a rapid dance¹. Beyond this rapidity of motion, it had no characteristic steps ; the distinctive movements were those of the hands, whence it was called a "manual gesticulation " (xeipovouía) , and might be performed by Ἔντι μὲν χρυσαλακάτου Λατούς τεκέων ἀοιδαὶ Ἰήϊ[οι] παιάνιδες Ἔντι [δὲ σύγκω]μόν τισι κισσοῦ στέφανον Ἐκ Διωνύσου μεταμ] αιόμεναι. 1 Εορτὴ δὲ εἴτις ἄλλη καὶ αἱ γυμνοπαιδίαι διὰ σπουδῆς Λακεδαιμονίοις εἰσίν . Pausan. III. II, 9. 2 Athen. xv. p. 678 B : Θυρεατικοί · οὕτω καλοῦνται στέφανοί τινες παρὰ Λακε- δαιμονίοις, ὥς φησι Σωσίβιος ἐν τῇ περὶ θυσιῶν, ψιλίνους αὐτοὺς φάσκων νῦν ὀνομάζεσθαι, ὄντας ἐκ φοινίκων· φέρειν δ᾽ αὐτούς, ὑπόμνημα τῆς ἐν Θυρέᾳ γενομένης νίκης, τοὺς προστάτας τῶν ἀγομένων χορῶν ἐν τῇ ἑορτῇ ταύτῃ, ὅτε καὶ τὰς Γυμνοπαιδίας ἐπιτελοῦσι. χοροὶ δ᾽ εἰσὶ τὸ μὲν εὐπροσώπων παίδων, τὸ δ᾽ ἐξ ἀρίστων ἀνδρῶν, γυμνῶν ὀρχουμένων, καὶ ᾀδόντων Θαλήτου καὶ ᾿Αλκμᾶνος ᾄσματα, καὶ τοὺς Διονυσοδότου τοῦ Λάκωνος παιᾶνας. See Visconti, Mus. Pio- Clement. Tom. III. p. 74, n. 4. 3 Athen. XIV. p. 631 B. 4 Athen. XIV. p. 630 D. The same is indicated by the Pyrrhic (~~ ) and Proceleus- matic (Jahsonic 20:53, 27 February 2024 (CET)) feet, which are attributed to this dance. The latter, to which the évóπλos pulμós refers, is tantamount to the anapest, which is the proper rhythm for embateria. D. T. G. 3 34 THE TRAGIC CHORUS. - ARION. the horsemen as well as by the foot- soldier¹. Connected with the rites of the Curetes in Crete, and of the Dioscuri in Lacedæmon, the Pyrrhic was danced in later times to the notes of the flute ; and the same was the case with the Castoreum and the embateria. But we have positive evidence that the lyre was the original accompaniment in the Cretan and Spartan marches, and that the flute was substituted only because its notes were shriller and more piercing2. The Hyporcheme was, as its name implies³, a dance expressing by gesticulations the words of the accompanying poem. It had thus, in effect, two different kinds of leaders. Going back to the earliest description of this dance, we find that not only is the citharist, who sits in the middle of the chorus and sings to his lyre while the youths and maidens dance around him, described as leading off (ἐξάρχων) their μολπή, or rhythmical steps and gesticulations, but that there are always two chief dancers, sometimes called " tumblers " (KußiσTηTĥpe) , by whose active and violent motions the words of the song are expressed, and the main chorus regulated . These leaders of the chorus seem to have been essential to the Hyporcheme, and particularly to that species of it which was called the “ Crane” (yépavos), where they led forward the two horns of a semicircle until they met on the other side of the altar of Apollo". The Hyporcheme originated in Crete, and was thence imported into Delos, where it seems to have retained its primitive characteristics even in the days of Lucian . Though connected originally with the religious rites of Apollo" , it was subsequently introduced into the worship of Bacchus by Pratinas , and into that of Minerva of Iton by Bacchylides⁹. 1 This must be the meaning of what Pindar says of Bellerophon and Pegasus, Ο. ΧΙΙΙ, 86 : ἀναβὰς δ᾽ εὐθὺς ἐνόπλια χαλκωθεὶς ἔπαιζεν. Cf. Virg. Georg. III. 115 sqq. : Frena Pelethronii Lapitha gyrosque dedere Impositi dorso, atque equitem docuere sub armis Insultare solo, et gressus glomerare superbos. Müller, Dor. Book IV. c. 6, § 6, 7. On the orgiastic nature of the flute-music see Aristot. Pol. VIII. 7, § 9. → 3 See Gesner, on Lucian de Saltat. (Tom. v. p. 461 , Lehmann) . 4 Compare Il. XVIII. 591–606 ( Od. IV. 17—19) with Hymn. Apoll. 182—206. 5 See the passages quoted by Müller, Dor. II. 8, § 14, note g. 6 De Saltat . § 6 : Εν Δήλῳ παίδων χοροὶ συνελθόντες ἐπ᾿ αὐλῷ καὶ κιθάρᾳ οἱ μὲν ἐχόρευον, ὑπωρχοῦντο δὲ οἱ ἄριστοι, προκριθέντες ἐξ αὐτῶν. τὰ γοῦν τοῖς χοροῖς γραφό μενα τούτοις ᾄσματα, ὑπορχήματα ἐκαλεῖτο : where οἱ ἄριστοι manifestly agree with the KUBOTηTĥpes, which was another name for particularly active dancers. 7 See Menandr. de Encom. p. 27, Heeren : Toùs µèv yàp eis ' Aπóλλwva maiâvas kal ὑπορχήματα νομίζομεν. 8 Athen. p. 617. 9 Fragm. ed. Neue, p. 33. THE TRAGIC CHORUS. -ARION. 35 We have treated more at length of these three sorts of choral dances, because each of them had its representative in the dramatic poetry of a later age. This appears from a curious passage in Athenæus, probably derived from some author of weight¹ ; " There are," he tells us, " three dances in scenic poetry, the Tragic, the Comic, and the Satyric ; and likewise three in lyric poetry, the Pyrrhic, the Gymnopædic, and the Hyporchematic ; and the Pyrrhic indeed corresponds to the Satyric, for they are both rapid ; " (he had given just before a reason for the rapidity of the Satyric dance) . " Now the Pyrrhic is considered a military one, for the dancers are boys in armour; and swiftness is needed in war for pursuit and flight. But the Gymnopædic dance is similar to the Tragic which is called emmeleia ; both these dances are conspicuously staid and solemn. The Hyporchematic dance coincides in its peculiarities with the Comic, and they are both full of merriment." The Bacchic hymn, which was first raised to the rank of choral and lyric poetry among the Dorians, was the Dithyramb, which is regularly opposed to the Paan . Originally, no doubt, it was nothing more than a Comus, and one too of the wildest and most Corybantic character. A crowd of worshippers, under the influence of wine, danced up to and around the blazing altar of Jupiter. They were probably led by a flute-player, and accompanied by the Phrygian tamborins and cymbals, which were used in the Cretan worship of Bacchus³. The subject of the song was properly the birth of Bacchus , but it is not improbable that his subsequent adventures and escapes may have been occasionally celebrated ; and it is a reasonable conjecture that the Coryphæus occasionally assumed the character of the god himself, while the rest of the 1 Athen. p. 630 D. He quotes Aristocles, Aristoxenus, and Scamo. With regard to the Hyporcheme cf. Athen. 2ID : ἡ δὲ Βαθύλλειος [ὄρχησις] ἱλαρωτέρα· καὶ γὰρ ὑπόρχημά τι τοῦτον διατίθεσθαι. 2 Plut. De EI Delphico, p. 593 : μιξοβόαν γάρ, Αισχύλος φησί, πρέπει διθύραμβον ὁμαρτεῖν σύγκοινον Διονύσῳ τῷ δὲ [᾿Απόλλωνι] παιᾶνα τεταγμένην καὶ σώφρονα μοῦσαν. Ibid. p. 594 : τὸν μὲν ἄλλον ἐνιαυτὸν παιᾶνι χρῶνται περὶ τὰς θυσίας, ἀρχομένου δὲ χειμῶνος ἐπεγείραντες διθύραμβον, τὸν δὲ παιᾶνα καταπαύσαντες τρεῖς μῆνας ἀντ᾽ ἐκείνου TOÛTOV KATAKAλOÛνтαι TÒν OEÓV. See also above, p. 32 , note 7. 8 Euripides, Bacch. 123-133, distinctly identifies the worship of Bacchus with the Corybantic adoration of Demeter. 4 Plato, Legg. III. p. 700 B : παίωνες ἕτερον, καὶ ἄλλο Διονύσου γένεσις, οἶμαι, διθύραμβος λεγόμενος. 5 This may be inferred from Herod. v. 67 : καὶ δὴ πρός, τὰ πάθεα αὐτοῦ τραγικοῖσι χοροῖσι ἐγέραιρον· τὸν μὲν Διόνυσον οὐ τιμέωντες, τὸν δὲ "Αδρηστον. 3-2 36 THE TRAGIC CHORUS. -ARION. chorus or comus represented his noisy band of thyrsus-bearing followers¹ . Whatever opinion we may agree to form respecting the etymology of the name, it is at least clear, from any justifiable analysis of the word A -0úpaußos, that it was addressed to the king of the gods² ; and Bacchus belonged, as we have already seen, to a branch of Greek religion which admitted an assumption of his character on the part of his votaries. ARION, a celebrated cithara-player (îıðapwdós) of Methymna in Lesbos, who flourished in the days of Stesichorus and Periander, (i. e. about 600 B. C. ) is generally admitted to have been the inventor of the cyclic chorus (kúkλios Xopós) , in which the Dithyramb was danced around the blazing altar by a band of fifty men or boys , to a lyric accompaniment. So intimately is Arion connected with this improvement, that he is called the son of Cycleus. We must be very careful not to confuse between this invention, or adaptation, of Arion's, and the improvements introduced into the older styleof Dithyrambic poetry, some one hundred years later, by Lasos of Hermione, the teacher of Pindar and the rival of Simonides¹ . It is quite clear that the Dithyramb of Lasos gave rise to the style of poetry which existed under that name for many years, after the full development of Tragedy and Comedy, and which is always distinguished from the dramatic chorus. Instead of passing from the 1 Bacchus is called ỏ ëapxos by the Chorus of Bacchanalians in Euripides (Bacch. 141 ) , and it seems obvious that the dithyramb must have endeavoured to represent the θίασος in all its parts. 2 We have elsewhere discussed the etymology of this word at some length (New Cratylus, §§ 317 sqq. ) and have endeavoured to show that it is the word Oúpaµßos = θρίαμβος appended to the dative of Ζεύς ; that the termination is ἅμβος =ΐαμβος, α word denoting a dance of people in close order, or a hymn sung by such a body ; and that the root Oup = 0pt is the same as that which is found in Oúp-oos. To this opinion we still adhere. The only doubtful point, as it appears to us, is the explanation of the root of eúpoos. Hartung (Classical Museum, VI. p. 372 sqq. ) proposes to connect Oúpaµßos with Oópußos. If the one were really a by-form of the other, it would be θόρυμβος, not θύραμβος. Cf. κόρυμβος, ἴθυμβος, &c. As however the dithyrambic dance was called τυρ-βασία (Jul. Poll. IV. 104 : τυρβασία δὲ ἐκαλεῖτο τὸ ὄρχημα τὸ διθυραμβικόν) , and as the root θυρ-, θορ-, θρο-, θρι-, might be connected with that of Túpẞn, turba, from which this Tupßaría is formed, a question might arise whether the name of the θύρσος was derived from the tumultuous clamours ( θρόος, θροέω, θρύλλος, &c.) of the flacos of Bacchus ; or whether it was expressive of the symbolical meaning of the Bacchic staff with its accompaniments. 3 Schol. Pind. Ol. XIII. 26. Simon. Epigr. 76 : Ξεινοφίλου δέ τις υἱὸς ᾿Αριστείδης ἐχορήγει Πεντήκοντ᾽ ἀνδρῶν καλὰ μαθόντι χορῷ. 4 Some ofthe older grammarians were unable to make this distinction . Thus the Scholiast on Aristophanes (Aves, 1403) says : 'Αντίπατρος δὲ καὶ Εὐφρόνιος ἐν τοῖς ὑπο- μνήμασί φασι τοὺς κυκλίους χοροὺς στῆσαι πρῶτον Λᾶσον τὸν Ερμιονέα, οἱ δὲ ἀρχαιότεροι ῾Ελλάνικος καὶ Δικαίαρχος Αρίονα τον Μηθυμναῖον. THE TRAGIC CHORUS. - ARION. 37 flute of the Comus to the lyre of the Chorus, it multiplied the appoggiaturas of the flute accompaniment¹ . Instead of assuming more and more a dramatic form, it is expressly described as having been distinguished from Tragedy and Comedy by its expository style, and by the pre-eminence given to the poet's own individuality². Instead of approximating to the language of ordinary life, it became more and more turgid, bombastic, affected, and unnatural. Even Lasos himself indulged in an excess of artificial refinement. He composed odes, from which the sibilants were studiously excluded ; and his rhythms were conveyed in prolix metres, which dragged their slow length along, in full keeping with the pompous phraseology, which was to the last days of Greek literature regarded as a leading characteristic of the Dithyramb³. Pindar, the great pupil of Lasos, speaks with disapprobation of this style of Dithyramb, which however, his own better example failed to correct : " Formerly, " he says, "the Dithyramb crawled along in lengthy rhythms, and the s was falsified in its utterance ." Again, while the Dithyramb, as reformed by Arion, clung to the antistrophic and epodic forms introduced into the chorus by his contemporary Tisias, who derived his better-known surname Stesichorus from the stability which he thus gave to the movements of his well- taught body of dancers , the Dithyramb of Lasus eventually became monostrophic, 1 Plut. Mus. p. 666, Wyttenb. : Λᾶσος δὲ ὁ ῾Ερμιονεὺς εἰς τὴν διθυραμβικὴν ἀγωγὴν μεταστήσας τοὺς ῥυθμοὺς καὶ τῇ τῶν αὐλῶν πολυφωνίᾳ κατακολουθήσας πλείοσί τε φθόγ γοις καὶ διεῤῥιμμένοις χρησάμενος εἰς μετάθεσιν τὴν προϋπάρχουσαν ἤγαγε μουσικήν. 2 Plat. de Republ. III . p. 394 c : ὅτι τῆς ποιήσεώς τε καὶ μυθολογίας ἡ μὲν διὰ μιμή- σεως ὅλη ἐστίν, ὥσπερ σὺ λέγεις τραγῳδία τε καὶ κωμῳδία, ἡ δὲ δι' ἀπαγγελίας αὐτοῦ τοῦ ποιητοῦ, εὕροις δ᾽ ἂν αὐτὴν μάλιστά που ἐν διθυράμβοις. 3 See Aristoph. Pax, 794-7 ; Aves, 1373 sqq. Hence διθυραμβώδης signifies tumid and bombastic. Plato, Cratyl. p. 409 c. Cf. Hipp. Maj. p. 292 c. Dionys. Hal. de adm. vi Dem. p. 1043, 10. Philostrat. p. 21 , 6 : Xóywv idéav ov dɩlvpaµßúdn, on which the Scholiast, published by G. I. Bekker (Heidelbergæ, 1818), says : divpaμ- βώδη συνθέτοις ὀνόμασι σεμνυνομένην καὶ ἐκτοπωτάτοις πλάσμασι ποικιλλομένην · τοιοῦτοι γὰρ οἱ διθύραμβοι ἅτε διονυσίων τελετῶν ἀφωρμημένοι. 4 Fragm. 47 : Πρὶν μὲν εἶρπε σχοινοτένειά τ᾽ ἀοιδὰ διθυράμβων Καὶ τὸ σὰν κίβδαλον ἀνθρώποισιν ἀπὸ στομάτων. The adjective oxowoTevýs refers to rhythm, as appears from Hermogenes, de Invent. IV. 4 (Vol. III. p. 158, Walz) , who after defining the кóµµɑ and the кŵλov says : тò dè ὑπὲρ τὸ ἡρωϊκὸν σχοινοτενὲς κέκληται χρήσιμον προοιμίοις μάλιστα καὶ ταῖς τῶν προοιμίων περιβολαΐς. The second line alludes to the ᾠδαὶ ἄσιγμοι of Lasus : see Athen. VIII. p. 455 C. 5 See the explanations given by the grammarians and lexicographers of the pro- verbial phrases πάντα ὀκτώ, τρία Στησιχόρου, and οὐδὲ τὰ τρία Στησιχόρου γιγνώσκεις. With regard to the significance of his name, as applicable to the Bacchic Chorus in particular, it is worthy of remark that when the Delphic oracle (apud Dem. Mid. p. 531) enjoins the establishment of the Dorian form of Dionysiac worship at Athens, it expressly uses the phrase ἱστάναι χορόν. 38 THE TRAGIC CHORUS. -ARION. and returned in form to the primitive Comus, in the same proportion as it reverted to its original mimicry¹ . Above all, while the Dithyramb of Arion, influenced by the sedateness of the Doric muse, shook off by degrees all remembrances of the drunken frolics in which it took its rise, the other Dithyramb retained to the end many of its original characteristics. Epicharmus, who was a contemporary of Lasos, alludes to it in precisely the same manner as Archilochus, who flourished two hundred years earlier. That ancient poet says, that " he knows how to lead off the Dithyramb, the beautiful song of Dionysus, when his mind is dizzy with the thunder of wine "." Epicharmus tells us that " there is no Dithyramb, if you drink waters. And Simonides, the rival of Lasos, describes the Dithyramb as sung by noisy Bacchanalians crowned with fillets and chaplets of roses, and bearing the ivy-wreathed thyrsus* . 99 Although Arion was a Lesbian, it was in the great Dorian city of Corinth that he introduced his great choral improvements. In enumerating the various inventions which were traced to that city, Pindar asks : " Where else did the graces of Bacchus first make their appearance with the ox-driving Dithyramb? " alluding to the ox which was sacrificed as a type of the god, who was also worshipped under this form³. The account which is given of the specific improvements imported into the Dithyramb by Arion, though brief, is very distinct ; and it is quite possible, from the 1 Aristotle, Probl. XIX. 15, p. 918, Bekker : udov yàp tô µéλei åváyên piµeîolai ἢ τοῖς ῥήμασιν· διὸ καὶ οἱ διθύραμβοι, ἐπειδὴ μιμητικοὶ ἐγένοντο, οὐκέτι ἔχουσιν ἀντι- στρόφους, πρότερον δὲ εἶχον. 2 Above, p. 29, note 5. 3 Apud Athen. p. 628B: οὐκ ἔστι διθύραμβος, ὅκχ᾽ ὕδωρ πίῃς. 4 Simonides, Frag. 150, Bergk, Anthol. Pal. II. p. 542 : Πολλάκι δὴ φυλῆς ᾿Ακαμαντίδος ἐν χοροῖσιν Ωραι * Ανωλόλυξαν κισσοφόροις ἐπὶ διθυράμβοις Αἱ Διονυσιάδες, μίτραισι δὲ καὶ ῥόδων ἀώτοις Σοφῶν ἀοιδῶν ἐσκίασαν λιπαρὰν ἔθειραν, Οἱ τόνδε τρίποδα σφίσι μάρτυρα Βακχίων αέθλων Θῆκαν· Κικυννεὺς δ᾽ ᾿Αντιγένης ἐδίδασκεν ἄνδρας. The student, however, must take care to remember that the Dithyramb never actually became a Comus after it had once been raised to the dignity of a Chorus. Even Pindar's processional songs, though nominally performed by a Comus, were invested with the dignity of choral poetry, and Comedy itself became at last choral. See note on Pindar, Fragm. 45, p. 344. 5 Olymp. XII. 18 : See above, p. 17, note 2. ταὶ Διωνύσου πόθεν ἐξέφανεν Σὺν βοηλάτα χάριτες διθυράμβῳ; THE TRAGIC CHORUS. -ARION. 39 notices which have come down to us, to draw up an accurate description of this Bacchic chorus as it was exhibited at Corinth in the days of Periander. Of our authorities, the two most explicit are the earliest and the most recent, which stand related to one another as text and commentary. Herodotus tells us that " Arion was the most eminent cithara-player of his time, and that he was the first, as far as Herodotus knew, who made poems for the Dithyramb, who gave a name to these poems, and regularly taught the Chorus ; and that he did this at Corinth '." The lexicographer Suidas gives the same information, but at greater length, and in such a manner as to show that Herodotus was by no means his only authority. He says : ' Arion, the Methymnæan, a lyric poet, the son of Cycleus, was born about the 38th Olympiad. Some have told us that he was a scholar of Alcman. He is said to have been the inventor of the tragic style ; and to have been the first to introduce a standingchorus, and to sing the Dithyramb ; and to give a name to what was sung by the Chorus ; and to introduce Satyrs speaking in verse2.2." As these accounts are in strict agreement with one another, and with all the scattered and fragmentary notices of Arion which we meet with elsewheres, we may conclude that we have here a true tradition, and proceed to interpret it accordingly. It appears, then, that the following were the improvements which the Methymnæan citharœdus introduced into the Corinthian Dithyramb. 1. He composed regular poems for this dance . Previously, the leaders of the wild irregular Comus, which danced the Dithyramb, bewailed the sorrows of Bacchus, or commemorated his wonderful birth, in spontaneous effusions accompanied by suitable action, for which they trusted to the inspiration of the wine-cup. This is the meaning of Aristotle's assertion that this primitive Tragedy was " extempore " (avтooxediaσTIKÝ5) , and some such view of the 1 Herod. I. 23 : Αρίονα— ἐόντα κιθαρῳδὸν τῶν τότε ἐόντων οὐδενὸς δεύτερον· καὶ διθύραμβον, πρῶτον ἀνθρώπων τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν, ποιήσαντά τε καὶ ὀνομάσαντα καὶ διδάξαντα ἐν Κορίνθῳ. 2 Suidas : 'Αρίων Μηθυμναῖος, λυρικός, Κυκλέως υἱός, γέγονε κατὰ τὴν λη' ὀλυμπιάδα· τινὲς δὲ καὶ μαθητὴν ᾿Αλκμάνος ἱστόρησαν αὐτόν . ἔγραψε δὲ ᾄσματα, προοίμια εἰς ἔπη β'. λέγεται δὲ καὶ τραγικοῦ τρόπου εὑρετὴς γενέσθαι, καὶ πρῶτος χορὸν στῆσαι καὶ διθύραμβον ᾆσαι καὶ ὀνομάσαι τὸ ᾀδόμενον ὑπὸ τοῦ χοροῦ καὶ σατύρους εἰσενεγκεῖν ἔμμετρα λέγοντας. 3 Dio, II. p. 101 ; Phot. Cod. 239, p. 985 ; Schol. Pind. Ol. XIII. 18 ; Schol. Aristoph. Aves, 1403. 4 This is the true force of the phrases ποιῆσαι, ᾆσαι τὸ διθύραμβον. 5 Aristot. Poet. c. iv. 40 THE TRAGIC CHORUS. -ARION. 2 case is necessary to explain Archilochus' boast that he can play the part of leader in the Dithyramb when the wine is in his head¹ ; for this presumes a sudden impulse rather than a premeditated effort. Arion, however, by composing regular poems to be sung to the lyre, at once raised the Dithyramb to a literary position, and laid the foundations of the stately superstructure which was afterwards erected. 2. He turned the Comus, or moving crowd of worshippers, into a standing Chorus of the same kind as that which gave Stesichorus his surname. In fact, the steps of the altar of Bacchus became a stage on which lyric poetry in his honour was solemnly recited, and accompanied by corresponding gesticulations. 3. He was the inventor of the tragic style (τραγικού τρόπου εὑρετής) . This means that he introduced a style of music or harmony adapted to and intended for a chorus of Satyrs³. For the word τpayos, "he-goat," was another name for oάrupos, the goat-eared attendant of Bacchus ; and we have just seen that Suidas specifies the appearance of satyrs " discoursing," or holding a sort of dialogue, in verse, as one of the peculiarities of Arion's new Dithyramb. 4. He gave a name to what was sung by the Chorus . What name? Not Soupapßos, for that was the common designation in the time of Archilochus, some one hundred years before. As Arion substituted for the riotous Comus a stationary and well-trained Chorus, that which was sung-the ảoɩdn —could not be a xwμodía or Comedy ; but, as being the hymn of a Chorus of pȧyou or "satyrs, " it was naturally termed a тpay@dia . This name could have nothing to do with the goat, which was the subsequent prize 1 See the lines of Archilochus quoted above, pp. 29, 30. 2 Suidas : χορὸν στῆσαι. Schol. Pind.: ἔστησε δὲ αὐτὸν τὸν κύκλιον χορόν] . This standing chorus nevertheless might perform eğeλıyµoi and other evolutions on the ground to which it was limited. The Chorus, as a whole, was stationary, though the separate dancers were in motion. 3 On the TρÓTо , " styles" or " harmonies " of Greek music, the student may con- sult Müller, Hist. Lit. Gr. 1. p. 152 [ 202]. 4 Hesych. : Τράγους· σατύρους—-διὰ τὸ τράγων ὦτα ἔχειν. Εtym. Μ.: τραγῳδία ὅτι τὰ πολλὰ οἱ χοροὶ ἐκ σατύρων συνίσταντο, οὓς ἐκάλουν τράγους.

  • Herodotus says, ὀνομάσαντα τὸν διθύραμβον : but Suidas more definitely, όνομάσαι τὸ ᾳδόμενον ὑπὸ τοῦ χοροῦ.

6 It is pretty clear that paydia was the name of a species of lyrical poetry ante- cedent to, and independent of the Attic drama. See Böckh in the Appendix to this Chapter. Welcker, Nachtrag, p. 244 : " The lyrical Tragedy was a transition step between the Dithyramb and the regular drama. It resembled the Dithyramb in representing by a chorus Dionysian and other myths (hence the Pæans of Xenocritus were called myths, because they related heroic tales), and differed from it in being sung to the lyre, and not to the flute. " THE TRAGIC CHORUS.-ARION. 41 of the early Attic Tragedy; for we are expressly told, that in Arion's days the ox was the prize¹ . Nor could it imply that the goat was the object of the song, as if rpayudós signified a man ös τράγον ἀείδει . For, as κιθαρῳδός means a man who sings to the cithara, so Tpay@dós and kwμwdós denote the singer whose words are accompanied by the gesticulations or movements of a chorus of Satyrs, or a comus of revellers. That the form of Doric Chorus, which Arion first adapted to the Dithyramb, was the Pyrrhic, appears from what has been stated above³. It was probably not till the days of Thespis that the Gymnopædic dance appeared as the Tragic Emmeleia. In Arion's time the tragic style was still a form of the Dithyramb, strictly confined to the worship of Bacchus, to which the poet had been habituated in the early days of his Lesbian life , formally satyric in the habiliments of its performers, and in every sense a new and important branch of the Dorian lyric poetry. About the time when Arion made these changes in the Dithyramb at Corinth, we read that a practice began to obtain in the neighbouring city of Sicyon which could not be altogether unconnected with Arion's " tragic style. " The hero Adrastus was there honoured with Tragic Choruses. And the tyrant Cleisthenes, for political reasons, restored these choruses to Bacchus . The tendency, which was thus checked, shows that the Dithyrambic Chorus of Arion had proved itself well adapted for the representation of tragic incidents, and especially of those misfortunes which were traceable to an evil destiny ; for Adrastus was a type of unavoidable suffering , brought down by the unappeasable vengeance of heaven ; and every reader of the later Greek Drama is aware that this was a main ingredient in the plots of the more finished Tragedies, in which the divine Nemesis was always at 1 Athen. p . 456 D ; Schol. ad Pind. Ol. XIII. 18. 2 This is Ritter's opinion ; ad Arist. Poet. p. 113. 3 It appears too from Aristophanes (Rana, 153) that Kinesias, who was a cele- brated Dithyrambist, was also renowned for his Pyrrhics. 4 Bähr, ad Herod. l. c. 5 Οἱ δὲ Σικυώνιοι ἐώθεσαν μεγαλωστὶ κάρτα τιμᾷν τὸν Σικυώνιοι ἐτίμων τὸν Αδρηστον, καὶ δὴ πρός, τὰ πάθεα ραιρον· τὸν μὲν Διόνυσον οὐ τιμέωντες, τὸν δὲ "Αδρηστον. Διονύσῳ ἀπέδωκε, τὴν δὲ ἄλλην θυσίην τῷ Μελανίππῳ· ποίητο. Herod. v. 67. 6 His name, as is well known, indicated as much. Strab. p. 588). Αδρηστον ... τά τε δὴ ἄλλα οἱ αὐτοῦ τραγικοῖσι χοροῖσι ἐγέΚλεισθένης δὲ χοροὺς μὲν τῷ ταῦτα μὲν ἐς "Αδρηστόν οἱ πεSee Antimach. p. 71 (apud 42 THE TRAGIC CHORUS. -ARION. work. There may, therefore, be some foundation for the claims set up by the Sicyonians ' . By transferring the Bacchic Chorus to the celebration of other heroes, they made a step even beyond Arion towards the introduction of dramatic poetry properly so called ; and it is very possible that Epigenes of Sicyon may have been the first of a series of sixteen lyrical dramatists ending with Thespis², to whom, as we shall shortly see, we owe the actor³, the dramatic dialogue, the stage, and the epic elements of the Athenian Tragedy. The only specimens of the Greek choral poetry which have come down to us complete are a certain number of the Epinician or triumphal Odes of Pindar, who was born three years after Eschylus, who was more than once an honoured guest at Athens after the establishment there of the tragic drama, and whose intercourse with Eschylus, in Attica and in Sicily, is attested by more than one indication of borrowed phraseology. We cannot therefore conclude the present chapter without endeavouring to ascertain how far the performance of one of Pindar's Epinician Odes partook of a dramatic or histrionic character. We have already seen, on the authority of Plato, that the melic poem presumed a direct communication from the poet himself—it was δι' ἀπαγγελίας αὐτοῦ τοῦ ποιητοῦ, in other words, it represented the author of the poem as speaking in his own person, and was therefore distinguished from the imitative dialogue of dramatic poetry . Now the Tivíkov in particular belonged to the class of ¿ykóμia, which by the nature of the case implied a festive meeting5 and more than any other form of melic poetry allowed the bard freely to introduce his own personality. It does not, however, follow from this that the poet was always present in person, and 1 τραγῳδίας εὑρεταὶ μὲν Σικυώνιοι, τελεσιουργοὶ δὲ ᾽Αττικοί. Themist. Orat. XXVII. 337 B. See also Athen. XIV. p. 629 A : Αμφίων— ἄγεσθαί φησιν ἐν Ἑλικῶνι παίδων ὀρ χήσεις μετὰ σπουδῆς παρατιθέμενος ἀρχαῖον ἐπίγραμμα τόδε· ᾿Αμφότερ', ὠρχεύμαν τε καὶ ἐν Μώσαις ἐδίδασκον ῎Ανδρας, ὁ δ᾽ αὐλήτας ἦν Ανακος Φιαλεύς Εἰμὶ δὲ Βακχείδας Σικυώνιος. ἡ ῥα θεοῖσι Τοῖς Σικυῶνι καλὸν τοῦτ᾽ ἀπεκεῖτο γέρας. 2 Suidas in éσTIS. 3 Athen. Χιν. p. 630 c : συνέστηκε δὲ καὶ Σατυρικὴ πᾶσα ποίησις τὸ παλαιὸν ἐκ χορῶν, ὡς καὶ ἡ τότε τραγῳδία· διόπερ οὐδὲ ὑποκριτὰς εἶχον. 66 4 Plat. Resp. III. 394 C. Ast interprets ἀπαγγελία as ea exponendi ratio qua poeta lyricus utitur qui suis ipse verbis omnia refert, suæ ipse mentis sensa explicat. " 5 Below, Chapter v. THE TRAGIC CHORUS.-ARION. 43 took an immediate part in the public performance of his ode. On the contrary, as the triumphal ode was generally celebrated in the victor's native city, and sometimes repeated from time to time on the anniversary of his success, the poet would more frequently than otherwise be absent, and if the ode contained any direct amayyeλía from the author, he must have been represented by the leader of the chorus, who thus became, to all intents and purposes, an actor or the exponent of an assumed personality. It is probable in itself that there was a class of persons, who laid themselves out for this species of impersonation, and the fact that it was so is proved by the Orchomenian Inscription (No. 1583) , quoted in the Appendix to this chapter. We find there that a certain Theban named Nicostratus gained the prize at the Charitesia as koμdós in regard to the èπivíкia, i.e. not the celebration of the victory, as Böckh supposes, but the songs composed for that celebration . For in order to sing the ἐπικωμίαν ἀνδρῶν κλυτὴν ὄπα, as Pindar calls it' , it was necessary that there should be a xwμwdós, a leader of the band, that is, either the poet himself who is mentioned in the following inscription , or some professional leader, like this Nicostratus. There is sufficient evidence in Pindar's odes to prove that the amayyeλía of the poet himself was thus undertaken by a professional representative, who was distinct from the teacher of the Chorus. There are two of Pindar's Epinicia, the sixth Olympian and the second Isthmian ode, in which the poet directly addresses the Xopodidάokaλos. In the fifth strophe of the former he says³ : "now urge your comrades, Æneas, first to sing of Hera Parthenia, and then to make known whether we truly escape from the old reproach-Boeotian sow ! For you are a true messenger, the despatch-staff of the fair-haired Muses, a sweet mixing-cup of loudly uttered songs. Then tell them to remember Syracuse and Ortygia. " There is every reason to believe that this ode was sung at Stymphalus in Arcadia. Agesias had driven the mule-car himself at Olympia, otherwise the allusion to his danger would have no meaning ; but the chariot driven by his friend Phintis formed part of the triumphal procession which accompanied the performance of the ode, as appears from the address to the charioteers. The 1 Pyth. x. 6. 2 1. 47 : τὰ ἐπινίκια κωμῳδιῶν ποιητής. 3 vv. 87 sqq. 4 vv. 9-11 . 5 vv. 22 sqq. 44 THE TRAGIC CHORUS. -ARION. "unenvying citizens ' ," who are represented as taking part in the song of victory, are of course the Arcadians, tacitly opposed to the envious Syracusans, who slew Agesias three years after his victory, and who are implied in the statement that " envy impends from others envying him². " That Pindar could not have been present at the Arcadian festival is clear from his calling Eneas "a messenger" (ayyeλos) and " a despatch-staff ” (σKUтάλŋ) ; and that Æneas was not the κωμῳδός, but merely the χοροδιδάσκαλος, is proved from this address to him. From the words immediately preceding : "Theba whose delightful water I will drink when I weave a varied strain for warriors "," it appears that Pindar was at Thebes when he was meditating another hymn on the Olympic victory of Agesias, which was to be performed at Syracuse under the auspices of Hiero ; for the avopes aixunraí undoubtedly refer to Agesias, who is described as distinguished by his military excellences no less than by his connexion with the prophetic clan of the Iamidæ*. In the other case, where the xopodidάokaλos is addressed, namely, at the end of the second Isthmian ode, although Thrasybulus, the son of the deceased victor Xenocrates, is accosted in the second person in the preceding stanzas , the concluding epode is directed to the trainer of the choir, Nicasippus, and the poet speaks as though all that had gone before was a message to be delivered to Thrasybulus, when Nicasippus next saw him. He says : “ let him not be prevented by the envious hopes of others from speaking his father's praise and publishing these hymns " (the second Isthmian and another composed for recitation at Agrigentum) , “ for I have not made them to tarry in one place (like a statue, as he says elsewhere ) but to pass to and fro among men. Communicate (or imparts) these injunctions, O Nicasippus, when you shall have come to my respected friend. " From these passages it appears that the xwudós of the Epinician Ode sometimes directly represented the person of the poet. 1 ν. 7 : ἐπικύρσαις ἀφθόνων ἀστῶν ἐν ἱμερταῖς ἀοιδαῖς. 2 ν. 74 : μῶμος ἐκ δ᾽ ἄλλων κρέμαται φθονεόντων. 3 vv. 85-87: Θήβαν, τᾶς ἐρατεινὸν ὕδωρ πίομαι, ἀνδράσιν αἰχματαῖσι πλέκων ποικίλον ὕμνον. We have maintained, in our note on this passage, that loual must be future here : and have compared Isthm . v. 74 : πίσω σφε Δίρκας ἁγνὸν ὕδωρ. 4 vv. 17, 18. 5 vv. I, 31. 6 vv. 43-48. 7 Nem. V. I. 8 åπóvelμov. The scholiast says it means ȧvayvŵ0ɩ, “ read, ” as in Soph. Fragm. 15ο : σὺ δ' ἐν θρόνοισι γραμμάτων πτύχας ἔχων ἀπόνειμον. ORCHOMENIAN INSCRIPTIONS. 45 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER III. ORCHOMENIAN INSCRIPTIONS. 1583. Μνασίνω ἄρχοντος, ἀγωνοθετίοντος τῶν Χαριτεισίων Εὐάριος τῷ Πάντωνος, τύδε ἐνίκωσαν τὰ Χαριτείσια· σαλπίγκτας Φιλίνος Φιλίνω ᾿Αθανεῖος, κάρουξ Εἱρώδας Σωκράτιος Θειβεῖος, ποείτας Μήστωρ Μήστορος Φωκαιεύς, ῥαψάΓυδος Κράτων Κλίωνος Θειβεῖος, αὐλειτὰς Περιγένεις 'Ηρακλίδαο Κουζικηνός, αὐλάΕυδος Δαμήνετος Γλαύκω ' Αργος, κιθαριστὰς ᾿Αγέλοχος Ασκλαπιογένιος Αἰολεὺς ἀπὸ Μουρίνας, κιθαράΓυδος Δαμάτριος Αμαλωΐω Αἰολεὺς ἀπὸ Μουρίνας, τραγά Γυδος Ασκλαπιόδωρος Πουθέαο Ταραντίνος, κωμάΓυδος Νικόστρατος Φιλοστράτω Θειβεῖος, τὰ ἐπινίκια κωμάΕνδος Εὔαρχος Ε[ ]ροδότω Κορωνεύς. 1584. Οἵδε ἐνίκων τὸν ἀγῶνα τῶν Χαριτησίων· σαλπιστής Μήνις ᾿Απολλωνίου ᾿Αντιοχεὺς ἀπὸ Μαιάνδρου, κήρυξ Ζώιλος Ζωΐλου Πάφιος, ῥαψῳδὸς Νουμήνιος Νουμηνίου 'Αθηναῖος, ποιητὴς ἐπῶν Αμινίας Δημοκλέους Θηβαῖος, αὐλητὴς ᾿Απολλόδοτος ᾿Απολλοδότου Κρησαῖος, αὐλῳδὸς 46 ORCHOMENIAN INSCRIPTIONS. Ρόδιππος Ροδίππου Αργεῖος, κιθαριστής Φανίας ᾿Απολλοδώρου τοῦ Φανίου, Αίολευς ἀπὸ Κύμης, κιθαρῳδὸς Δημήτριος Παρμενίσκου Καλχηδόνιος, τραγῳδὸς Ιπποκράτης ᾿Αριστομένους Ρόδιος, κωμῳδὸς Καλλίστρατος Εξακέστου Θηβαῖος, ποιητὴς Σατύρων Αμινίας Δημοκλέους Θηβαῖος, ὑποκριτὴς Δωρόθεος Δωροθέου Ταραντίνος, ποιητὴς τραγῳδιῶν Σοφοκλής Σοφοκλέους Αθηναῖος, ὑποκριτὴς Καβίριχος Θεοδώρου Θηβαῖος, ποιητὴς κωμῳδιῶν ᾿Αλέξανδρος Αριστίωνος Αθηναῖος, ὑποκριτὴς Ατταλος 'Αττάλου Αθηναῖος. Οἵδε ἐνίκων τὸν νεμητὸν ἀγῶνα τῶν ῾Ομολωΐων· παῖδας αὐλητὰς Διοκλῆς Καλλιμήλου Θηβαῖος, παῖδας ἡγεμόνας Στρατίνος Εὐνίκου Θηβαῖος, ἄνδρας αὐλητὰς Διοκλῆς Καλλιμήλου Θηβαῖος, ἄνδρας ἡγεμόνας Ρόδιππος Ροδίππου Αργείος, τραγῳδὸς Ἱπποκράτης 'Αριστομένους 'Ρόδιος, κωμῳδὸς Καλλίστρατος Εξακέστου Θηβαῖος, τὰ ἐπινίκια κωμῳδιῶν ποιητὴς Αλέξανδρος Αριστίωνος Αθηναῖος. These two Inscriptions were formerly in a chapel of the Virgin at Orchomenus in Boeotia. The stones are now removed. The first Inscription is written in Boeotic, and is supposed by Böckh to be of older date than Olymp. 145 (B.O. 220). Tothe foregoing Inscriptions we will add a third ; a Thespian Inscription, engraved in the later age of the Roman emperors, which relates to the same subject ; and then give the inferences which Böckh has drawn from these three interesting ago- nistic monuments. 1585. ᾿Αγαθῇ τύχη. Ενείκων ἐπὶ Φλαουΐῳ Παυλείνῳ ἀγωνοθετοῦντι Μουσῶν, ἐ[π] ἄρχοντι Μητροδώρῳ τῷ Ον[ η]σιφόρου· ποιητὴς προσοδίου ORCHOMENIAN INSCRIPTIONS. 47 Εὐμάρων ᾿Αλεξάνδρου Θεσπιεὺς καὶ ᾿Αντιφῶν ᾿Αθηναῖος, κήρυξ Πομπήϊος Ζωσίμου Θεσπιεύς, σαλπικτὰς Ζώσιμος Ἐπίκτου Θηβαῖος, ἐγκωμιογράφος εἰς τὸν Αὐτοκράτορα Πούπλιος Αντώνιος Μάξιμος Νε[ω]κορείτης, ἐγκώμιον εἰς Μούσας Πούπλιος ᾿Αντώνιος Μάξιμος Νε[ω] κορείτης, ποιητὴς εἰς τὸν Αὐτοκράτορα Αιμίλιος Επίκτητος Κορίνθιος, ποίημα εἰς τὰς Μούσας Δαμόνεικος Δάμωνος Θεσπιεύς, ῥαψῳδὸς Εὐτυχιανὸς Κορίνθιος, πυθαύλας Φάβιος ᾿Αντιακός Κορίνθιος, κ[ι] θαριστὰς Θεόδωρος Θεοδότου Νεικομηδεύς [κωμῳδὸς παλαιᾶς κωμῳδίας] τραγῳδὸς παλαιᾶς τραγῳδίας ᾿Απολλώνιος ᾿Απολλωνίου Ασπένδιος, ποιητὴς καινῆς κωμῳδίας

  • Αντιφῶν ᾿Αθηναῖος,

ὑποκριτὴς καινῆς κωμῳδίας Αντιφῶν ᾿Αθηναῖος, ποιη[τὴ]ς καινῆς τραγῳδίας Αρτέμων Αρτέμωνος Αθηναῖος, ὑποκριτὴς καινῆς τραγῳδίας Αγαθήμερος Πυθοκλέους 'Αθηναῖος, χοραύλης Όσιος Περγαμηνός, νεαρῳδὸς Α. Κλώδιος ᾿Αχιλλεὺς Κορίνθιος, σατυρογράφος Μ. Αἰμίλιος ήττιος,

  • διὰ πάντων

Εὐμάρων ᾿Αλεξάνδρου Θεσπιεύς. These Inscriptions were first printed by Böckh at the end of his treatise on the Public Economy of Athens. We subjoin some of the remarks which he there makes upon them (IIter Band, p . 361 fol. ). " Before I leave these two Inscriptions, I may be permitted to make a few remarks on the games mentioned in them. We find in both, first of all, trumpeters and a "Haud dubie formulæ sententia est, hunc inter omnes victores esse præstantissimumjudicatum, victorem inter victores ; unde ultimo loco scriptus est. "-Böckh in loc. 48 ORCHOMENIAN INSCRIPTIONS. herald, who began the games : their art was doubtless an object of contest in most sacred games, and the heralds in particular contended with one another in the gymnic games (Cicero, Fam. v. 12) ; which may perhaps have been the principal reason why the ancients had trumpeters and heralds, whom no one of the present day could have matched in strength of voice. Comp. Pollux, IV. 86—92 ; Athen. x. p. 415 F, seqq.; Ælian, V. H. I. 26. These are followed by the Epic poet, together with the Rhapsodist who recited his poem: then we have the flute- player and harper with the persons who sang to these instruments respectively. Next come, in both Inscriptions, Tragedians and Comedians. At the new Charitesia, however, three additional dramatic games are mentioned : ποιητὴς Σατύρων and ὑποκριτής, ποιητὴς τραγῳδιών and ὑποκριτής, ποιητὴς κωμῳδιῶν and ὑποκριτής. At the Homoloia in the second Inscription, Tragedians and Comedians occur, and for the celebration of the victory (rà Twikia) another Comedy, but without actors. It is sufficiently clear from this, that when merely Tragedians and Comedians are mentioned, without actors, as is so often the case in authors and Inscriptions, we are not to understand a play, but only a song: if, however, a Play is to be signified, this must first be determined by some particular addition. As soon as an actor (úπokρITýs) is mentioned, we understand by Tragedy and Comedy a dramatic entertainment. For a long time Tragedians and Comedians alone appeared in the Charitesia at Orchomenus, and it is only in later times that we find there all the three kinds of dramatic representations, when the theatre of Athens had extended its influence on all sides ; nevertheless, even then the tragic and comic poets are Athenians, and only the satyrical poet a Theban. But Tragedians and Comedians, as lyric bards, were to be found everywhere from the most ancient times. This has not been properly attended to, and many passages in ancient writers have consequently been considered as enigmatical or suspicious. In the list of Pindar's Works, given by Suidas, we have seventeen Spáμara тpayiká. I have no doubt that Pindar wrote Tragedies, but they were lyric poems, and not Dramas. With this remark, we recognize at once what is true or false in this account. Simonides of Ceos is said by the Scholiast on Aristophanes, by Suidas and Eudocia, to have written Tragedies, which Van Goens (p. 51 ) doubts ; but what objection can be raised to this statement, if we only understand in it lyrical and not dramatic Tragedies ? Whether the Tragedies of the younger Empedocles (see Suidas in 'Eµπedokλns, comp. Sturz, Empedocl. p. 86, seqq. , where, however, there are all sorts of errors) were just such Dorian lyric Tragedies, or real dramatic exhibitions, I leave undecided. Arion seems to have been considered as the inventor of this lyric goatsong, since the introduction of the tragic manner (тpaɣiкòs тpóños) is ascribed to this Dithyrambic poet, although he is said to have added satyrs to the chorus as acting persons (comp. Fabric. B. Gr. Vol. 11. p. 286, Harles' edition) . It is admitted that the Drama grew out of a lyric entertainment, and was formed from the chorus ; but it is not so generally known that among the Dorians and Æolians a lyric Tragedy and Comedy existed before, and along with the dramatic, as a distinct species, but people usually referred merely to the rude lyrical beginnings in the Festal games. Thus tragedies before the time of Thespis remained a thorn in the eyes of critics, which it was needful to have taken out ; and Bentley's services (Opusc. p. 276) in this respect have been very highly estimated. But let not us be deceived by it. The Peloponnesians justly claimed Tragedy as their property (Aristot. Poet. III . ) : its invention and completion as a lyrical entertainment belongs undoubtedly to the Sicyonians, whose Tragedies are mentioned by Herodotus (v. 67, comp. Themist. XIX. p. 487) : on which account the invention of Comedy also is sometimes attributed to the Sicyonians (Orest. Anthol. Part II. p. 328, 326) ; and Thespis may very well have been ORCHOMENIAN INSCRIPTIONS. 49 the sixteenth from the lyric Tragedian, Epigenes (Suidas in Oéσmes and ovdèv πρòs Acbvvrov). Aristocles, in his book about the choruses, said very well (Athen. XIV . 630 c) : Συνεστήκει δὲ καὶ σατυρικὴ πᾶσα ποίησις τοπαλαιὸν ἐκ χορῶν, ὡς καὶ ἡ τότε Tрaywdla dióπep ovdè vπoкpɩtàs elxov. Just so Diogenes (III. 56) relates, certainly not out of his own learning, that before Thespis the chorus alone played in Tragedy (diedpaµáτiše) . This Tragedy, consisting of chorus only, was brought to perfection in very early times, and before the people of Attica, to whom alone the dramatic Tragedy belongs, had appropriated the Drama to themselves : of course only romancers, like the author of the Minos, or dialogue of law, have placed the latter far above Thespis ; a position against which I have expressed my opinion on a former occasion (Gr. Trag. Princip. p. 254) . All that I have said is equally applicable to Comedy : in our Inscriptions we find a lyrical Comedy before the dramatical at Orchomenus ; and lower down, the dramatical Comedy is introduced, as from Attica, along with which an actor is mentioned : the former was the old peculiarity of the Dorians and Æolians, among whom lyric poetry for the most part obtained its completion . Even if we pass over Epicharmus, and the traces of a lyric Comedy in the religious usages of Epidaurus and Ægina ( Herod . v. 83 ) , the Dorians, and especially the Megarians, might still have had well- founded claims to the invention of Comedy, which, according to Aristotle, they made good. Besides, the view which we have taken of the lyrical Comedy sufficiently proves that the name is derived, not from кúμŋ, but from the merry kŵμos : such a one took place at the celebration of the victory, and consequently we find in our Inscriptions τὰ ἐπινίκια κωμαΓυδός, and τὰ ἐπινίκια κωμῳδιῶν ποιητής, who is certainly in this place a dramatic Comedian, Alexander of Athens. We cannot, however, call Pindar's songs of victory old Comedies ; and the greater is the distinction between the lyric and the dramatic Comedy, the less entitled are we to draw, from this view, any conclusions in favour of the opinion that the Pindaric poems were represented with corresponding mimicry. " Böckh has reprinted these Inscriptions in his Corpus Inscriptionum, Tom. I. pp. 763-7, with some additional remarks in defence of his view from the objections of Lobeck and Hermann, D. T. G. 4 CHAPTER IV. THE TRAGIC DIALOGUE. -THESPIS. C'est surtout dans la Tragédie antique, que l'Epopée ressort de partout. Elle monte sur la scène Grecque sans rien perdre en quelque sorte de ses proportions gigantesques et démesurées. Ce que chantaient les rhapsodes, les acteurs le déclament. Voilà tout. VICTOR HUGO. IN N addition to the choruses, which, together with the accompanying lyrical poetry, we have referred to the Dorians, another species of entertainment had existed in Greece from the very earliest times, which we may consider as peculiar to the Ionian race ; for it was in the Ionian colonies that it first sprang up. This was the recitation of poems by wandering minstrels , called rhapsodes (pawdol) ; a name probably derived from the æsacus¹ , a staff (páßdos) or branch (epvos) of laurel or myrtle, which was the symbol of their office. Seated in some conspicuous situation, and holding this staff in the right hand, the rhapsodes chanted in slow recitativo, and either with or without a musical accompaniment³, larger or smaller portions of the national epic poetry, which, as is well known, took its rise in the Ionian states ; and, in days when readers were few, and books fewer, were wellnigh the sole depositories of the literature of their country. 1 Hesych.:: αἴσακος. ὁ τῆς δάφνης κλάδος ὃν κατέχοντες ὕμνουν τοὺς θεούς. Plutarch, Sympos. p. 615 : Ηιδον ᾠδὴν τοῦ Θεοῦ—ἑκάστῳ μυρσίνης διδομένης ἣν Ασακον, οἶμαι διὰ τὸ ᾄδειν τὸν δεξάμενον, ἐκάλουν. Welcker has established most clearly (Ep. Cycl. p. 364) that ῥαψῳδὸς is another form of ῥαπισῳδὸς =ῥαβδῳδός. Comp. χρυσό -ραπ-ις, ß-paß-eús, and þaπ- íšeσ0αι, as applied to Homer by Diog. Laert. (IX. i). 2 Hence they were also called åpvwdol, i . e. ¿pvwdol. 3 It is difficult to determine the degree of musical accompaniment which the rhapsodes admitted ; the rhapsode, as such, could hardly have accompanied himself, as one of his hands would be occupied by his rod. We think Wachsmuth is hardly justified in calling (Hellen. Alterth. II. 2, 389) Stesandrus, who sang the Homeric battles to the cithara at Delphi, a rhapsode (Athen. XIV. p. 638 A). Terpander was the first who set the Homeric Poems to regular tunes (see Müller's Dor. IV. 7, § II). On the recitation of the rhapsodists in general, the reader would do well to consult Welcker, Ep. Cycl. pp. 338 fol .; Grote, Hist. Gr. Vol. II . pp. 184 foll. THE TRAGIC DIALOGUE. -THESPIS. 51 Their recitations, however, were not long confined to the Epos. All poetry was equally intended for the ear, and nothing was written but in metre : hence the Muses were appropriately called the children of Memory. Now, the Epos was soon succeeded, but not displaced, by the gnomic and didactic poetry of Hesiod, which, as has been justly observed, was an ornamental appendage of the older form of poetry ' . These poems therefore were recited in the same way as the Epos², and Hesiod himself was a rhapsode³. If the Margites, in its original form, belonged to the epic period of Greek poetry, it cannot be doubted that this humorous poem was also communicated to the public by means of recitation. The Epos of Homer, with not a little borrowed from the sententious poetry of Hesiod, formed the basis of the tragic dialogue ; and in the same way the Margites contained within itself the germs of Comedy. The change of metre, which alone rendered the transition to the other forms more simple and easy, is universally attributed to the prolific genius of ARCHILOCHUS, one of the greatest names in the history of ancient literature. This truly original poet formed the double rhythm of the trochee from the equal rhythm of the dactyl, and used this metre partly in combination with dactyls , and partly in dipodia of its own, which were considered as ultimately equivalent to the dactylic number¹. He soon proved that his new verses were lighter and more varied than the old heroic hexameters, and employed them for nearly equivalent purposes. At the same time, he formed the inverse double rhythm of the iambic from the anapæst, or inverted dactyl, which was the natural measure of the march, and was probably used from very early days in the songs of the processional comus" . Here again he had an admirable vehicle for the violent satire, in which he indulged, and which found its best justification in the scurrilities and outrageous personalities that were bandied to and fro at the feasts of Demeter 1 Wachsmuth, Hellen. Alterthumsk. II . 2, p . 391 . 2 Plato, Legg. II. p. 658. 3 Pausan. IX . 30, 3 : καθῆται δὲ καὶ Ἡσίοδος κιθάραν ἐπὶ τοῖς γόνασιν ἔχων, οὐδέν τι οἰκεῖον Ἡσιόδῳ φόρημα· δῆλα γὰρ δὴ καὶ ἐξ αὐτῶν τῶν ἐπῶν ὅτι ἐπὶ ῥάβδου δάφνης ᾖδεν. Hesiod could not play on the lyre, x. 7, 2 : λέγεται δὲ καὶ ῾Ησίοδον ἀπελαθῆναι τοῦ ἀγωνίσματος ἅτε οὐ κιθαρίζειν ὁμοῦ τῇ ᾠδῇ δεδιδαγμένον. 4 It is expressly testified by Aristot. Rhet. III. 1 , § 9, that the tragic poets passed from the trochaic to the iambic verse, the former having been the original metre in dramatic poetry. 5 See Donaldson's Greek Grammar, 647, 651 , 656. 4-2 52 THE TRAGIC DIALOGUE. -THESPIS. in his native island of Paros ' , and paved the way for the coarse banter of the old Comedy at Athens. The iambic verse, however, was very soon transferred from personal to general satire, from the invectives of the Margites, and from the fierce lampoons of Archilochus, to the more sweeping censures and more sententious generalities of gnomic and didactic poetry. Simonides of Amorgus, who flourished but a little later than Archilochus , used the iambic metre in the discussion of subjects little differing from those in which Hesiod delighted. For example, his general animadversions on the female sex are almost anticipated by the humorous indignation of the Theogony . But in other passages he approaches to the sententious gravity of the later tragedians. Thus, his reflections on the uncertainty of human life might be taken for a speech from a lost tragedy, if the dialect were not inconsistent with such a supposition*. And the same remark is still more applicable to some of the trochaics and iambics of Solon, who lived to witness the first beginnings of Tragedy. Now all this iambic and trochaic poetry was written for rhapsodical recitation : for though we must allow (as even the advocates of the Wolfian hypothesis are willing to admit³) that the poems of Archilochus were committed to writing, it cannot be denied that the means of multiplying manuscripts in his time must have been exceedingly scanty ; and that, if his opportunities of becoming known had been limited to the number of his readers, he could hardly have acquired his great reputation as a poet. We must, therefore, conclude that his poems, and those of Simonides, were promulgated by recitation ; and as such of them as were written in iambics would not be sufficiently diversified 1 Müller, Hist. Litt. Gr. c. XI. § 5, p. 132. 2 Archilochus is first heard of in the year 708 B.C. (Clinton, F. H. I. p. 175) , and Simonides the elder is placed by Suidas 490 years after the Trojan era ( B.C. 693. See Rhein. Mus. for 1835, p. 356). It is interesting to observe how the poetry of the colonists in Asia Minor seems to have crept across, step by step, to Attica and other parts of old Greece. Homer represents the greatest bard and rhapsode of the Homeric confraternity in Chios ; Hesiod was an Æolian of Cyme ; Arion a Lesbian ; and the isles of Paros, Amorgos, and Ceos produced Archilochus and the two Simonides'. 3 Cf. Hesiod, Theog. 591 sqq. Simonides of Amorgos, Fragm. 6, Bergk. The 5th fragment of Simonides, quoted by Clemens Alex. Strom. VI. p. 744 : Γυναικὸς οὐδὲν χρῆμ᾽ ἀνὴρ ληΐζεται Εσθλῆς ἄμεινον οὐδὲ ῥίγιον κακῆς is merely a repetition in Iambics of what Hesiod had previously written in Hexameters (Op. et D. 700) : 4 Simonid. Fr. 1. Οὐ μὲν γάρ τι γυναικὸς ἀνὴρ ληΐζετ᾽ ἄμεινον Τῆς ἀγαθῆς, τῆς δ᾽ αὖτε κακῆς οὐ ῥίγιον ἄλλο. 5 Wolf, Proleg . § 17. THE TRAGIC DIALOGUE. -THESPIS. 53 in tone and rhythm to form a musical entertainment, we may presume that the recitation of their pieces, even if they were monologues, must have been a near approach to theatric declamation. Fortunately we are not without some evidence for this view. of the case. We learn from Clearchus ' , that " Simonides, the Zacynthian, recited ( éppaøder) some of the poems of Archilochus, sitting on an arm-chair in the theatres ; " and this is stated still more distinctly in a quotation from Lysanias which immediately follows : he tells us that " Mnasion, the rhapsode, in the public exhibitions acted some of the iambics of Simonides " (ev Taîs δείξεσι τῶν Σιμωνίδου τινὰς ἰάμβων ὑποκρίνεσθαι *) . Solon, too, who lived many years after these two poets, and was also a gnomic poet and a writer of iambics, on one occasion committed to memory some of his own elegiacs, and recited them from the herald's bema³. It is exceedingly probable, though we have no evidence of the fact, that the gnomes of Theognis were also recited. The rhapsodes having many opportunities of practising their art, and being on many occasions welcome and expected guests, their calling became a trade, and probably, like that of the Persian story-tellers, a very profitable one. Consequently their numbers increased, till on great occasions many of them were sure to be present, and different parts were assigned to them, which they recited alternately and with great emulation : by this means the audience were sometimes gratified by the recitation of a whole. poem at a single feast . In the case of an epic poem, like the Iliad, this was at once a near approach to the theatrical dialogue ; for if one rhapsode recited the speech of Achilles in the first book of that poem, and another that of Agamemnon, we may be sure they did their parts with all the action of stage-players. 1 Athen. XIV. p. 620 c. 2 This word is very often used of the rhapsode. For example, we have in Arist. Rhet. III . I , § 3 : καὶ γὰρ εἰς τὴν τραγικὴν καὶ ῥαψῳδίαν ὀψὲ παρῆλθεν ἡ ὑπόκρισις) · ὑπεκρίνοντο γὰρ αὐτοὶ τὰς τραγῳδίας οἱ ποιηταὶ τὸ πρῶτον. See Wolf, Prolegom. p. cxvi ; Heyne, Excursus, III . 2. It is also applied to the recitation of the Ionic prose of Herodotus, which may be considered as a still more modern form of the Epos. Athen. χιν. p . 629 D : Ιάσων δ᾽ ἐν τρίτῳ περὶ τῶν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου ἱερῶν ἐν ᾿Αλεξ- ανδρείᾳ φησὶ ἐν τῷ μεγάλῳ θεάτρῳ ὑποκρίνασθαι Ηγησίαν τὸν κωμῳδὸν τὰ Ηροδότου. 3 Plutarch, Solon, VIII . 82. 4 Plato, Hipparch. p. 228 : Ιππάρχῳ, δς .... τὰ Ὁμήρου ἔπη... ἠνάγκασε τοὺς ῥαψῳ δοὺς παναθηναίοις ἐξ ὑπολήψεως ἐφεξῆς αὐτὰ διϊέναι ὥσπερ νῦν ἔτι οὗτοι ποιοῦσιν. Compare Diog. Laert. 1. 57, and Suidas v. vπoßoλý. 54 THE TRAGIC DIALOGUE. -THESPIS. With regard to the old iambic poems we may remark, that they are often addressed in the second person singular. We venture from this to conjecture, and it is only a conjecture, that these fragments were taken from speeches forming parts of moral dialogues, like the mimes of Sophron, from which Plato borrowed the form of his dialogues ' ; for on the supposition that they were recited , we have no other way of accounting for the fact. At all events, it is quite certain, that these old iambic poems were the models which the Athenian tragedians proposed to themselves for their dialogues . They were written in the same metre, the same moral tone pervaded both, and, in many instances, the dramatists have borrowed not only the ideas but the very words of their predecessors . The rhapsode was not only the forerunner of the actor, but he was himself an actor (VπокρIтýs ) . If, therefore, 1 Plato is said to have had Sophron under his pillow when he died. Sophronmimorum quidem scriptor, sed quem Plato adeo probavit ut suppositos capiti libros ejus cum moreretur habuisse tradatur. Quintil. I. 10, 17. See Spalding's note. 2 This is expressly stated by Plutarch, de Musicâ, Tom. x. p. 680 : tɩ dè tŵv ιαμβείων τὸ τὰ μὲν λέγεσθαι παρὰ τὴν κροῦσιν, τὰ δὲ ᾄδεσθαι ᾿Αρχίλοχόν φασι καταδεῖξαι, εἶθ᾽ οὕτω χρήσασθαι τοὺς τραγικούς. Do not the first words apply to a rhythmical recitation by the exarchus, followed by a musical performance by the chorus? 3 Whole pages might be filled with the plagiarisms of the Attic tragedians from even the small remains of the gnomic poets. The following are a few of the most striking. Archiloch. p. 30, 1. I, Liebel : χρημάτων ἄελπτον οὐδέν ἐστιν, οὐδ᾽ ἀπώμοτον is repeated by Soph. Antig. 386: ἄναξ, βροτοῖσιν οὐδέν ἐστ᾽ ἀπώμοτον. Esch. Eumen. 603: τὰ πλεῖστ᾽ ἀμείνον᾽ εὐφροσιν δεδεγμένη from Theognis, v. 762 (p. 52, Welcker) : ὧδ᾽ εἶναι καὶ ἀμείνον' εΰφρονα θυμὸν ἔχοντας. Esch. Agam. 36: τὰ δ᾽ ἄλλα σιγῶ· βοῦς ἐπὶ γλώττης μέγας from Theognis, 651 , Welcker : βοῦς μοι ἐπὶ γλώσσης κρατερῷ ποδὶ λὰξ ἐπιβαίνων ἴσχει κωτίλλειν καίπερ ἐπιστάμενον. Soph. Antig. 666 : Τοῦδε [ ἄρχοντος] χρὴ κλύειν Καὶ σμικρὰ καὶ δίκαια καὶ τἀναντία· (i.e. μeɣáλa kal adika) , from Solon's well-known line : ᾿Αρχῶν ἄκουε καὶ δίκαια κἄδικα, as it ought to be read. 4 When Aristotle says (Rhet. III. 1 ) : εἰς τὴν τραγικὴν καὶ ῥαψῳδίαν ὀψὲ παρῆλθεν (ἡ ὑπόκρισις), ὑπεκρίνοντο γὰρ αὐτοὶ τὰς τραγῳδίας οἱ ποιηταὶ τὸ πρῶτον, he evidently means by the word vπóкpiσis the assumption of the poet's person by another ; which we conceive to have been the original, as it is the derived, meaning of the word. Compare vπóрxnua, &c. We think it more than probable that the names of the actors, πрштаɣшиiσтηs, &c. were derived from the names of the rhapsodes who recited in THE TRAGIC DIALOGUE. -THESPIS. 55 the difference between the lyric Tragedy of the Dorians and the regular Tragedy of the Athenians consisted in this , that the one had actors (Vπoкρiтaí) and the other had none, we must look for the origin of the complete and perfect Attic drama in the union of the rhapsodes with the Bacchic chorus. There can be little doubt that the worship of Bacchus was introduced into Attica at a very early period ' ; indeed it was probably the religion of the oldest inhabitants, who, on the invasion of the country by the Ionians, were reduced, like the native Laconians, to the inferior situation of πepioikot, and cultivated the soil for their conquerors. Like all other Pelasgians they were naturally inclined to a country life, and this perhaps may account for the elementary nature of their religion, which with its votaries was thrown aside and despised by the ruling caste. In the quadripartite division of the people of Attica the old inhabitants formed the tribe of the Ægicores or goatherds, who worshipped Dionysus with the sacrifice of goats. But though they were at first kept in a state of inferiority and subjection, they eventually rose to an equality with the other inhabitants of the country. There are very many Attic legends which point to the original contempt for the goatherd's religion, and its subsequent adoption by the other tribes. This is indicated by the freedom of slaves at the Dionysian festivals, by the reference of the origin of the religion to the town. Eleutheræ, by the marriage of the King Archon's wife to Bacchus ; and we may perhaps discover traces of a difference of castes in the story of Orestes at the Anthesteria. It was natural, therefore, that the Egicores, when they had obtained their freedom from political disabilities, should ascribe their deliverance to their tutelary god, whom they therefore called ' Exeú epos : and in later times, when all the inhabitants of Attica were on a footing of equality, the god Bacchus was still looked upon as the favourer of the commonalty, and as the patron of democracy. succession ( ¿¿ úπoλýРews) in the pa¥wdŵv åyŵves . See Pseudoplat. Hipparch. p. 228, and the other passages quoted by Welcker, Ep. Cycl. pp. 371 fol. 1 On the early worship of Bacchus in Attica see Welcker's Nachtrag, pp. 194 fol. and Phil. Mus. II. pp. 299-307. 2 καὶ αὕτη ἡ γυνὴ ὑμῖν ἔθυε τὰ ἄῤῥητα ἱερὰ ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως, καὶ εἶδεν ἃ οὐ προσῆκεν αὐτὴν ὁρᾷν ξένην οὖσαν, καὶ τοιαύτη οὖσα εἰσῆλθεν οἳ οὐδεὶς ἄλλος Αθηναίων τοσούτων ὄντων εἰσέρχεται ἀλλ᾽ ἡ τοῦ βασιλέως γυνή, ἐξώρκωσέ τε τὰς γεραιρὰς τὰς ὑπηρετούσας τοῖς ἱεροῖς, ἐξεδόθη δὲ τῷ Διονύσῳ γυνή, ἔπραξε δὲ ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως τὰ πάτρια τὰ πρὸς τοὺς θεούς, πολλὰ καὶ ἅγια καὶ ἀπόῤῥητα. Pseud. Demosth. in Neær. pp. 1369-70. Above, p. 19. 56 THE TRAGIC DIALOGUE. -THESPIS. As we have before remarked, it was not till the Athenians had recognized the supremacy of the Delphian oracle, that the Dorian choral worship was introduced into Attica, and it was then applied to the old Dionysian religion of the country with the sanction of the Pythian priestess, as appears from the oracle which we have quoted above, and from the legend in Pausanias , that the Delphian oracle assisted Pegasus in transferring the worship of Bacchus from Eleuthera to Athens¹ . Consequently the cyclic chorus would not be long in finding its way into a country so predisposed for its reception as Attica certainly was ; and there is every reason to believe that the Dorian lyric drama, perhaps with certain modifications, accompanied its parent 2 . The recitations by rhapsodes were a peculiarly Ionian entertainment, and therefore, no doubt, were common in Attica from the very earliest times. At Brauron, in particular, we are told that the Iliad was chanted by rhapsodes . Now the Brauronia was a festival of Bacchus, and a particularly boisterous one, if we may believe Aristophanes . To this festival we refer the passage of Clearchus, quoted by Athenæus5, in which it is stated that the rhapsodes came forward in succession, and recited in honour of Bacchus. By a combination of these particulars, we can at once establish a connexion between the worship of Bacchus and the rhapsodic recitations. Before, however, we consider the important inferences which may be derived from these facts, we must enter a little into the state of affairs in Attica at the time when the Thespian Tragedy arose. The early political dissensions at Athens were, like those between the populus and the plebs in the olden times of Roman history, the consequences of an attempt on the part of the inferior 1 1. 2 , 5 : συνελάβετο δέ οἱ καὶ τὸ ἐν Δελφοῖς μαντείον. 2 It seems that the oscilla on the trees referred to the hanging of Erigone, which probably formed the subject of a standing drama with mimic dances like the Sicyonian Tragedies, with which the dramas of Epigenes were connected . Welck. Nachtrag, P. 224. 3 Hesych. : Βραυρωνίοις. τὴν Ἰλιάδα ῒδον ῥαψῳδοὶ ἐν Βραυρῶνι τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς . καὶ Βραυρωνία ἑορτὴ ᾿Αρτέμιδι Βραυρωνίᾳ ἄγεται καὶ θύεται αἴξ. Does this mention of the sacrifice of a goat point to the rites of the Ægicores ? 4 Pax, 874, and Schol. 5 At the beginning of the Seventh Book, p. 275 B : Þayhora, oi dè Þaynorowóola προσαγορεύουσι τὴν ἑορτήν. ἐξέλιπε δὲ αὕτη, καθάπερ ἡ τῶν ῥαψῳδῶν, ἣν ἦγον κατὰ τὴν τῶν Διονυσίων· ἐν ᾗ παριόντες ἕκαστοι τῷ θεῷ οἷον τιμὴν ἀπετέλουν τὴν ῥαψῳδίαν. Welcker reads ékάotų тŵv leŵv, and takes quite a different view of this passage, except so far as he agrees with us in referring it to the Brauronia ( Ep. Cycl. p. 391 ). THE TRAGIC DIALOGUE. -THESPIS. 57 orders in an aristocracy of conquest ' to shake off their civil disabilities, and to put themselves upon an equality with their more favoured fellow-citizens. Solon had in part effected this by taking from the Eupatrids some of their exclusive privileges, and establishing a democracy in the place of the aristocracy. At this time, Athens was divided into three parties ; the Пediaîoɩ, or the landed aristocracy of the interior ; the Пápaλoι, the people dwelling on the coast on both sides of Cape Sunium; and the Διάκριοι οι Υπερáкpio , the highlanders who inhabited the north-eastern district of Attica². The first party were for an oligarchy, the last for a democracy, and the second for a mixture of the two forms of government . The head of the democratical faction was Pisistratus, the son of Hippocrates, of the family of the Codrids, and related to Solon : he was born at Philaïdæ, near Brauron, and therefore was by birth a Diacrian. Having obtained by an artifice the sovran power at Athens, he was expelled by a coalition of the other two factions. After a short time, however, Megacles, the leader of the Paralians, being harassed (Tepieλavvóμevos *) by the aristocratic faction, recalled Pisistratus and gave him his daughter in marriage. The manner of his return is of the greatest importance in reference to our present object. " There was a woman," says Herodotus, " of the Pæanian deme, whose name was Phya : she was nearly four cubits in stature, and was in other respects comely to look upon. Having equipped this woman in a complete suit of armour, they placed her in a chariot, and having taught her beforehand how to act her part in the most dignified manner possible (xaì πрodéξαντες σχῆμα οἷόν τι ἔμελλε εὐπρεπέστατον φαίνεσθαι ἔχουσας) , they drove to the city. " He adds, that they sent heralds before her, who, when they got to Athens, told the people to receive with good-will Pisistratus, whom Athena herself honoured above all 1 See Arnold's Thucydides, Vol. I. p. 620. We think the fact that one of the classes in Attica was called the " Hopletes, " points to a conquest of Attica in remote times by the Ionians. 2 Herod. I. 59 : στασιαζόντων τῶν παράλων καὶ τῶν ἐκ τοῦ πεδίου Αθηναίων τῶν ὑπερακρίων προστάς. 3 Plutarch, Sol. XIII . p . 85 : ἦν γὰρ τὸ μὲν τῶν Διακρίων γένος δημοκρατικώτερον, ὀλιγαρχικώτατον δὲ τὸ τῶν Πεδιέων, τρίτοι δὲ οἱ Πάραλοι μέσον τινὰ καὶ μεμιγμένον alpoúμevoι ToλTelas Tрóπоv. Comp. Arnold's note on Thucyd. II . 59. 4 Herod. I. 60. 5 See the passages quoted by Ruhnken on Timæus, sub v. oxnuaтišóμevos ( pp. 245- 6), to which add Plat. Resp. p. 577 Δ : ἐκπλήττεται ὑπὸ τῆς τῶν τυραννικῶν προστά- σεως ἣν πρὸς τοὺς ἔξω σχηματίζονται... ἐν οἷς μάλιστα γυμνὸς ἂν ὀφθείη τῆς τρατ γικῆς σκευῆς. 58 THE TRAGIC DIALOGUE. -THESPIS. men, and was bringing back from exile to her own Acropolis. Now we must recollect who were the parties to this proceeding. In the first place, we have Megacles, an Alcmæonid, and therefore connected with the worship of Bacchus¹ ; moreover, he was the father of the Alcmaon, whose son Megacles married Agariste, the daughter of Cleisthenes of Sicyon, and had by her Cleisthenes, the Athenian demagogue, who is said to have imitated his maternal grandfather in some of the reforms which he introduced into the Athenian constitution2. One of the points, which Herodotus mentions in immediate connexion with Cleisthenes' imitation of his grandfather, is the abolition of the Homeric rhapsodes at Sicyon, and his restitution of the Tragic Choruses to Bacchus. May we not also conclude that Megacles the elder was not indifferent to the policy of a ruler who was so nearly connected with him by marriage ? The other party was Pisistratus, who was, as we have said, born near Brauron, where rhapsodic recitations were connected with the worship of Bacchus ; the strong-hold of his party was the Tetrapolis, which contained the town of Enoë³, to which, and not to the Boeotian town of the same name, we refer the traditions with regard to the introduction of the worship of Bacchus into Attica* ; his party doubtless included the Ægicores (who have indeed been considered as identical with the Diacrians ) , and these we have seen were the original possessors of the worship of Bacchus ; finally, there was a mask of Bacchus at Athens, which was said to be a portrait of Pisistratus ; so that upon the whole there can be little doubt of the interest which he took in the establishment of the rites of the Ægicores as a part of the state religion. With regard to the actress, Phya, we need only remark that she was a garland-seller ', and therefore, as this trade was a very public one, could not easily have passed herself off upon the Athenians for a 1 See Welcker's Nachtrag, p. 250. 2 Herod. v. 67 : ταῦτα δέ, δοκέειν ἐμοί, ἐμιμέετο ὁ Κλ. οὗτος τὸν ἑωυτοῦ μητροπά τορα, Κλ. τὸν Σικυώνος τύραννον. Κλεισθένης γὰρῥαψῳδοὺς ἔπαυσε ἐν Σικυῶνι ἀγωνίζεσθαι τῶν ῾Ομηρείων ἐπέων εἵνεκα. Mr. Grote has shown good reasons for believing that the poems recited at Sicyon as Homeric productions were the Thebais and the Epigoni. Hist. Gr. Vol. II. p. 173, note. 3 See the passages quoted by Elmsley on the Heracl. 81 . 4 The Deme of Semachus was also in that part of Attica. 5 See Wachsmuth, I. 1 , p. 229 ; Arnold's Thucydides, pp. 659-60. 6 ὅπου καὶ τὸ ᾿Αθήνῃσι τοῦ Διονύσου πρόσωπον ἐκείνου τινές φασιν εἰκόνα. Athenæus, XII. p. 533 C. 7 στεφανόπωλις δὲ ἦν. Athen. XIII. p. 609 c. THE TRAGIC DIALOGUE. -THESPIS. 59 • goddess. The first inference which we shall draw from a combination of these particulars is, that the ceremony attending the return of Pisistratus was to all intents and purposes a dramatic representation of the same kind with that part of the Eumenides of Eschylus, in which the same goddess Athena is introduced for the purpose of recommending to the Athenians the maintenance of the Areopagus². Before we make any further use of the facts which we have alluded to, it will be as well to give some account of the celebrated contemporary of Pisistratus to whom the invention of Greek Tragedy has been generally ascribed . THESPIS was born at Icarius³, a Diacrian deme , at the beginning of the sixth century B. C. His birth-place derived its name, according to the tradition, from the father of Erigone ; it had always been a seat of the religion of Bacchus, and the origin of the Athenian Tragedy and Comedy has been confidently referred to the drunken festivals of the place : indeed it is not improbable that the name itself may point to the old mimetic exhibitions which were common there ³. Thespis is stated to have introduced an actor for the sake of resting the Dionysian chorus . This actor was generally, perhaps always, himself10. He invented a disguise for the face by means of a pigment, prepared from the herb purslain, and afterwards constructed a linen mask, in order, probably, that he might be able to sustain more than one character" . He is also said to have introduced some important alterations into the dances of the chorus, and 1 Solon (according to Plutarch, c. xxx. ) applied the term Toкplveolar to another of the artifices of Pisistratus. Diogen. Laërt. Solon, I. says : Oéσti ékúλvoev (ỏ Zóλwv) τραγῳδίας ἄγειν τε καὶ διδάσκειν ὡς ἀνωφελῆ τὴν ψευδολογίαν. ὅτ᾽ οὖν Πεισίστρατος ἑαυτὸν κατέτρωσεν, ἐκεῖθεν μὲν ἔφη ταῦτα φίναι. 2 This seems to be nearly the view taken of this pageant by Dr. Thirlwall, Hist. of Greece, Vol. II. p. 60. Mr. Keightley is inclined to conjecture from the meaning of the woman's name (Phya-size) that the whole is a myth. 3 Suidas, Θέσπις, Ικαρίου πόλεως Αττικῆς. 4 Leake on the Demi of Attica, p. 194. 5 Bentley fixes the time of Thespis' first exhibition at 536 B. C. 6 Steph. Byz. 'Ikapla ; Hygin. Fab. 130 ; Ov. Met. VI. 125. 7 Athen. II. p. 40 : ἀπὸ μέθης καὶ ἡ τῆς κωμῳδίας καὶ τῆς τραγῳδίας εὕρεσις ἐν Ικαρίῳ τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς εὑρέθη. 8 See Welcker, Nachtrag, p. 222. 9 Ὕστερον δὲ Θέσπις ἕνα ὑποκριτὴν ἐξεῦρεν ὑπὲρ τοῦ διαναπαύεσθαι τὸν χορόν. Diog. Laërt. Plat. LXVI. 10 Plutarch, Sol. XXIX : ὁ Σόλων ἐθεάσατο τὸν Θέσπιν αὐτὸν ὑποκρινόμενον ὥσπερ Oos v Tоîs Taxacoîs. See also Arist. Rhet. III. 1 , and Liv. VII, 2. 11 Welcker, Nachtrag, p. 271 ; Thirlwall's History of Greece, Vol. II. p. 126. 60 THE TRAGIC DIALOGUE. -THESPIS. his figures were known in the days of Aristophanes ¹ . These are almost all the facts which we know respecting this celebrated man. It remains for us to examine them. It appears, then, that he was a contemporary of Pisistratus and Solon. He was a Diacrian, and consequently a partizan of the former ; we are told too that the latter was violently opposed to him . He was an Icarian, and therefore by his birth a worshipper of Bacchus. He was an úπокρɩтýs ; and from the subjects of his recitations it would appear that he was also a rhapsode . Here we have again the union of Dionysian rites with rhapsodical recitations which we have discovered in the Brauronian festival. But he went a step farther : his rhapsode, or actor, whether himself or another person, did not confine his speech to mere narration ; he addressed it to the chorus, which carried on with him, by means of its coryphæi, a sort of dialogue. The chorus stood upon the steps of the thymele, or altar of Bacchus ; and in order that he might address them from an equal elevation, he was placed upon a table (èλcós) * , which was the predecessor of the stage, between which and the thymele in later times there was always an intervening space. The waggon of Thespis, of which Horace writes, must have arisen from some confusion between this standing-place for the actor and the waggon of Susarion³. Themistius tells us that Thespis invented a prologue and a rhesis . The former must have been the prooemium which he spoke as exarchus of the improved Dithyramb; the latter the dialogue between him- • self and the chorus, by means of which he developed a myth 1 Aristoph. Vesp. 1479 . 2 Plutarch, Sol. XXIX. XXX. and p. 59 , note I. 3 The names of some of his plays have come down to us : they are the Пevoεús,

  • Αθλα Πελίου, ἢ Φορβάς, Ἱερεῖς, Ἠθεοι (Jul. Poll. VII. 45 ; Suid. s. v. Θέσπις) .

Gruppe must have founded his supposition that Ulysses was the subject of a play of Thespis (Ariadne, p. 129) on a misunderstanding of Plut. Sol. xxx. in which he was preceded by Schneider ( De Originibus Trag. Gr. p. 56) . 4 See Welcker, Nachtrag, p. 248. We think that the joke of Dicaopolis (Arist. Acharn. 355 sqq . ) is an allusion to this practice. Solon mounted the herald's bema, when he recited his verses to the people. (V. Plut. c. 8). 5 See Welcker, Nachtrag, p. 247. Gruppe says quaintly, but, we think, justly (Ariadne, p. 122), " It is clear enough that the waggon of Thespis cannot well con- sist with the festal choir of the Dionysia ; and, in fact, this old coach, which has been fetched from Horace only, must be shoved back again into the lumber- room. " The words of Horace are ( A. P. 275-277) : Ignotum tragicæ genus invenisse Camœnæ Dicitur et plaustris vexisse poemata Thespis, Quæ canerent agerentque peruncti fæcibus ora. 6 p. 316, Hard. : Θέσπις δὲ πρόλογόν τε καὶ ῥῆσιν ἐξεῦρεν, THE TRAGIC DIALOGUE. -THESPIS. 61 relating to Bacchus or some other deity or hero ' . Lastly, there is every reason to believe, that Thespis did not confine his representation to his native deme, but exhibited at Athens². From a comparison of these particulars respecting Thespis with the facts which we have stated in connexion with the first return of Pisistratus to Athens, we shall now be able to deduce some further inferences. It appears, then, that a near approximation to the perfect form of the Greek Drama took place in the time of Pisistratus : all those who were concerned in bringing it about were Diacrians, or connected with the worship of Bacchus ; the innovations were either the results or the concomitants of an assumption of political power by a caste of the inhabitants of Attica, whose tutelary god was Bacchus, and were in substance nothing but an union of the old choral worship of Bacchus, with an offshoot of the rhapsodical recitations of the Ionic epopœists 3. We can understand without any difficulty why Pisistratus should encourage the religion of his own people, the Diacrians or Ægicores ; and why Solon, who thought he had given the lower orders power enough , should oppose the adoption of their worship as a part of the religion of the state ; for in those days the religion and privileges of a caste rose and fell together. It might, however, ¹ This is the sense which the word pñσis bears in Hom. Odyss. XXI. 290, 291 : αὐταρ ἀκούεις ἡμετέρων μύθων καὶ ῥήσιος. Æschyl. Suppl. 61ο : τοιάνδ᾽ ἔπειθε ῥῆσιν ἀμφ' ἡμῶν λέγων. See Welcker, Nachtr. p. 269. The invention of the pois seems also to be referred to by Aristotle, when he says (Poet. c. 4) : Néĝews dè yevoµévns. 2 Nachtrag, p. 254. 3 The conclusions of Gruppe are so nearly, in effect, the same as ours, and so well expressed, that we think it right to lay them before our readers (Ariadne, p. 127) . Thespis developed from these detached speeches of the Choreutæ, especially when they were longer than usual, a recitation by an actor in the form of a narrative ; a recitation, and not a song. Thespis, however, was an inhabitant of Attica, an Athe- nian, and as such stood in the middle , between the proper Ionians and the Dorians. The formation of the epos was the peculiar property of the former, of lyric poetry that of the latter. So long as tragedy or the tragic chorus existed in the Peloponnese, they were of a lyrical nature. In this form, with the Doric dialect and a lyrical accompaniment, they were transplanted into Attica ; and here it was that Thespis first joined to them the Ionic element of narration, which, if not quite Ionic, had and maintained a relationship with the Ionic, even in the language. " We may here remark, that all the old iambic poets wrote strictly in the Ionic dialect. Welcker has clearly shown this by examples in the case of Simonides of Amorgus. (See Rheinisch. Museum for 1835, p. 369.) 4 Solon, ed. Bach, p. 94 : Δήμῳ μὲν γὰρ ἔδωκα τόσον κράτος ὅσσον ἐπαρκεῖ. Is not Niebuhr's translation of this line wrong ? (Hist. Rom. Vol. II. note 700.) Comp. Asch. Agamemn. 370: ἔστω ἀπήμαντον ὥστε κἀπαρκεῖν εὖ πραπίδων λαχόντα. 62 THE TRAGIC DIALOGUE. -THESPIS. be asked why Pisistratus and his party, who evidently in their encroachments on the power of the aristocracy adopted in most cases the policy of the Sicyonian Cleisthenes, should in this particular have deviated from it so far as to encourage the rhapsodes, whom Cleisthenes, on the contrary, sedulously put down on account of the great predilection of the aristocracy for the Epos¹ . This deserves and requires some additional explanation . Pisistratus was not only a Diacrian or goat-worshipper : he was also a Codrid, and therefore a Neleid ; nay, he bore the name of one of the sons of his mythical ancestor, Nestor : he might, therefore, be excused for feeling some sort of aristocratical respect for the poems which described the wisdom and valour of his progenitors. Besides, he was born in the deme Philaïde, which derived its name from Philæus, one of the sons of Ajax, and he reckoned Ajax also among his ancestors : this may have induced him to desire a public commemoration of the glories of the Æantidæ, just as the Athenians of the next century looked with delight and interest at the Play of Sophocles2 : and we have little doubt but he heard in his youth parts of the Iliad recited at the neighbouring deme of Brauron³. If we add to this, that by introducing into a few passages of the Homeric poems some striking encomiums on his countrymen, he was able to add considerably to his popularity, and that it is always the policy of a tyrant to encourage literature , we shall fully understand why he gave himself so much trouble about these poems in the days of his power5. Solon also greatly encouraged the rhapsodes, and shares with Pisistratus the honour of arranging the rhapsodies according to their natural and poetical sequence : we must not forget, too, that Solon 1 Wachsmuth, Hell. Alt. II. 2, 389. 2 See Rheinisch. Mus. for 1829, p. 62 . 3 See Nitzsch, Indag. per Od. Interpol. præpar. p. 37 ; Hist. Hom. p. 165 ; Welcker, Ep. Cycl. p. 393. "Debbe un principe, " says Machiavelli (il Principe, cap. XXI. fin. ) , " ne' tempi convenienti dell' anno tenere occupati i popoli con feste e spettacoli ; e perchè ogni città è divisa o in arti o in tribù, debbe tener conto di quelle università. " 5 Quis doctior iisdem illis temporibus, aut cujus eloquentia litteris instructior fuisse traditur, quam Pisistrati ? qui primus Homeri libros, confusos antea, sic disposuisse dicitur ut nunc habemus. Cicer. de Orat. III. 34. Πεισίστρατος ἔπη τὰ ῾Ομήρου διεσπασμένα τε καὶ ἀλλαχοῦ μνημονευόμενα ἠθροίζετο. Pausan. VII. 26, p. 594. Ύστερον Πεισίστρατος συναγαγὼν ἀπέφηνε τὴν Ἰλιάδα καὶ τὴν Ὀδύσσειαν. Alian, V. H. XIII. 14. See also Joseph. c. Apion. 1 , 2 ; Liban. Panegyr. in Julian. T. 1. p. 170, Reiske ; Suidas, v. "Oμnpos ; and Eustath. p. 5. 6 Comp. Diog. Sol. I. 57, with Ps. Plat. Hipparch. p. 228 B. THE TRAGIC DIALOGUE. -THESPIS. 63 was one of those writers of gnomic poetry, whom we have considered as the successors of the Epopoists, and from whose writings the Attic tragedians modelled their dialogue. Now we know that Pisistratus endeavoured, as far as was consistent with his own designs, to adopt the constitution of Solon, and always treated his venerable kinsman with deference and respect. May not a wish to reconcile his own plans with the tastes and feelings of the superseded legislator have operated with him as an additional reason for attempting to unite the old epic element with the rites of the Dionysian religion, which his political connexions compelled him to transfer from the country to the city ? may not such a combination have been suggested by his early recollections of the Brauronia ? did the genius of the Icarian plan the innovation , or was he merely instrumental towards carrying it into effect ? was the name Thespis originally borne by this agent of Pisistratus , or was it rather a surname, derived from the common epithet of the Homeric minstrel¹ , and implying nothing more in its connexion with the history ofthe drama, than that it arose from a combination such as we have described ? But whatever reason we may assign for the union of the rhapsody with the Bacchic chorus, it seems pretty clear that this union was actually effected in the time of Pisistratus. And herein consists the claim of Thespis to be considered as the inventor of Attic Tragedy. Arion's satyrical chorus, and even the lyric drama of Epigenes, may have been imitated at Athens soon after their introduction in the Peloponnesus. The cyclic chorus was performed as a separate affair till the latest days of Athenian democracy , and the Pyrrhic dance, which was adopted by the Satyrs, was also a 1 Hom. Od. 1. 328 : τοῦ δ᾽ ὑπερωϊόθεν φρεσὶ σύνθετο θέσπιν ἀοιδὴν κούρη Ἰκαρίσιο. VIII. 498 : ὡς ἄρα τοι πρόφρων θεὸς ὤπασε θέσπιν ἀοιδήν. XVII. 385 : ἢ καὶ θέσπιν ἀοιδόν, ὅ κεν τέρπῃσιν ἀείδων. See Buttmann's Lexilogus, I. p. 166. It was very common to invent names for persons from their actions, or for persons to change their own names according to their profession. Thus Helen is called the daughter of Nemesis, Arion the son of Cycleus, and Tisias changed his name into Stesichorus, by which alone he is known at the present day (above, p. 37, and see Clinton's F. H. Vol. 1. p. 5) ; so that Thespis may even be an assumed name. 3 Lys. ἀποδ. δωροδ. p. 698. 64 THE TRAGIC DIALOGUE. -THESPIS. distinct exhibition¹ . Nay, the Homeric rhapsody was recited by itself on the proper occasion ; that is to say, generally at the great Panathenæa2: nor would the Homeric hexameter have been so well suited to a dramatic dialogue as the trochaic tetrameter and senarius, which the vigorous and sententious poetry of Archilochus and the elder Simonides had made well known and popular in Attica and in the Egean. Whether anticipated or not by Susarion, in the employment of the Iambic metre in dramatic speeches, Thespis may claim the merit of having been the first to combine with the Bacchic chorus, which he received from Arion, a truly epic element, and he was clearly the first who made the rhapsode appear as an actor sustaining different characters, and addressing the audience from a fixed and elevated stage. At first he may have been contented, like the exarchi of the improved Dithyramb, with personating Bacchus, and surrounding himself with a chorus of Satyrs ; but there is every reason to believe that he soon extended his sphere of myths, and that his plots were as various as those of his successors. Bentley was interested in the establishment of his proposition. that Thespis did not write his plays, and naturally manifested the eagerness of a pleader rather than the impartiality of a judge³. There is no antecedent improbability in the statement of Donatus that Thespis wrote tragedies. Solon, and, much earlier, Archilochus and Simonides committed their poems to writing ; and in the days of Pisistratus it is not likely that a favourite rhapsode would leave his compositions unpublished. The destruction of Athens, in B.C. 480, made the older specimens of Attic literature very scarce, but there must have been some remains of his writings in the time of Sophocles, otherwise that poet would hardly have published strictures on him and Chœrilus , which, as we may infer from his criticisms on Æschylus , in all probability referred to the harshness of their style. Aristophanes speaks of him precisely in the same terms as he does of Phrynichus, predicating an antiquated stiffness of both these old Tragedians . We may grant that the lines attri1 Lys. u. s.; Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 988. 2 Lycurg. c. Leocr. p. 161 ; Plat. Hipparch. p. 228 в ; Ælian, V. H. VIII. 2. 3 Dissertation on Phalaris, pp. 237 sqq. 4 Suid. s. v. Σοφοκλῆς : περὶ τοῦ χοροῦ πρὸς Θέσπιν καὶ Χοίριλον ἀγωνιζόμενος. 5 See Müller, Hist. Lit. Gr. Vol. I. p. 340, and our note on the translation. 6 Comp. Vesp. 220 : ȧрxαioµediσidwvoppuviɣńpara µéλŋ, “ antiquated honey-sweet THE TRAGIC DIALOGUE. -THESPIS. 65 buted to Thespis by Clemens Alexandrinus ' contain internal evidence of their spuriousness, but there is no presumption against the authenticity of the quotations in Plutarch2 and Julius Pollux³, beyond the ill- founded hypothesis, that Thespis composed only ludicrous dramas. This hypothesis, as we have seen above, rests on the old confusion between Thespis and Susarion. The forgeries of Heraclides Ponticus are themselves no slight proof of the originally serious character of the Thespian drama ; for if his contemporaries had really believed that Thespis wrote nothing but ludicrous dramas, a scholar of Aristotle would hardly have attempted to impose upon the public with a set of plays, altogether different in style and title from those of the author on whom he wished to pass them off. The fact is, that the choral plays from which the Thespian drama was formed were satyrical, for the Dithyramb in the improved form which it received from Arion was performed by a chorus of satyrs¹ ; and there is little doubt that Thespis may have been a satyric poet before he was a tragedian, in the more modern sense of the word : but Chamæleon seems to have expressly mentioned the fact, that Thespis passed from Bacchic to Epic subjects5. With regard to the titles of his plays preserved by Suidas and Julius Pollux, they are not really open to cavil. For even supposing that they refer rather to the apocryphal compositions of Heraclides than to the lost tragedies of the old Icarian, there is no reason for concluding that the titles were not borrowed by the fabricator from obsolete but genuine dramas. Unless we are prepared to maintain, against the prevalent tendency of all the authorities, that Thespis never wrote or acted a play of grave or pathetic character, we cannot assert that he was unlikely to have brought and popular ditties from the Phœnissæ of Phrynichus, ” with a passage in a subse- quent part of the same play ( 1479) : ὀρχούμενος τῆς νυκτὸς οὐδὲν παύεται τἀρχαῖ᾽ ἐκεῖν᾽ οἷς Θέσπις ήγωνίζετο. 1 Clem. Al. Strom. v. p. 675, Potter. 2 Plut. de Audiendis Poetis, p. 134, Wyttenb. 3 Jul. Poll. VII. 45. Another fragment has been lately published from a papyrus by Letronne, Fragmens inédits d'anciens poètes Grecs, Par. 1838, p. 7 : ovк ¿¿α@ρýσas οἶδ'· ἰδὼν δέ σοι λέγω, where ἐξαθρέω is ἅπαξ λεγόμενον. 4 Above, p. 40. 5 This seems to be the proper interpretation of the passage in Photius, Lex. s. v. οὐδὲν πρὸς τὸν Διόνυσον—τὸ πρόσθεν εἰς τὸν Διόνυσον γράφοντες τούτοις ἠγωνίζοντο ἅπερ καὶ σατυρικὰ ἐλέγετο· ὕστερον δὲ μεταβάντες εἰς τραγῳδίας γράφειν κατὰ μικρὸν εἰς μύθους καὶ ἱστορίας ἐτράπησαν μηκέτι τοῦ Θεοῦ μνημονεύοντες, ὅθεν καὶ ἐπεφώνησαν κ.τ.λ. καὶ Χαμαιλέων ἐν τῷ περὶ Θέσπιδος. Below, p . [ 69] , note I. D. T. G. 5 66 THE TRAGIC DIALOGUE. -THESPIS. 19 forward dramas, bearing the titles in question-namely, " Pentheus ; " "the Funeral Games of Pelias, " or " Phorbas ; " "the Priests ; "the Youths ; " indeed it would not be difficult to show that these subjects were very well adapted for the narrative speeches which must have abounded while the actor was limited to the personation of one character at a time. With regard to the violent and ludicrous dances, which were attributed to Thespis, and of which Aristophanes gives a somewhat ludicrous picture at the end of his " Wasps¹," we have only to remark that all antiquated postures, attitudes, and movements, appear ridiculous to those whose grandfathers practised them. Apollo himself is described as leading the Pæan with high and springy steps ; and the gymnopædic dance, in which the Tragic Emmeleia took its rise, must have been originally distinguished by the agility which it prescribed. In the early days of the drama a great deal of energetic and expressive gesticulation was expected from the chorus, and even in the time of Æschylus it is recorded that Telestes, the ballet-leader of that poet, invented many new forms of xeipovoμía or manual gesticulations, and that in the " Seven against Thebes " he represented the action of the piece by his mimic dancing³. The statement of Suidas, that Phrynichus was the first who introduced women on the stage ( πρώτος γυναικεῖον πρόσωπον εἰσή yayev) , which Bentley, perhaps purposely, mistranslates, is no reason for concluding that Thespis never wrote a Tragedy called "Alcestis," were there any real evidence to show that this was the title of one of his plays ; for it would have been perfectly easy to handle that subject in the Thespian manner, that is , with more narrative than dialogue, without the introduction of Alcestis herself . Indeed we cannot conceive how she could be introduced as talking to the chorus, whom she does not once address in the play of Euripides, and there was no other actor for her to talk with. 1 V. 1848 sqq.; Bentley, Phalaris, pp. 265 sqq. 2 Above, p. 32, note 2. 3 Welcker, Nachtrag, pp. 266, 7 ; Athen. I. p. 21 F : Kal Téλeois dé Teλéotns, ¿ ὀρχηστοδιδάσκαλος, πολλὰ ἐξεύρηκε σχήματα ἄκρως ταῖς χερσὶ τὰ λεγόμενα δεικνυούσαις ...... Αριστοκλῆς γοῦν φησὶν ὅτι Τελέστης ὁ Αἰσχύλου ὀρχηστὴς οὕτως ην τεχνίτης ὥστε ἐν τῷ ὀρχεῖσθαι τοὺς ῾Επτὰ ἐπὶ Θήβας φανερὰ ποιῆσαι τὰ πράγματα δι' ὀρχήσεως. See Heindorf, ad Plat. Cratyl. § 51 . 4 In the Suppliants, one of the most archaic of the extant plays of Eschylus, no female character is introduced on the stage, although all the interest centres in the daughters of Danaus, who form the chorus. THE TRAGIC DIALOGUE. -THESPIS. 67 Of course, there could be no theatrical contests in the days of Thespis¹ : but the dithyrambic contests seem to have been important enough to induce Pisistratus to build a temple in which the victorious choragi might offer up their tripods², a practice which the victors with the tragic chorus subsequently adopted. 1 Plutarch, Sol. XXIX. 2 Πύθιον, ἱερὸν ᾿Απόλλωνος ᾿Αθήνῃσιν ὑπὸ Πεισιστράτου γεγονός· εἰς ὃ τοὺς τρίποδας ἐτίθεσαν οἱ τῷ κυκλίῳ χορῷ νικήσαντες τὰ Θαργήλια. Photius. Comp. Thucyd. II . 15, VI. 54. 5-2 CHAPTER V. THE PROPER CLASSIFICATION OF GREEK PLAYS. ORIGIN OF COMEDY. The best actors in the world, either for tragedy, comedy, history, pastoral, pastoralcomical, historical-pastoral, tragical- historical, tragical- comical-historical-pastoral, scene individable, or poem unlimited. For the law of writ and the law of liberty these are the only men. SHAKSPEARE. IT is generally stated that there were three kinds of Greek Plays, and three only-Tragedy, Comedy, and the Satyrical Drama. It will be our endeavour in the present chapter to examine this classification, and to see whether some better one cannot be proposed. With a view to this it will be proper to inquire into the origin of the comical and satyrical dramas, just as we have already investigated the origin of Tragedy, and to consider how far the Satyrical Drama differed from or agreed with either the Tragedy or Comedy of the Greeks. The word Tragedy-7paywdía-is derived of course from the words Tpayos and on. The former word, as we have already seen, is a synonym for σárupos¹ : for the goat-eared attendant of Dionysus was called by the name of the animal which he resembled, just as the shepherd or goatherd was called by the name of the animal which he tended, and whose skin formed his clothing". Tpay dla is therefore not the song of a goat, because a goat was the prize of it ; but a song accompanied by a dance performed by persons in the guise of satyrs, consequently a satyric dance ; and we have already shown how Tragedy in its more modern sense arose from such performances. At first, then, Tragedy and the 1 See above, p. 40, note 4. 2 The word Tityrus signifies, according to Servius, the leading ram of the flock ; according to other authorities it means a goat : and some have even supposed it to be another form of Satyrus. See the passages quoted by Müller, Dor. iv. ch. 6, § 10, note (e). ORIGIN OF COMEDY. 69 Satyrical Drama were one and the same. When, however, the Tragedy of Thespis had firmly established itself, and Comedy was not yet introduced, the common people became discontented with the serious character of the new dramatic exhibitions, and missed the merriment of the country satyrs ; at the same time they thought that their own tutelary deity was not sufficiently honoured in performances which were principally taken up with adventures of other personages : in the end they gave vent to their dissatisfaction, and on more than one occasion the audience vociferously complained that the play to which they were admitted had nothing to do with Bacchus ' . The prevalence of this feeling at length induced Pratinas of Phlius, who was a contemporary of Eschylus, to restore the tragic chorus to the satyrs, and to write dramas which were indeed the same in form and materials with the Tragedy, but the choruses of which were composed of satyrs, and the dances pyrrhic instead of gymnopædic '. This is the drama which has been considered by some as specifically different both from Tragedy and Comedy, but which was in fact only a subdivision of Tragedy³, written always by Tragedians, and, we believe, seldom4 acted but along with Tragedies . We have already referred to the statement that the Comedy of the Greeks arose from the Phallic processions, just as their Tragedy 1 In his opening Symposiacal disquisition, Plutarch thus speaks : Ὥσπερ οὖν, Φρυνίχου καὶ Αἰσχύλου τὴν τραγῳδίαν εἰς μύθους καὶ πάθη προαγόντων, ἐλέχθη· τί ταῦτα πρὸς τὸν Διόνυσον ; —οὕτως ἔμοιγε πολλάκις εἰπεῖν παρέστη πρὸς τοὺς ἕλκοντας εἰς τὰ συμπόσια τὸν κυριεύοντα—Ὦ ἄνθρωπε, τί ταῦτα πρὸς τὸν Διόνυσον ; —Sympos. I. I. Zenobius gives this explanation of the phrase Οὐδὲν πρὸς τὸν Διόνυσον : — Τῶν χορῶν ἐξ ἀρχῆς εἰθισμένων διθύραμβον ᾄδειν εἰς τὸν Διόνυσον, οἱ ποιηταὶ ὕστερον ἐκβάντες τῆς συνηθείας ταύτης Αἴαντας καὶ Κενταύρους γράφειν ἐπεχείρουν . Ὅθεν οἱ θεώμενοι σκώπτοντες ἔλεγον, Οὐδὲν πρὸς τὸν Διόνυσον. Διὰ γοῦν τοῦτο τοὺς Σατύρους ὕστερον ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς προεισάγειν, ἵνα μὴ δοκῶσιν ἐπιλανθάνεσθαι τοῦ θεοῦ. p. 40. Suidas, in his explanation of the same saying, after mentioning the opinion by which it was referred to the alterations of Epigenes the Sicyonian, adds : Βέλτιον δὲ οὕτω · Τὸ πρόσθεν εἰς τὸν Διόνυσον γράφοντες, τούτοις ἠγωνίζοντο, ἅπερ καὶ Σατυρικὰ ἐλέγετο· ὕστερον δὲ μεταβάντες εἰς τὸ τραγῳδίας γράφειν, κατὰ μικρὸν εἰς μύθους καὶ ἱστορίας ἐτράπησαν, μηκέτι τοῦ Διονύσου μνημονεύοντες —ὅθεν τοῦτο καὶ ἐπεφώνησαν. Καὶ Χαμαιλέων ἐν τῷ περὶ Θέσπιδος τὰ παραπλήσια ἱστορεῖ. So also Photius, above, p. 65, note 5 . 2 Above, p. 35. 3 Demetrius says (de Elocut. § 169, Vol. IX. p. 76, Walz) : ὁ δὲ γέλως ἐχθρὰ τραγῳδίας· οὐδὲ γὰρ ἐπινοήσειεν ἄν τις τραγῳδίαν παίζουσαν, ἐπεὶ σάτυρον γράψει ἀντὶ τραγῳδίας. 4 If Pratinas wrote only eighteen tragedies to thirty- two satyrical dramas, some of the latter must have been acted alone. See Welcker, Trilogie, pp. 497-8. 5 It has been plausibly conjectured that the satyrical drama was originally acted before the Tragedy. Welk. Nachtr. p. 279. · 70 CLASSIFICATION OF GREEK PLAYS. did from the Dithyramb ' . Its progress, however, and its successive advances from rudeness to perfection, are involved in so much obscurity, that even Aristotle is unable to tell us any thing about it ; but he is willing to concede that it was started in Sicily2, or primarily in Megaris³. And this appears very probable ; for not only was Susarion, who is generally admitted to have been the earliest comic poet¹, a native of Tripodiscus in Megaris, but continual allusions are made in ancient writers5 to the coarse humour of the Megarians and their strong turn for the ludicrous, qualities which they seem to have imparted to their Sicilian colonists. But whatever may have been the birth-place of Greek Comedy, it is quite certain that it originated in a country festival : it was in fact the celebration of the vintage, when the country people went round from village to village, some in carts , who uttered all the vile jests and abusive speeches with which the Tragedy of Thespis has been most unjustly saddled ; others on foot, who bore aloft the Phallic emblem, and invoked in songs Phales the comrade of Bacchus " . This custom of going round from village to village suggested the derivation of Comedy from κóμŋ, and Aristotle has been misled by his own learning into an apparent approbation of this, on many accounts, absurd etymology . One reason which has been advanced in defence of this etymology is extraordinarily ridiculous. We are told that the word cannot be derived from κôμos, because 1 Above, p. 1o. Thus we read that Antheas the Lindian κωμῳδίας εποίει καὶ ἄλλα πολλὰ ἐν τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ τῶν ποιημάτων, ἃ ἔξηρχε τοῖς μετ' αὐτοῦ φαλλοφοροῦσι. (Athen. p. 445 B.) 2 Αἱ μὲν οὖν τῆς τραγῳδίας μεταβάσεις, καὶ δι᾽ ὧν ἐγένοντο, οὐ λελήθασιν. ἡ δὲ κωμῳδία, διὰ τὸ μὴ σπουδάζεσθαι ἐξ ἀρχῆς, ἔλαθε. Καὶ γὰρ χορὸν κωμῳδῶν ὀψέ ποτε ὁ ἄρχων ἔδωκεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐθελονταὶ ἦσαν· ἤδη δὲ σχήματά τινα αὐτῆς ἐχούσης, οἱ λεγόμενοι αὐτῆς ποιηταὶ μνημονεύονται· τίς δὲ πρόσωπα ἀπέδωκεν, ἢ λόγους, ἢ πλήθη ὑποκριτῶν, καὶ ὅσα τοιαῦτα, ἠγνόηται. Τοῦ δὲ μύθους ποιεῖν Επίχαρμος καὶ Φόρμες ἦρξαν· τὸ μὲν οὖν ἐξαρχῆς ἐκ Σικελίας ἦλθε.. Aristot. Poet. V. 3 Τῆς μὲν κωμῳδίας οἱ Μεγαρεῖς, οἵ τε ἐνταῦθα, ὡς ἐπὶ τῆς παρ' αὐτοῖς δημοκρατίας γενομένης, καὶ οἱ ἐκ Σικελίας. Poet. III. 5. 4 Proleg. Aristoph. Küst. p. xi : Tǹv kwµwdlav nipĥolal paoɩ væd Zovσaplwvos. 5 See Müller's Dorians, IV. 7, § I. 6 Schol. Lucian. Zeus тpaywdós (VI. p. 388, Lehmann) : év Tŷ čoptî tŵv Acovvolwv παρὰ τοῖς ᾽Αθηναίοις ἐπὶ ἁμαξῶν καθήμενοι ἔσκωπτον ἀλλήλους καὶ ἐλοιδοροῦντο πολλά. See the passages in Creuzer's note on Lydus, de Mens. p. 127, ed. Röther. 7 The reader will see these particulars in Aristoph. Acharn. 240 sqq. 8 ποιούμενοι τὰ ὀνόματα σημεῖον, οὗτοι μὲν γὰρ ( Πελοποννήσιοι) κώμας τὰς περιοικίδας καλεῖν φασίν, Αθηναῖοι δὲ δήμους. ὡς κωμῳδούς, οὐκ ἀπὸ τοῦ κωμάζειν λεχθέντας ἀλλὰ τῇ κατὰ κώμας πλάνῃ ἀτιμαζομένους ἐκ τοῦ ἄστεος. Poet. c. III. 9 By Schneider (de Orig. Comm. p. 5) . ORIGIN OF COMEDY. 71 one of the meanings of that word is ʼn μer' olvov dń. This would scarcely be an argument if it were only the signification of the word koμos : but this is so far from being the case, that it is not even the primary or most usual meaning of the word. Kŵposi signifies a revel continued after supper. It was a very ancient custom in Greece for young men, after rising from an evening banquet, to ramble about the streets to the sound of the flute or the lyre, and with torches in their hands ; such a band of revellers was also called a koμos. Thus Eschylus says , very forcibly, that the Furies, although they had drunk their fill of human blood in the house of the Pelopidae, and though it was now time that they should go out like a κôμos, nevertheless obstinately stuck to the house, and would not depart from it. And as the band of revellers "flown with insolence and wine, " as Milton says³, not unfrequently made a riotous entrance into any house where an entertainment was going on , the verb ẻπeσkwμáłw is used metaphorically by Plato to signify any interruption or intrusion, whether it be the invasion of a philosophical school by mere pretenders to science , or ⚫ the evasion of the proper subject of inquiry by the introduction of extraneous matter . Hence the word Kôµos is used to denote any band or company. In a secondary sense, it signifies a song sung either by a convivial party or at the Bacchic feasts (not merely in honour of the god, but also to ridicule certain persons) , or lastly, by a procession in honour of a victor at the public games. By a still further transition, κμos is used for a song in general ; and a peculiar flute tune, together with its corresponding dance, was known by this name. It was in the second sense of the word that the Bacchic reveller was called a xwμwdós, namely, a comus-singer, according to the analogy of τpay@dós , iλapwdós, &c. , in which the first part of the compound refers to the performer, the second to the • 1 See Welcker in Jacobs' edition of Philostratus, p. 202. The remarks in the text are an abstract of what he says on the signification of this word. He supposes, howthat kwμwdós is derived from the secondary sense of the word, in which he agrees with Kanngiesser (Kom. Bühn. p. 32). ever, 2 Agamemnon, 1161 , Wellauer : 8 Par. L. I. 502. Καὶ μὴν πεπωκώς γ᾽ ὡς θρασύνεσθαι πλέον Βροτείον αἷμα κῶμος ἐν δόμοις μένει Δύσπεμπτος ἔξω συγγόνων Εριννύων. 4 Like Alcibiades in Plato's Sympos. p. 212 0. 5 Resp. p. 500 B : τοὺς ἔξωθεν οὐ προσῆκον ἐπεισκεκωμακότας.

  • Theaetet. p. 184 Α : καὶ τὸ μέγιστον, οὗ ἕνεκα ὁ λόγος ὤρμηται, ἐπιστήμης πέρι, τί ποτ᾽ ἐστίν, ἄσκεπτον γένηται ὑπὸ τῶν ἐπεισκωμαζόντων λόγων.

72 CLASSIFICATION OF GREEK PLAYS. song, and as Tpayodía signifies a song of satyrs, so κwμdia means a song of comus. It is clear, from the manner in which the Athenian writers speak of the country Dionysian procession, that it was considered as a comus¹ ; and we think this view of the case is confirmed by the epithet úуkwμos, which Dicæopolis applies to Phales as the companion of Bacchus ". The Phallic processions, from which the old Comedy arose, seem to have been allowed in very early times in all cities ; Aristotle tells us that they still continued in many cities even in his time³, and the inscriptions quoted above¹ prove that a lyrical Comedy had developed itself from them. In the time of the orators, the iúpaλλo were still danced in the orchestra at Athens , and we learn from the speech of Demosthenes against Conon, that the riotous and profligate young men, who infested the streets , delighted to call themselves by names derived from these comic buffooneries. But probably they were always more common in the country, which was their natural abode ; and if a modern scholar ' is right in concluding from the words of the Scholiast on Aristophanes , that there were two sorts of Phallic processions, the one public, the other private, we cannot believe that the private vintage ceremonies ever found their way into the great towns. Pasquinades of the coarsest kind seem to have formed the principal part of these rural exhibitions , and this was probably the reason why Comedy was established at Athens in the time of Pericles ; for the demagogues, wanting to invent some means of attacking their political opponents with safety, could think of no better way of effecting this than by introducing into the city the favourite country sports of the lower orders, and then it was, and not till then, that 1 Thus in an old law quoted by Demosthenes (c. Mid. p. 517), we have ỏ kŵµos καὶ οἱ κωμῳδοί. 2 Acharn. 263 : Φαλῆς, ἑταῖρε Βακχίου, Ξύγκωμε. 3 τὰ φαλλικὰ ἃ ἔτι καὶ νῦν ἐν πολλαῖς τῶν πόλεων διαμένει νομιζόμενα. Aristot. Poet. c. IV. 4 Above, pp. 45 sqq. 5 Hyperides apud Harpocrat. v. 'Ilúpaλλo . 6 They termed themselves ' I0úpaλλoɩ and Avтoλýкvło . Demosth. Conon, 194 ( 1261 ) . Cf. Athen. XIV. p. 622 ; Lucian , II. 336. 7 Schneider, de Orig. Com. p. 14. 8 Acharn. 243 (p. 775 , 1. 32, Dind. ) : πεισθέντες οὖν τοῖς ἠγγελμένοις οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι φάλλους ἰδίᾳ καὶ δημοσίᾳ κατεσκεύασαν καὶ τούτοις ἐγέραιρον τὸν θεόν. • Platonius, περὶ διαφορᾶς κωμῳδιῶν : Υποθέσεις μὲν γὰρ τῆς παλαιᾶς κωμῳδίας ἦσαν αὗται τὸ στρατηγοῖς ἐπιτιμᾷν, κ.τ.λ. ORIGIN OF COMEDY. 73 the performance of Comedies became, like that of Tragedies, a public concern¹ . When it was formally established as a distinct species of drama at Athens, the old Comedy was supplied, like Tragedy, with a chorus, which, though not so numerous or expensively attired as the tragic, was as carefully trained and as systematic in its songs and dances. In effect, it was the same modification of an original comus as that which performed the Epinicia of Pindar. It appears from several passages that the comic actors were originally unprovided with masks, but rubbed their faces over with wine-lees as a substitute for that disguise². The Tragedy and Comedy of the Greeks had, therefore, an entirely different origin. We must in the next place consider what were their distinctive peculiarities , how far they differed intrinsically, and whether any of the remaining Greek plays cannot be considered as belonging strictly either to Tragedy or Comedy. We shall do this more satisfactorily, if we first set forth the definitions which have been given by Plato and Aristotle. Plato has rather alluded to, than expressed, the distinction between Tragedy and Comedy in their most perfect form, but his slight remarks nevertheless strike at the root of the matter. Comedy, he considers³ to be the generic name for all dramatic exhibitions which have a tendency to excite laughter ; while Tragedy, in the truest sense of the word, is an imitation of the noblest life , that is , of the actions of gods and heroes. As a definition, however, this account of Tragedy, although excellent as far as it goes, is altogether incomplete. Aristotle's, on the other hand, is quite perfect. He makes the distinction, which Plato leaves to be inferred, between the 1 xopov kwμwdŵv ¿pé tote ëdwкev ò äpxwv. Aristotle , above, p. 70, note 2 . Gruppe labours under some extraordinary mistake in supposing (Ariadne, p. 123) that Comedy was not originally connected with religion. 2 Hence a comedian is called 7pvywdós, “ a lee- singer." It does not appear that masks were always used even in the time of Aristophanes, who acted the part of Cleon in the Ἱππῆς without one. In later times, however, it was considered disreputable to go in any comus without a mask. Demosth. Fals. Leg. p. 433 : тоû катарάтOV Κυρηβίωνος ὃς ἐν ταῖς πομπαῖς ἄνευ τοῦ προσώπου κωμάζει. 3 Legg. VII. p. 817 : ὅσα μὲν οὖν περὶ γέλωτά ἐστι παίγνια, ἃ δὴ κωμῳδίαν πάντες λέγομεν ...... μίμησις τοῦ καλλίστου καὶ ἀρίστου βίου δ δή φαμεν πάντες γε ὄντως εἶναι τραγῳδίαν τὴν ἀληθεστάτην. The κάλλιστος καὶ ἄριστος βίος signifies the life of a man who is in the highest degree кaλokȧyalós, and this term exactly expresses the persons who figured in the plays of Eschylus and Sophocles ; for, as Dr. Thirlwall remarks, in his beautiful paper On the Irony of Sophocles, " None but gods or heroes could act any prominent part in the Attic tragedy" (Phil. Mus. II. p. 493) . Aud this is perhaps the reason why Plato, in another passage (Gorgias, p. 502 A) , talks of ἡ σεμνὴ καὶ θαυμαστὴ ἡ τῆς τραγῳδίας ποίησις. 74 CLASSIFICATION OF GREEK PLAYS. objects of tragic and comic imitation , and adds to it the constituent characteristic of Tragedy, namely, that it effects by means of pity and terror the purgation of such passions¹ . Aristotle's definition of Tragedy is so full and comprehensive, that it has been adopted even by modern writers as a description of what modern Tragedy ought to be² ; there is one particular, however, which he has not expressly stated, and which is due rather to the origin of Greek Tragedy than to its essence, we mean the necessity for a previous acquaintance on the part of the audience with the plot of the Tragedy : this it is which most eminently distinguishes the Tragedies of Sophocles from those of Shakspeare, and to this is owing the poetical irony with which the poet and the spectators handled or looked upon the characters in the piece³. Aristotle is supposed by his commentator Eustratius, to allude to this in a passage of the Ethics : we are disposed to believe on the contrary, that he is referring to the different effects which events related in a Tragedy, as having taken place prior to the time of the events represented , and those events which are represented by action, produce on the minds of the spectators : for example, the calamities of Edipus, when alluded to in the Edipus at Colonus, do not strike us with so much horror as when they are represented in the Edipus at Thebes. If, however, all the prominent characters in the true Tragedy were gods or heroes, it follows that the Пépoaι of Æschylus, and the Μιλήτου ἅλωσις and Φοίνισσαι of Phrynichus, were not Tragedies in the truest sense , and must be referred to the class of 1 ἡ δὲ κωμῳδία ἐστίν, ὥσπερ εἴπομεν, μίμησις φαυλοτέρων μέν, οὐ μέντοι κατὰ πᾶσαν κακίαν, ἀλλὰ τοῦ αἰσχροῦ ἐστι τὸ γελοῖον μόριον. Poet. c. v. — ἔστιν οὖν τραγῳδία μίμησις πράξεως σπουδαίας καὶ τελείας, μέγεθος ἐχούσης δρώντων καὶ οὐ δι' ἀπαγγελίας, δι' ἐλέου καὶ φόβου περαίνουσα τὴν τῶν τοιούτων παθημάτων κάθαρσιν. Poet. c. VI. 2 Hurd's definition (On the Province of the Drama, p. 164) is a mere copy of Aristotle. Schiller, who has a better right to declare ex cathedra what Tragedy ought to be, than any writer of the last century, thus defines it : " That art which proposes to itself, as its especial object, the pleasure resulting from compassion, is called the tragic art in the most comprehensive sense of the word. " Werke, in einem Bande, p. 1176. 3 See Dr. Thirlwall's Essay On the Irony of Sophocles. 4 I. II, § 4 : διαφέρει δὲ τῶν παθῶν ἕκαστον περὶ ζῶντας ἢ τελευτήσαντας συμβαίνειν πολὺ μᾶλλον ἢ τὰ παράνομα καὶ δεινὰ προϋπάρχειν ταῖς τραγῳδίαις ἢ πράττεσθαι . 5 Niebuhr, Hist. Rome, Vol. 1. note 1150 : "The Destruction of Miletus by Phry- nichus, and the Persians of Eschylus, were plays that drew forth all the manly feelings of bleeding or exulting hearts, and not tragedies : for these the Greeks, before the Alexandrian age, took their plots solely out of mythical story. It was essential that their contents should be known beforehand ; whereas the stories of Hamlet and ORIGIN OF COMEDY. 75 Histories, which exist in all countries where the drama is much cultivated, as a subordinate species of Tragedy: the other Tragedies we may call myths or fables¹ as distinguished from the true stories, to which they bore the same relation in the subdivision of Ionian literature, that the Epos bore to the history of Herodotus. In the course of time, another rib was taken from the side of the primary Tragedy, and Tragi-comedy sprang up under the fostering care of Euripides, which was probably the forerunner of the inapoτpayadia of Rhinthon, Sopatrus , Sciras, and Blæsus². One old specimen of this kind of play remains to us in the "AλŋσTIS of Euripides, which was performed as the satyrical drama of a Tragic Trilogy, 438 B.C., and we are inclined to consider the Orestes as another of the same sort³. It resembled the regular Tragedy in its outward form, but contained some comic characters, and always had a happy termination. Of the Satyrical Drama we have already spoken : we cannot, however, quit the subject of Tragedy and its subordinate forms, without noticing a play called Είλωτες οἱ ἐπὶ Ταινάρῳ, which was, according to Herodian , a satyrical drama. This statement has occasioned some difficulties. It has been asked , were the Helots, who doubtless composed the chorus, dressed like satyrs, or mixed up with satyrs ? But if it was a satyrical drama, what mythological subject is reconcilable with a chorus of Helots ? and on the same supposition, how could the comedian Eupolis, to whom Athenæus ascribes the play, have been its author? for a trespass by a comedian on the domains of the tragic muse, to whom the satyrical drama belonged, was, especially in those times, something Macbeth were unknown to the spectators ; at present, parts of them might be moulded into tragedies like the Greek ; that is, if a Sophocles were to rise up. " 1 The words of Suidas, quoted above, appear to allude to this distinction : karÀ μικρὸν εἰς μύθους καὶ ἱστορίας ἐτράπησαν. 2 Müller's Dor. IV. ch. 7, § 6. 3 In an argument to the Alcestis, published from a Vatican MS. (No. 909) by Dindorf, in 1834, we find the following words : Τὸ δρᾶμα ἐποιήθη ίξ. ἐδιδάχθη ἐπὶ Γλαυκίνου ἄρχοντος τὸ λ. πρῶτος ἦν Σοφοκλῆς, δεύτερος Εὐριπίδης Κρήσσαις, ᾿Αλκμαιωνι τῷ διὰ Ψωφῖδος, Τηλέφῳ, ᾿Αλκήστιδι. τὸ δὲ δρᾶμα κωμικωτέραν ἔχει τὴν κατασκευήν. The last sentence is a repetition in effect of the statement in the Copenhagen argument. (Matthiæ, VII. p. 214.) On the date see Welcker, Rheinisch. Mus. for 1835, p. 508; Clinton, F. H. Vol. I. p. 424. 4 See Eustathius on Iliad II. p. 297. 5 By Müller in Was für eine Art Drama waren " die Heloten" ? Niebuhr's Rhein. Mus. III. p. 488. 6 IV. p . 138. 76 CLASSIFICATION OF GREEK PLAYS. quite unheard of. There is, it must be admitted, some difficulty in this, and principally in regard to the last question . The Helots, with their dresses of goatskin or sheepskin, and their indecent dances in honour of Bacchus, were very fit substitutes for the satyrs, and it is quite possible to conceive that a Dionysian myth might be represented in a play, the chorus of which consisted of Helots. From the statement, however, that Eupolis was the author, and from the purely comic and criticizing tone of one of the fragments¹ , we are disposed to conclude that Herodian is mistaken in calling it a satyrical drama, and that he has been misled by the resemblance between the guise of the Helots, and that of the satyrs ; whereas the play was a regular Comedy with a political reference, perhaps not unlike the Aakedaiμoves of the same author. The Comedy of the Greeks first attained to a distinct literary and political importance in the country which witnessed its final development in a form corresponding to that of its modern representatives. Whatever may have been the value of the writings of Epicharmus, they have not reached our time except in fragments. For us, Greek Comedy, both in itself, and in its Roman transcriptions, is the Comedy of Athens. So far as we are acquainted with its literary history, it owes its first development and completion to the political and social condition of that great democratic metropolis ; and it is so intimately connected with all that is characteristic of Attic life, that the greatest scholars of Alexandria, Lycophron and Eratosthenes, wrote formal and elaborate treatises on the subject. Considered, then, as peculiarly Athenian, the Comedy of the Greeks admits of subdivision into three species, or rather three successive variations in form, which are generally distinguished as the Old, the Middle, and the New Comedy. These three subdivisions must be considered separately, and with a brief review of their distinctive characteristics. The Old Comedy was, as we have already seen, the result of a successful attempt to give to the waggon-jests of the country comus a particular and a political bias. Its outward form was burlesque in its most wanton extravagance. Its essence, or to use the words of Vico', its eterna propietà, was personal vilification. Not merely the satire of description, the abuse of words ; but the satire of repre1 In Athen. XIV. p. 638. 2 Scienza Nuova, III . p. 638 : "La satira serbò quest' eterna propietà, con la qual ella nacque, di dir villanie ed ingiurie. ” ORIGIN OF COMEDY. 77 crous. sentation. The object of popular dislike was not merely called a coward, a villain, a rogue, or a fool, but he was exhibited on the stage doing everything contemptible and suffering everything ludiThis systematic personality, the iaµßin idéa¹ of the old popular farce, would not have sufficed to obtain for Comedy an adequate share of attention from the refined and accomplished democracy, which established itself at Athens during the administration of Pericles. It was necessary that the comic poet who would gain a hearing in the theatre at Athens should borrow from Tragedy many of its most striking peculiarities-its choral dances , its masked actors, its metrical forms, its elaborate scenery and machines, and above all that chastened elegance of the Attic dialect, which the fastidiousness of an Athenian citizen required and exacted from the poets and orators. The comedy became a regular drama, recalling indeed a recollection of the old phallic comus by an extravagant obscenity of language and costume, but often presenting an elegance in the dialogues and a poetic refinement in the melic portions, which would have borne a comparison with the best efforts of the contemporary tragic muse. Upon this stock the mighty genius of Aristophanes grafted his own Pantagruelism , which has in every age, since the days of its reproducer Rabelais , found in some European country, and in some form or other, a more or less adequate representative, -Cervantes, Quevedo, Butler, Swift, Sterne, Voltaire, Jean Paul, Carlyle, and Southey. By Pantagruelism we mean- in accordance with the definition which we have elsewhere given of the term²-an assumption of Bacchanalian buffoonery as a cloak to cover some serious purpose. Rabelais, who invented the word to express a certain literary development of the character sustained by the court-fools in the middle ages, must have been quite conscious that he was reproducing, as far as his age allowed, not only the spirit but even the outward machinery of the Old Comedy. At any rate he adopts the disguise of low buffoonery for the express purpose of attacking some form of prevalent cant and imposture ; and this was consistently the object of Aristophanes . Whether he professedly takes Aristophanes as his model, and as the lamp to light him on the way³, may 1 Aristot. Poet. 5. 2 In the Quarterly Review, No. CLXI. pp. 137 sqq. 3 We have shown in the paper on Pantagruelism already cited, that the reference to Aristophanes and Cleanthes as the lanterns of honour ( Rabelais, v . c. 33 ) is derived 78 CLASSIFICATION OF GREEK PLAYS. be regarded as an open question ; but there can be no doubt that the manner and the object of the curé of Meudon were identical with those of the great comedian of Athens ; and that the name of Pantagruelist, invented by the one, accurately describes the leading characteristics of his main prototype. The chief difference between the Old Comedy of Athens, as represented by Aristophanes, and the modern manifestations of the same riotous drollery, as a cover for some serious purpose, which it might be premature, unsafe, or generally inexpedient to disclose, must be sought in the peculiar relations which subsisted between the old comedian and his democratic audience during the short period of the Old Comedy's highest perfection, namely, the interval between the commencement of the Peloponnesian war and the Sicilian expedition, when the irritable Demos was so conscious of his power and was so exhilarated by his good fortune that, like the kings of the middle ages, he was willing to tolerate any jokes at his own expense, if the satirist would only pay him the compliment of adopting the thin veil of caricature, and pretend to put forward as an outpouring of privileged folly what he really meant to be taken as the most serious remonstrance or the most biting reproof¹. It is difficult, perhaps impossible, to draw a clearly defined line of demarcation between the latest writers of the Old and the earliest writers of the Middle Comedy. We cannot say of them that this author was on old comedian ; that a middle comedian : they may have been both, as Aristophanes certainly was, if the criterion was the absence or presence of a Parabasis2, or speech of the chorus in which the audience are addressed in the name of the poet, and without, in many cases, any reference to the subject ofthe from Varro (L. L. v. 9, p. 4, Müller), who is speaking of Aristophanes, the grammarian of Byzantium, and of the grammatical studies of the Stoics ; but Rabelais, like his commentators, may have misunderstood Varro. 1 Aristophanes openly avows this mixture of the serious and the ridiculous in his later comedies, when he no longer practised it with the same objects . Ran. 391 : kal πολλὰ μὲν γελοῖά μ' εἰπεῖν πολλὰ δὲ σπουδαία. Eccles. 1200 : σμικρὸν δ᾽ ὑποθέσθαι τοῖς κριταῖσι βούλομαι· τοῖς σοφοῖς μὲν τῶν σοφῶν μεμνημένους κρίνειν ἐμέ· τοῖς γελῶσι δ' ἡδέως διὰ τὸν γέλωτα κρίνειν ἐμέ. 2 Τὰ τὰς παραβάσεις οὐκ ἔχοντα ἐδιδάχθη ἐξουσίας ἀπὸ τοῦ δήμου μεθισταμένης καὶ oλiyaρxías кρaтouons. Platonius. With regard to the attempt of Meineke (Quæstion. Scenica, Sp. III . p. 50) to prove that Antiphanes was a new comic poet, because he mentioned the μarтún (Athen. XIV. p. 662 F) , we may remark, that the word cannot be used as a criterion to enable us to distinguish between two schools of comedians, for it is mentioned by Nicostratus, the son of Aristophanes (see Clinton in Phil. Mus. I. p. 560) , and the dainty was not unknown to Aristophanes himself, who uses the word ματτυολοιχός (Nub. 451). ORIGIN OF COMEDY. 79 play. Nor will the proper interpretation of the law πeρì тoû µǹ ὀνομαστὶ κωμῳδεῖν' enable us to distinguish between the comedians as belonging to one class or the other. As to the comedies themselves, however, we may safely conclude on the authority of Platonius, that the Middle Comedy was a form of the old , but differed from it in three particulars ; it had no chorus, and therefore no parabasis, —this deviation was occasioned by the inability of the impoverished state to furnish the comic poets with choragi : living characters were not introduced on the stage, -this was owing to the want of energy produced by the subversion of the democratic empire : as a consequence of both these circumstances, the objects of its ridicule were general rather than personal, and literary rather than political. If, therefore, we were called upon to give to the Old and Middle Comedy their distinctive appellations, we should call one Caricature, and the other Criticism ; and if we wished to illustrate the difference by modern instances, we should compare the former to the Lampoon, the latter to the Review. The period to which the writers of the Middle Comedy belonged, may be defined generally as that included between the termination of the Peloponnesian war and the overthrow of Athenian freedom by Philip of Macedon, from B.C. 404 to B.C. 340. The numerous comedies which appeared in this interval, especially those belonging to the latter half of the period, were chiefly occupied in holding up to light and not illnatured ridicule, the literary and social peculiarities of the day. The writers seized on what was ludicrous in the contemporary systems of philosophy. They parodied and travestied not only the language but sometimes even the plots of the most celebrated tragedies and epic poems. And, in the same spirit, they not unfrequently took their subjects directly from the old mythology. In their satires on society they attacked rather classes of men, than prominent individuals, of the class. Courtesans, parasites, and 1 Mr. Clinton, in the Introduction to the second volume of his Fasti Hellenici (pp. xxxvi, &c. ) has shown that the generally received idea, which would distinguish the Middle from the Old Comedy by its abstinence from personal satire, is completely at variance with the fragments still extant ; and that the celebrated law―roû µn ὀνομαστὶ κωμῳδεῖν τινά—simply forbade the introduction of any individual on the stage by name as one of the dramatis persona. This prohibition, too, might be evaded by suppressing the name and identifying the individual by means of the mask, the dress, and external appearance alone. This law, then, when limited to its proper sense, is by no means inconsistent with a great degree of comic liberty, or with those animad- versions upon eminent names with which we find the comic poets actually to abound" (Fast. Hell. p. xlii) . The date of the law is uncertain ; probably about B.C. 404, during the government of the Thirty. 80 CLASSIFICATION OF GREEK PLAYS. wanton revellers with their pic-nic feasts, were freely represented in general types ' , and the self- conceited cook, with his parade of culinary science, was a standing character in the Middle Comedy². Athenian politics were generally avoided ; but these poets did not scruple to make sport of foreign tyrants, like the Dionysii of Syracuse and Alexander of Pheræs. Their style was generally prosaic , and they usually confined themselves to the comic trimeter. But long systems of anapæstic dimeters were sometimes introduced, and in their parodies and travesties they imitated the metres of the poets whom they ridiculed. The New Comedy commenced, as is well known, with the establishment of the supremacy of Philips, and flourished at Athens during the period distinguished as that of the Macedonian rulers, who are called the Diadochi and Epigoni ; it belongs, therefore, to the interval between the 110th and 130th Olympiads, i.e. between B. C. 340 and B. C. 260. We can see in Plautus and Terence, who translated or imitated the Greek writers of this class, satisfactory specimens of the nature of this branch of Comedy. It corresponded as nearly as possible to our own comic drama, especially to that of Farquhar and Congreve, which Charles Lamb calls the Comedy of Manners, and Hurd the Comedy of Character. It arose in all probability from an union of the style and tone of the Euripidean dialogue with the subjects and characters of the later form, the Middle Comedy. The particular circumstances of the time had given a new direction to the warlike tendencies of the Greeks. Instead of serving in the ranks of the national militia and fighting in free warfare at home, the active, restless or discontented citizen found a ready welcome and good pay in the mercenary armies kept up by the Greek sovereigns of Asia and Egypt. Such a soldier or leader of mercenaries, having returned from abroad, with a full purse, an empty head, and a loud tongue, became a standing character in the 1 See the anecdote about Antiphanes, Ath. XIII. pr. 2 This was the principal character in the Eolosicon, one of the latest plays of Aristophanes, and it is always re- appearing. 3 As in the Dionysius of Eubulus and the Dionysalexandrus of the younger Cratinus. 4 Anonym . de Comm. III . : τῆς δὲ μέσης κωμῳδίας οἱ ποιηταὶ πλάσματος μὲν οὐχ ήψαντο ποιητικοῦ, διὰ δὲ τῆς συνήθους ἰόντες λαλιᾶς λογικὰς ἔχουσι τὰς ἀρετάς, ὥστε σπάνιον ποιητικὸν χαρακτῆρα εἶναι παρ' αὐτοῖς. 5 Meineke says ( Hist. Crit. Com. p. 435) that he dates the commencement of the new comedy from the period immediately preceding the battle of Charoneia, and that the anonymous writer on comedy (p. xxxii) is not quite accurate in saying n véa èπì ᾿Αλεξάνδρου εἶχε τὴν ἄκμην. ORIGIN OF COMEDY. 81 New Comedy. The other characters, the greedy parasite, the clever and unprincipled slave, and the scheming or tyrannical courtesan, may have appeared in the Middle Comedy ; but they are the new comedian's indispensable staff. And now for the first time the element of love becomes the main ingredient in dramatic poetry¹. The object of the young man's passion is not the free-born Athenian maiden, but some accomplished étalpa, or an innocent girl, who is ostensibly the slave or associate of the eraípa, but turns out at the end of the piece to be the lost child of some worthy citizen². A good deal of ingenuity is shown in the contrivance of these unexpected recognitions (avayvwpíoes), and here also the drama of Euripides had furnished the comedian with his model. The "heavy father," as he is called on our stage, is generally an indispensable personage, and in the intrigues of the piece he is often the dupe of the manoeuvring slave, or led by some incidental temptations into the very vices and follies which he had reproved in his son. The greatest care is taken in the delineation of these characters, and there can be little doubt that they represented accurately the most prominent features of the later Attic society. The drama under such circumstances did not attempt to make men better than they were, and it is to be feared that the comic stage did little more than present in the most attractive colours the lax morality of the age. It is not our intention to speak of the dramas and quasi-dramas of a later age ; it may however be of some assistance to the student, if we subjoin a general tabular view of the rise and progress of the proper Greek Drama. 1 Ovid, Fast. II. 369 : Fabula jucundi nulla est sine amore Menandri. 2 See Hist. of Gr. Liter. Vol. III. pp. 2 sqq. D. T. G. 6 TABLE OF DRAMATIC CLASSIFICATION. DORIAN ELEMENT. Choruses in honour of Apollo. IONIAN ELEMENT. Rhapsodical Recitation of Homeric Poems. Lyrical Poetry in connexion with these Choruses. Unaccompanied Recitation of Iambics. Transfer of these to Bacchus. The Dithyramb becomes Lyrical. Contests of the Rhapsodes. A Satyrical Chorus introduced by Arion. Union of the Choral Worship of Bacchus, with Rhapsodical Recitations at the Brauronia. The Comus Song at the Vintage. Union of the Satyrical Dithyramb with Rhapsodical Recitation, i. e. of the θρίαμβος with the ἴαμβος. Union of the Iambic Lampoon with the Comus, and establishment of a regular Comic Chorus. Dialogue between the Rhapsode and the Chorus. The Old Comedy, or Comedy of Caricature. Another Actor added by Eschylus: The Eschylean Trilogy. The Middle Comedy, or Comedy of Criticism. A third by Sophocles: The perfect Athenian Tragedy. The New Comedy, or Comedy of Manners. First Variety. Second Variety. The Tragedy The Satyrical proper. Drama. Third Variety. Fourth Variety. The History. The Tragi- comedy. A. W. SCHLEGEL'S GENERAL SURVEY OF THE DRAMA. 83 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER V. A. W. SCHLEGEL'S GENERAL SURVEY OF THE DRAMA IN DIFFERENT AGES AND COUNTRIES.

It is well known that about three and a half centuries ago the study of ancient literature was revived by the diffusion of the Greek language (the Latin never became extinct) : the classical authors were brought to light and rendered universally accessible by the art of printing ; the monuments of ancient genius were diligently disin- terred. All this supplied manifold excitements to the human mind, and formed a marked epoch in the history of our mental culture ; it was fertile in effects, which extend even to us, and will extend to an incalculable series of ages . But at the same time the study of the ancients was perverted to a deadly abuse. The learned, who were chiefly in possession of it, and were incompetent to distinguish themselves by works of their own, asserted for the ancients an unconditional authority ; in fact with great show of reason, for in their kind they are models. They maintained, that only from imitation of the ancient writers is true salvation for human genius to be hoped for ; in the works of the moderns they appreciated only what was, or seemed to be, similar to those of the ancients ; all else they rejected as barbarous degeneracy. Quite otherwise was it with the great poets and artists . Lively as might be the enthusiasm with which the ancients inspired them, much as they might entertain the design of vying with them, still their independence and originality of mind constrained them to strike out into their own path, and to impress upon their productions the stamp of their own genius. Thus fared it, even before that revival, with Dante, the father of modern poetry : he avouched that he took Virgil as his teacher, but produced a work which, of all mentionable works, most differs in its make from the Eneid, and in our opinion very far surpassed his fancied master, in power, truth, compass, and profoundSo was it likewise, at a later period, with Ariosto, who has perversely been compared with Homer : nothing can be more unlike. So, in art, with Michel-Angelo and Raphael, who nevertheless were unquestionably great connoisseurs in the antiques. As the poets for the most part had their share of scholarship, the consequence was a schism in their own minds, between the natural bent of their genius, and the obligation of an imaginary duty. Where they sacrificed to the latter, they were commended by the learned : so far as they followed the bent of the former, they were favourites with the people. That the heroic lays of a Tasso and a Camoens still survive on the lips of their fellow- countrymen is assuredly not owing to their imperfect affinity with Virgil, or even with Homer ; in Tasso it is the tender feeling of chivalrous love and honour, in Camoens the glowing inspiration of patriotic enthusiasm. ness. Those ages, nations, and ranks, which found the imitation of the ancients most to their liking, were precisely such as least felt the want of a self-formed poetry. The result was dead school- exercises, which at best can excite but a frigid admiration. Bare imitation in the fine arts is always fruitless of good : even what we borrow from others must, as it were, be born again within us, if ever it is to issue forth in the 6-2 84 A. W. SCHLEGEL'S GENERAL SURVEY OF THE DRAMA. nature of poetry. What avails the dilettantism of composing with other people's ideas ? Art cannot subsist without Nature, and man can give his fellow-men nothing but himself. Genuine successors of the ancients and true co-rivals with them, walking in their path and working in their spirit by virtue of congenial talents and cultivation of mind, have ever been as rare as your handicraftsmanlike insipid copyists were and are numerous. The critics, bribed to their verdict by the mere extrinsicality of form, have for the most part very liberally sanctioned even these serviles. These were "correct modern classics, " while the great and truly living popular poets, whom a nation, having once got them, would not consent to part with, and in whom moreover there were so many sublime traits that could not be overlooked, these they were fain at most to tolerate as rude wild geniuses . But the unconditional separation thus taken for granted between genius and taste is an idle evasion . Genius is neither more nor less than the faculty of electing, unconsciously in some measure, whatever is most excellent, and therefore is taste in its highest activity. Pretty much in this way matters proceeded, until, no long time since, some thinking men, especially Germans, set themselves to adjust the misunderstanding ; and at once to give the ancients their due, and yet fairly recognize the altogether different peculiarity of the moderns. They did not take fright at a seeming contradiction . Human nature is indeed in its basis one and indivisible, but all investigation declares that this cannot be predicated in such a sense concerning any one elementary power in all nature, as to exclude a possibility of divergence into two opposite directions . The whole play of vital motion rests upon attraction and repulsion . Why should not this phenomenon recur on the great scale in the history of mankind likewise ? Perhaps in this thought we have discovered the true key to the ancient and modern history of poetry and the fine arts. They who assumed this, invented for the characteristic spirit of modern art, as contrasted to the antique or classical, the designation romantic. And not an inappropriate term either : the word is derived from romance, the name originally given to the popular languages which formed themselves by intermixture of the Latin with the dialects of the Old-German, in just the same way as modern culture was fused out of the foreign elements of the northern national character and the fragments of antiquity, whereas the culture of the ancients was much more of one piece. This hypothesis, thus briefly indicated , would carry with it a high degree of selfevidence, could it be shown that the self-same contrast between the endeavour of the ancients and moderns does symmetrically, I might say systematically, pervade all the manifestations of the artistic and poetic faculty, so far as we are acquainted with the phases of ancient mind : that it reveals itself in music, sculpture, painting, architecture, &c. the same as in poetry : a problem which still remains to be worked out in its entire extent and compass, though much has been excellently well remarked and indicated in respect of the individual arts. To mention authors who have written in other parts of Europe, and prior to the rise of this " School " in Germany, -in music, Rousseau recognized the contrast, and showed that rhythm and melody were the prevailing principle of the ancient, as harmony is of the modern music. But he is contracted enough to reject the latter ; in which we cannot at all agree with him. With respect to the arts of design, Hemsterhuys makes a clever apophthegm: " The ancient painters seem to have been too much sculptors, the modern sculptors are too much painters. " This goes to the very heart of the matter ; for, as I shall more expressly prove in the sequel, the spirit of all ancient art and poetry is plastic, as that of the modern is picturesque. A. W. SCHLEGEL'S GENERAL SURVEY OF THE DRAMA. 85 I will endeavour, by means of an example borrowed from another art, that of architecture, to illustrate what I mean by this harmonious recognition of seeming opposites. In the middle ages there prevailed, and in the latter centuries of that æra developed itself to the most perfect maturity, a style of architecture which has been denominated Gothic, but ought to have been called Old- German. When, upon the revival of classic antiquity in general, imitation of the Grecian architecture came up, which often indeed was but too injudiciously applied, without regard had to difference of climate and to the destination of the edifices, the zealots for this new taste condemned the Gothic style altogether, reviled it as tasteless, gloomy, barbarous. In the Italians, if anywhere, this was excusable : considering their many hereditary remains of ancient structures, and also their climatical affinity with the Greeks and Romans, partiality for ancient architecture lay, as it were, in their very blood. But we northern people are not to be so easily talked out of those powerful, solemn impressions which fall upon us at the very entering into a Gothic cathedral. Rather we will endeavour to account for these impressions and to justify them. A very little attention will satisfy us that the Gothic architecture bespeaks not only extraordinary mechanical skill, but a marvellous outlay of inventive genius ; upon still closer contemplation we shall recognize its profound significance, and perceive that it forms a complete finished system in itself quite as much as does that of the Greeks. To apply this to the matter in hand. The Pantheon is not more different from Westminster Abbey or St. Stephen's in Vienna, than is the structure of a tragedy of Sophocles from that of a play of Shakespeare. The comparison between these miracles of poetry and architecture might be carried out still further. But really does admira- tion of the one necessitate us to have a mean esteem of the other? Cannot we admit that each in its own kind is great and admirable, though this is, and is meant to be, quite another thing from that? It were worth making the attempt. We do not wish to argue any man out of his preference for the one or the other. The world is wide, and has room enough in it for many things that differ, without their interfering with one another. But a preference originating in views directed to one side alone of the question, a preference conceived one knows not why nor wherefore, is not what makes a connoisseur. No : the true connoisseur is he who can suspend his mind, free and unconstrained, in liberal contemplation of discrepant principles and tendencies, renouncing the while his own individual partialities. It might suffice for our present purpose , to have thus barely indicated the existence of this striking contrast between the antique or classical and the romantic. But as exclusive admirers of the ancients still persist in maintaining that every deviation from these models is a mere whim of the " new school " of critics, who speak in a mysterious way about it, but cannot manage to make it dependent upon any valid idea, I will endeavour to give an explanation of the origin and spirit of the romantic, and then let it be determined whether the use of the term and recognition of the thing be thereby justified . The mental culture of the Greeks was a finished education in the school of nature. Of a beautiful and noble race, gifted with impressible senses and a cheerful spirit, under a mild sky, they lived and bloomed in perfect health of being, and, favoured by a rare combination of circumstances, achieved all that could be achieved by the limitary creature man. Their whole system of art and poetry is the manifestation of this harmony ofall powers. They invented the poetry ofjoy. Their religion consisted in deification of nature in its various powers, and of the earthly life : but this worship, which fancy, among other nations, darkened with hideous shapes hardening the heart to cruelty, assumed among this people a form of 86 A. W. SCHLEGEL'S GENERAL SURVEY OF THE DRAMA. grandeur, dignity, and mildness. Here superstition, elsewhere the tyrant of human endowments, seemed glad to lend a hand to their most free development ; it cherished the art by which it was adorned, and out of idols grew ideals. But greatly as the Greeks succeeded in the Beautiful and even the Moral, we can concede to their culture no higher character than that of a refined and dignified sensuality. Of course this must be understood in the general and in the gross. Оссаsional dim forebodings of philosophers, lightning- gleams of poetic inspiration, these form the exception . Man can never altogether turn his back upon the Infinite ; some evanid recollections will testify of the home he has lost ; but the point to be considered is, what is the predominant tendency of his endeavours ? Religion is the root of man's being. Were it possible for him to renounce all religion, even that which is unconscious and independent of the will, he would become all surface, no heart nor soul. Shift this centre in any degree, in the same degree will the system of the mind and affections be modified in its entire line of effect. And this was brought about in Europe by the introduction of Christianity. This sublime and beneficent religion regenerated the decrepit worn- out old world, became the leading principle in the history of the modern nations, and at this day, when many conceit themselves to have out-grown its guidance, they are more influenced by it, in their views of all human affairs, than they are themselves aware. Next to Christianity, the mental culture of Europe, since the commencement of the middle ages, was decidedly influenced by the German race of northern invaders, who infused new quickening into a degenerated age. The inclemency of northern nature drives the man more inward upon himself, and what is lost in sportive development of the sensitive being is amply compensated, wherever there are noble endowments, in earnestness of spirit. Hence the frank heartiness with which the old German tribes welcomed Christianity ; so that among no other race of men has it penetrated so deeply into the inner man, approved itself so energetic in its effects, and so interwoven itself with all human sensibilities. The rugged but honest heroism of the northern conquerors, by admixture of Christian sentiments, gave rise to chivalry, the object of which was to guard the practice of arms, by vows which were looked upon as sacred, from that rude and base abuse of force into which it is so apt to decline. One ingredient in the chivalrous virtue was a new and more delicate spirit of love, considered as an enthusiastic homage to genuine female excellence, which was now for the first time revered as the acme of human nature, and, exalted as it was by religion under the form of virgin maternity, touched all hearts with an undefinable intimation of the mystery of pure love. As Christianity did not, like the heathen worship, content itself with certain exterior performances, but laid claim to the whole inner man with all its remotest thoughts and imaginations, the feeling of moral independence took refuge in the domain of honour; a kind of secular morality which subsisted along with that of religion, and often came in collision therewith, but yet akin to it in so far as it never calculated consequences, but attached absolute sanctity to principles of action elevated as articles of faith above all inquisition of a misplaced ratiocination. Chivalry, love, and honour are, together with religion itself, the subjects of that natural poetry which poured itself forth with incredible copiousness in the middle ages, and preceded a more conscious and thoughtful cultivation of the romantic spirit. This æra too had its mythology, consisting in chivalrous fables and religious legends, but its marvellous and its heroism formed a perfect contrast to those of the ancient mythology. A. W. SCHLEGEL'S GENERAL SURVEY OF THE DRAMA. 87 Some writers, in other respects agreeing with us in our conception and derivation of the peculiar character of the moderns, have placed the essence of the northern poetry in melancholy, and, rightly understood, we have no objection to this view of the matter. Among the Greeks, human nature was self- satisfied ; it had no misgiving of defect, and endeavoured after no other perfection than that which it actually could attain by the exercise of its own energies. A higher wisdom teaches us that human nature, through a grievous aberration, has lost the position originally assigned to it, and that the sole destination of its earthly existence is to struggle back thither, which, however, left to itself, it cannot. The old religion of the senses did but wish to earn outward perishable blessings ; immortality, as far as it was believed, stood shadow-like in the obscure distance, a faded dream of this sunny waking life. Under the Christian view, it is just the reverse : the contemplation of the infinite has annihilated the finite ; life has become the world of shadows, the night of being ; the eternal day of essential existence dawns only beyond the grave. Under such a religion, that mysterious foreboding which slumbers in every feeling heart cannot but be wakened into distinct consciousness that we are in quest of a happiness which is unattainable here, that no external object will ever be altogether able to fill the capacity of the soul, that all enjoyment is a fleeting illusion. And when the soul sits down, as it were, beside these waters of Babylon, and breathes forth its longing aspirations towards the home from which it has become estranged, what else can be the key- note of its songs but heaviness of heart ? And so it is . The poetry of the ancients was that of possession , ours is that of longing desire : the one stands firm on the soil of the present ; the other wavers betwixt reminiscence of the past, and bodeful intimations of the future. Let not this be understood to imply that all must flow away in monotonous lamentation, the melancholy always uttering itself audibly, and drowning all besides. As under that cheerful view of things which the Greeks took, that austere Tragedy of theirs was still a possible phenomenon ; so that romantic poetry, which originated in the different views I have been describing, could run along the whole scale of the feelings, even up to the highest note of joy ; but still there will always be an indescribable something in which it shall carry the marks of its origin. The feeling of the moderns has, on the whole, become more deep and inward, the fancy more incorporeal, the thoughts more contemplative. To be sure, in nature the boundaries run into one another, and the things are not so sharply defined as one is under the necessity of doing in order to eliminate a theoretical idea. The Grecian ideal of human nature was, perfect unison and proportion of all powers, natural harmony. The moderns, on the contrary, have arrived at the consciousness of the disunion there is within, which renders such an ideal no longer possible ; hence the endeavour of their poetry is to make these two worlds, between which we feel ourselves to be divided, the world of sense and the world of spirit, at one with each other, and to blend them indissolubly together. The impressions of sense shall be hallowed, as it were, by their mysterious league with higher feelings, while the spirit will deposit its bodings or indescribable intuitions of the infinite, in types and emblems derived from the phenomena of the visible world. In Grecian art and poetry there is an original unconscious unity of form and matter; the modern, so far as it has remained faithful to its own proper spirit, attempts to bring about a more thorough interpenetration of both, considered as two opposites . The former solved its problem to perfection, the latter can satisfy its ad infinitum endeavour only in a way of approximation, and by reason of a certain semblance of incompleteness, is the rather in danger of being misappreciated. 88 A. W. SCHLEGEL'S GENERAL SURVEY OF THE DRAMA.

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66 What is dramatic ? To many the answer may seem obvious : "Where different persons are introduced speaking, but the poet himself does not speak in his own proper person. " But this is no more than the exterior pre- requisite of the form ; the form is that of dialogue. But the persons of a dialogue may express thoughts and sentiments without operating a change on each other, and so may leave off at last each in the same mind as at the beginning ; in such a case, however interesting the matter of the discussion may be, it cannot be said to excite any dramatic interest. I will exemplify this in the philosophic dialogue, a quiet species of discussion not intended for the stage. In Plato, Socrates asks the inflated sophist Hippias, " What is the beautiful ? " He is forthwith prepared with his shallow answer, but presently finds himself compelled by Socrates' ironical objections to abandon his first definition, and stumble about clutching after other ideas, and finally to quit the field, shamed by the exposure of his ignorance, and out of temper at finding more than his match in the philosopher. Now, this dialogue is not merely instructive in a philosophical point of view, but entertaining as a drama in miniature. And justly has this lively progress in the thoughts, this stretch of expectation for the issue, in one word, this dramatic character, been extolled in the dialogues of Plato. Hence already we are in a condition to apprehend wherein the great charm of dramatic poetry consists. Activity is the true enjoyment of life, nay more, is life itself. Mere passive enjoyments may lull into a listless complacency, which however, if there be any stirrings of interior sensibility, cannot long be free from the inroad of ennui. Now, most people by their position in life, or, it may be, from incapacity for extraordinary exertions, are tethered within a narrow round of insignificant engagements. Day follows day, one like another, under the sleepy rule of custom ; life progresses without perceptible motion, the rushing stream of the youthful passions stagnating into a morass. From the self- dissatisfaction which this occasions, they seek to make their escape in all kinds of games, which always consist in some occupation, some self- imposed task, in which there are difficulties to be overcome, but withal not troublesome. Now, of all games, the play is unquestionably the most entertaining . We see others act, if we cannot act to any great purpose ourselves. The highest subject of human activity is man, and in the play we see men measuring their powers upon each other as friends or foes ; influencing each other in their capacity of rational and moral beings, through the medium of opinion, sentiment, and passion ; definitely ascertaining their mutual relations, and bringing them to a decisive position. By abstraction and pretermission of all that is not essential to the matter in hand, namely, of all those daily wants and consequent petty distractions which in real life break in upon the progress of essential actions, the poet contrives to condense within small compass much that excites attention and expectation. Thus he gives us a picture of life that resuscitates the days of youth, an extract of what is moving and progressive in human existence. But this is not all. Even in lively oral narration it is common to introduce the persons speaking, and to vary tone and expression accordingly. But the gaps which these speeches would leave in the hearers' mental picture of the story, the narrator fills up by a description of the concomitant actions or other incidents, in his own name. The dramatic poet foregoes this assistance, but finds abundant compensation in the following invention . He requires that each of the characters of his story should be personated by a living individual ; that this individual should, in sex , age , and form, come as near as may be to the fictitious individual of the story, nay, should assume his entire personality ; that he should accompany every speech with A. W. SCHLEGEL'S GENERAL SURVEY OF THE DRAMA. 89 the appropriate expression of voice, mien, and gesture, and moreover annex thereto those visible actions, of which otherwise the audience would need to be apprised by narrative. Still farther : these vicegerents of the creatures of his imagination are required to appear in the costume belonging to their assumed rank, and to the times and country in which they lived : partly for the sake of closer resemblance ; partly, because even in dress there is something characteristic. Lastly, he requires that they should be environed by a locality in some measure similar to that in which he makes the incidents to have taken place, because this also helps to realize the fiction ; that is to say, he will have scenery. Now here is a theatre complete. It is plain that the very form of dramatic poetry, that is, the exhibition of an action by dialogue without the aid of narrative, implies the theatre as the necessary complement. We grant, there are dramatic works not originally designed for the stage, and indeed not likely to be particularly effective there, which nevertheless read excellently. But I very greatly question whether they would make the same vivid impression upon a reader who had never witnessed a play nor heard one described. We are habituated, in reading dramatic compositions, to fancy to ourselves the acting. one. The invention of the theatre and theatrical art seems a very obvious and natural Man has a great turn for mimic imitation ; in all lively transposing of himself into the situation, sentiments, and passions of others, he assimilates himself to them in his exterior, whether he will or no. Children are perpetually going out of themselves ; it is one of their favourite sports to copy the grown people they have opportunity of observing, or indeed whatever else comes into their heads ; and with their happy pliancy of imagination, they can make all alike serve their turn, to furnish them with the insignia of the assumed dignity, be it that of a father, a schoolmaster, or a king. There remains but one step more to the invention of the Drama ; namely, to draw the mimic elements and fragments clear off from real life, and confront the latter with these collectively in one mass ; yet in many nations this step never was taken. In the very copious description of ancient Egypt in Herodotus and others, I do not recollect any indication of this. The Etruscans on the contrary, so like the Egyptians in many other particulars, had their theatrical games, and, singular enough, the Etruscan term for “actor, ” histrio, has survived in living languages even to the most recent times. The whole of Western Asia, the Arabians and Persians, rich as their poetical literature is in other departments, know not the Drama. Neither did Europe in the middle ages : upon the introduction of Christianity the old dramas of the Greeks and Romans were set aside, partly because they had reference to heathen ideas, partly because they had degenerated into shameless immorality ; nor did they revive until nearly a thousand years later. So late as the fourteenth century we find in that very complete picture which Boccaccio has given of the then existing frame of society, no trace whatever of plays. Instead of them they had simply their Conteurs, Menestriers, and Jongleurs. On the other hand, it must by no means be supposed that the invention of the Drama was made only once in the world, and was passed along from one nation to another. The English circumnavigators found among the islanders of the Southern Ocean (a people occupying so low a grade in point of intellectual capacity and civilisation) a rude kind of drama, in which a common incident of life was imitated well enough to be diverting. To pass to the other extremity of the world: that nation from which perhaps all the civilisation of the human race emanated, I mean the Indians, had their dramas for ages before that country was subjected to any foreign influence. They possess a copious dramatic literature, the age of which ascends backward nearly two thousand years. Of their plays (Nataks) we are at present acquainted with one specimen only, the charming Sacontala, which, with all 90 A. W. SCHLEGEL'S GENERAL SURVEY OF THE DRAMA. the foreign colouring of its native climate, in its general structure bears such striking resemblance to our romantic drama, that we might suspect the translator, Sir William Jones, of having laboured to produce the resemblance, out of his partiality for Shakspeare, were not the fidelity of his translation attested by other scholars. In the golden times of India the exhibition of these Nataks delighted the splendid imperial court at Delhi ; but under the misery of their many oppressions, dramatic art in that country seems at present to lie extinct. The Chinese, on the contrary, have their standing national theatre : standing indeed, it may be conjectured, in every sense : I make no question but in the establishment of arbitrary rules and nice observance of unimportant conventionalities they leave the most correct of the Europeans far behind them. With all this extensive diffusion of theatrical entertainments, it is surprising to find what a difference there exists in point of dramatic talent between nations equally favoured in other respects . The talent for the Drama would seem to be a peculiar quality, essentially distinct from the gift of poetry in general. The contrast between the Greeks and Romans in this respect is not to be wondered at ; for the Greeks were quite a nation of artists, the Romans a practical people. Among the latter, the fine arts were introduced only as a corrupting article of luxury, both betokening and accelerating the degeneracy of the times . This luxury they carried out on so large a scale, in respect of the theatre, that perfection in essentials must have been neglected in the rage for meretricious accessories. Even among the Greeks dramatic talent was any thing but universal : in Athens the Theatre was invented, in Athens it was exclusively brought to perfection . The Doric dramas of Epicharmus form but an inconsiderable exception to this remark. All the great dramatic geniuses of Greece were born in Attica, and formed their style at Athens. Widely as the Grecian race diffused itself, felicitously as it cultivated the fine arts- almost wherever it came, yet beyond the bounds of Attica it was fain to admire, without being able to compete with, the productions of the Attic stage.

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BOOK II. LITERARY HISTORY OF THE GREEK DRAMA. CHAPTER I. THE GREEK TRAGEDIANS. SECTION I. CHŒRILUS, PHRYNICHUS, AND PRATINAS. Use begets Use. GUESSES AT TRUTH. As S soon as Tragedy had once established itself in Greece, it made very rapid advances to perfection . According to the received dates, the first exhibition of Thespis preceded by ten years only the birth of Eschylus, who in his younger days contended with the three immediate successors of the Icarian. CHŒERILUS began to represent plays in the 64th Ol. 523 B. c.¹, and in 499 B. C. contended for the prize with Pratinas and Eschylus. It is stated that he contended with Sophocles also, but the difference in their ages renders this exceedingly improbable, and the mistake may easily have arisen from the way in which Suidas mentions the book on the chorus which Sophocles wrote against him and Thespis . It would seem that Tragedy had not altogether departed from its original form in his time, and that the chorus 1 Χοιρίλος, Αθηναῖος, τραγικός, ξδ᾽ ὀλυμπιάδι καθεὶς εἰς ἀγῶνας καὶ ἐδίδαξε μὲν δράματα πεντήκοντα καὶ ρ' . ἐνίκησε δὲ ιγ' . Suidas. 2 See Näke's Chorilus, p. 7. Suidas : Σοφοκλῆς ἔγραψε λόγον καταλογάδην περὶ τοῦ χοροῦ πρὸς Θέσπιν καὶ Χοιρίλον ἀγωνιζόμενος. 92 CHORILUS, PHRYNICHUS, AND PRATINAS. was still satyric, or tragic in the proper sense of the word¹. Choerilus is said to have written 150 pieces 2, but no fragments have come down to us. The disparaging remarks of Hermeas and Proclus do not refer to him, but to his Samian namesake³, and he is mentioned by Alexis in such goodly company, that we cannot believe that his poetry was altogether contemptible. One of his plays was called the Alope, and it appears to have been of a strictly mythical character5. Some improvements in theatrical costume are ascribed to him by Suidas and Eudocia®. 10 PHRYNICHUS was the son of Polyphradmon, and a scholar of Thespis '. The dates of his birth and death are alike unknown : it seems probable that he died in Sicily . He gained a tragic victory in 511 B. C. , and another in 476, when Themistocles was his choragus¹º : the play which he produced on this occasion was probably the Phoenissæ, and Æschylus is charged" with having made use of this tragedy in the composition of his Persæ, which appeared four years after, a charge which Æschylus seems to rebut in "the Frogs " of Aristophanes 12. In 494 B. C. Miletus was taken by the Persians, and Phrynichus, unluckily for himself, 1 ἡνίκα μὲν βασιλεὺς ἦν Χοιρίλος ἐν Σατύροις. Anonym. ap. Plotium de Thetris, p. 2633. 2 The numbers in Suidas are, however, in this instance, not to be depended on, as they are not the same in all the MSS. 3 See Näke's Chœrilus, p. 92. 4 Athen. IV. p. 164 c : Ορφεὺς ἔνεστιν, Ησίοδος, τραγῳδία, Χοιρίλος, Όμηρος, Επίχαρμος, συγγράμματα Παντοδαπά. 5 Pausan. I. 14, § 3 : Χοιρίλῳ δὲ ᾽Αθηναίῳ δρᾶμα ποιήσαντι ᾿Αλόπην ἔστ᾽ εἰρημένα Κερκύονα εἶναι καὶ Τριπτόλεμον ἀδελφούς, κ.τ.λ. 6 οὗτος κατά τινας τοῖς προσωπείοις καὶ τῇ σκευῇ τῶν στολῶν ἐπεχείρησεν. 7 Φρύνιχος, Πολυφράδμονος , ἢ Μινύρου· οἱ δὲ Χοροκλέους Αθηναῖος, τραγικός, μαθητὴς Θέσπιδος. Suidas in Φρύν. The first of the names mentioned here for the father of Phrynichus is the correct See Schol. Arist. Av. 750 ; Pausan. X. 31 , 2. The name also appears under the form Phradmon. Prol. Aristoph. p. xxix. one. 8 Clinton, F. H. Vol. II . p. xxxi, note (t). 9 ἐνίκα ἐπὶ τῆς ξξ' ὀλυμπιάδος. Suidas. 10 Ενίκησε δὲ [Θεμιστοκλῆς] καὶ χορηγῶν τραγῳδοῖς, μεγάλην ἤδη τότε σπουδὴν καὶ φιλοτιμίαν τοῦ ἀγῶνος ἔχοντος. Καὶ πίνακα τῆς νίκης ἀνέθηκε, τοιαύτην ἐπιγραφὴν ἔχοντα —Θεμιστοκλῆς Φρεάῤῥιος ἐχορήγει, Φρύνιχος ἐδίδασκεν, Αδείμαντος ἦρχεν. Plutarch, in Themist. c. v. 11 By Glaucus, in his work on the subjects of the plays of Eschylus : see Arg. ad Persas. 12 ἀλλ᾽ οὖν ἐγὼ μὲν ἐς τὸ καλὸν ἐκ τοῦ καλοῦ ἤνεγκον αὔθ᾽, ἵνα μὴ τὸν αὐτὸν Φρυνίχῳ λειμῶνα Μουσῶν ἱερὸν ὀφθείην δρέπων. Ran. 1294-1296. CHERILUS, PHRYNICHUS, AND PRATINAS. 93 selected the capture of that city as the subject of a historical tragedy. The skill of the dramatist, and the recent occurrence of the event, affected the audience even to tears, and Phrynichus was fined 1000 drachmæ for having recalled so forcibly a painful recollection of the misfortunes of an ally '. We have already mentioned the introduction of female characters into Tragedy by Phrynichus he seems, however, to have been chiefly remarkable for the sweetness of his melodies , and the great variety and cleverness of his figure dances³. The Aristophanic Agathon speaks generally of the beauty of his dramas , though of course they fell far short of the grandeur of Æschylus , and the perfect art of Sophocles. The names of seventeen tragedies attributed 1 'Αθηναῖοι μὲν γὰρ δῆλον ἐποίησαν ὑπεραχθεσθέντες τῇ Μιλήτου ἁλώσει, τῇ τε ἄλλῃ πολλαχῆ, καὶ δὴ ποιήσαντι Φρυνίχῳ δρᾶμα Μιλήτου ἅλωσιν, καὶ διδάξαντι, ἐς δάκρυά τε ἔπεσε τὸ θέητρον, καὶ ἐζημίωσάν μιν, ὡς ἀναμνήσαντα οἰκήϊα κακά, χιλίῃσι δραχμῇσι· καὶ ἐπέταξαν μηκέτι μηδένα χρᾶσθαι τούτῳ τῷ δράματι. Herod. VI. 21 . 2 Ἔνθεν, ὡσπερεὶ μέλιττα, Φρύνιχος ἀμβροσίων . μελέων ἀπεβόσκετο καρπόν, ἀεὶ φέρων γλυκεῖαν ᾠδάν. Aristoph. Αν. 748. Philocleon, the old Dicast, as we are told by the chorus of his brethren, ἡγεῖτ᾽ ἂν ᾄδων Φρυνίχου · καὶ γάρ ἐστιν ἁνὴρ φιλῳδός. Vesp. 269. And a little before, these fellow- dicasts are represented by Bdelycleon as summoning their aged colleague at midnight. ..... μινυρίζοντες μέλη ἀρχαιομελισιδωνοφρυνιχήρατα. ν. 219. Παρὰ τὰ μέλη καὶ τὴν Σιδῶνα καὶ τὸν Φρύνιχον καὶ τὰ ἐρατὰ ἔμιξεν, οἷον ἀρχαῖα μέλη Φρυνίχου ἐρατὰ καὶ ἥδεα...Φρύνιχος δὲ ἐγένετο τραγῳδίας ποιητής, ὃς ἔγραψε δράμα Φοινίσσας, ἐν ᾧ μέμνηται Σιδωνίων. τὰ δὲ μέλη [ τὸ δὲ μέλι ? ] εἶπε διὰ τὴν γλυκύτητα τοῦ ποιητοῦ. Schol . in loc. “ Scribendum-μέλιcum Suida in ἀρχαῖος et μινυρίζω. Quod Aristarchum in codice suo legisse ex annotatione Scholiastæ cognoscitur. Aves, 748 : ἔνθεν ὡσπερεὶ μέλιττα Φρύνιχος κ.τ.λ. ” — Dindorf. See above, p. 64, note 6. 3 Plutarch (Symp. III . 9) has preserved part of an epigram , said to have been written by the dramatist himself, in which he thus commemorates the fruitfulness of his fancy in devising figure-dances : Σχήματα δ' ὄρχησις τόσα μοι πόρεν, ὅσσ᾽ ἐπὶ πόντῳ Κύματα ποιεῖται χείματι νὺξ ὀλοή. 4 Thesmophor. 164 sqq. 5 The difference between Phrynichus and Æschylus is distinctly stated in several passages ofthe Rana: ...... τοὺς θεατὰς ἐξηπάτα, μωροὺς λαβὼν παρὰ Φρυνίχῳ τραφέντας. 909. Upon which the Scholiast remarks, ἀπατεὼν γάρ, ὡς ἀφελέστερος ὁ Φρύνιχος. The same fact is also forcibly declared in the address of the Chorus to Eschylus in the same comedy : ἀλλ᾽ ὦ πρῶτος τῶν ῾Ελλήνων πυργώσας ῥήματα σεμνὰ καὶ κοσμήσας τραγικὸν λῆρον. 1004. That the word Xîpos does not imply anything merely comical and ludicrous in the tragedies before schylus, is clear from the use of the word ληρεῖν, in v. 923. 94 CHORILUS, PHRYNICHUS, AND PRATINAS. to him have come down to us, but it is probable that some of these belonged to the other two writers who bore the same name. We learn from Suidas the following particulars respecting PRATINAS. He was a Phliasian , the son of Pyrrhonides or Encomius, a tragedian, and the opponent of Chorilus and Eschylus, when the latter first represented. As we have already stated ', he was the first writer of satyrical dramas as a distinct species of entertainment ; and we may connect this circumstance with the place of his birth ; for Phlius was near Corinth and Sicyon, the cradles of the old tragedies of Arion and Epigenes. On one occasion, while he was acting, his wooden stage gave way, and in consequence of that accident, the Athenians built a stone theatre. He exhibited fifty dramas, of which thirty-two were satyrical. The Phliasians seem to have taken great delight in these performances of their countryman , and according to Pausanias , erected a monument in the market-place in honour of " Aristias, the son of Pratinas, who with his father excelled all except Eschylus in writing satyrical dramas." Pratinas also wrote Hyporchemes . His son Aristias inherited his father's talents , and competed with Sophocles". 1 Above, p. 69. 2 See Schneider, De Orig. Trag. p. 90. 3 II. 13. 4 Athen. Χιν. p . 617 c : Πρατίνας δὲ ὁ Φλιάσιος, αὐλητῶν καὶ χορευτῶν μισθοφόρων κατεχόντων τὰς ὀρχήστρας, ἀγανακτεῖν τινας ἐπὶ τῷ τοὺς αὐλητὰς μὴ συναυλεῖν τοῖς χοροῖς, καθάπερ ἦν πάτριον, ἀλλὰ τοὺς χοροὺς συνᾴδειν τοῖς αὐληταῖς · ὃν οὖν εἶχε θυμὸν κατὰ τῶν ταῦτα ποιούντων ὁ Πρατίνας ἐμφανίζει διὰ τοῦδε τοῦ ὑπορχήματος. Τίς ὁ θόρυβος ὅδε, κ.τ.λ. Müller suggests (Hist. Lit. Gr. I. p. 295 [ 390]) that this Hyporcheme may have occurred in a satyrical drama. But we have seen above, pp. 35 , 69, that the Satyric corresponded rather to the Pyrrhic than to the Hyporchematic dance. 5 Auct. Vit. Sophocl. CHAPTER I. SECTION II. ÆSCHYLUS. Et digitis tria tura tribus sub limine ponit. OVID. SCHYLUS, the son of Euphorion, was born at Eleusis ' , in ESCU fear the fourth year of the 63rd Olympiad ( B.c. 525) . In his boyhood he was employed in a vineyard, and, while engaged in watching the grapes, with his mind full of his occupation, and inspired with reverence for the god of the vintage, felt himself suddenly called upon to follow the bent of his own genius, and contribute to the spectacles which had just been established at Athens in honour of Dionysus . He made his first appearance as 1 Vit. Anonym. , given in Stanley's edition of this poet, and the Arundel Marble. The invocation to the Eleusinian goddess, which he is made to utter by Aristophanes, may refer to the place of his birth : Δήμητερ, ἡ θρέψασα τὴν ἐμὴν φρένα, Εἶναί με τῶν σῶν ἄξιον μυστηρίων. Ranæ, 884. These lines would seem to show that he had been initiated into the mysteries, which is quite at variance with the defence which he set up when accused before the Areopagus. See Clem. Αl. quoted below. 2 Ἔφη δὲ Αἰσχύλος μειράκιον ὃν καθεύδειν ἐν ἀγρῷ φυλάσσων σταφυλάς, καί οἱ Διόνυσον ἐπιστάντα, κελεῦσαι τραγῳδίαν ποιεῖν. ὡς δὲ ἦν ἡμέρα ( πείθεσθαι γὰρ ἐθέλειν) ῥᾷστα ἤδη πειρώμενος ποιεῖν. οὗτος μὲν ταῦτα ἔλεγεν. Pausan. I. 21 , 2 . To this employment of the poet were probably owing the habits of intemperance with which he has been charged, and also his introduction on the stage of characters in a state of drunkenness . Athenæus tells us ( x. p. 428) : Καὶ τὸν Αἰσχύλον ἐγὼ φαίην ἂν τοῦτο διαμαρτάνειν πρῶτος γὰρ ἐκεῖνος καὶ οὐχ, ὡς ἔνιοί φασιν, Εὐριπίδης παρήγαγε τὴν τῶν μεθυόντων ὄψιν εἰς τραγῳδίαν. ἐν γὰρ τοῖς Καβείροις εἰσάγει τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ιάσονα μεθύοντας . ἃ δ᾽ αὐτὸς ὁ τραγῳδιοποιὸς ἐποίει, ταῦτα τοῖς ἥρωσι περιέθηκε· μεθύων γοῦν ἔγραφε τὰς τραγῳδίας· διὸ καὶ Σοφοκλῆς αὐτῷ μεμφόμενος ἔλεγεν ὅτι, Ω Αἰσχύλε, εἰ καὶ τὰ δέοντα ποιεῖς, ἀλλ᾽ οὖν οὐκ εἰδώς γε ποιεῖς · ὡς ἱστορεῖ Χαμαιλέων ἐν τῷ περὶ Αἰσχύλου. The same observation of Sophocles is given in the same words, I. p. 22, and is probably taken, as Welcker suggests ( Tril. p. 254, note) from Sopho- cles' treatise on the chorus. This failing is also mentioned by Plutarch : καὶ τὸν Αἰσχύλον φασὶ τραγῳδίας πίνοντα ποιεῖν καὶ διαθερμαινόμενον. Symp. I. 5 ; by Callisthenes : οἱ γάρ, ὡς τὸν 96 ESCHYLUS. a tragedian in B.C. 499 ' , when, as we have already stated, he contended with Chorilus and Pratinas. Nine years after this he distinguished himself in the battle of Marathon², along with his brothers Cynegeirus and Ameinias, and the poet, who prided himself upon his valour more than upon his genius, looked back to this as to the most glorious action of his life³. In 484 B.C. he gained his first tragic victory, and in 480 B.C. took part in the battle of Salamis, in which Ameinias gained the apiσteîa : he also fought at Platea. He celebrated the glorious contests which he had witnessed, in a tragic trilogy with which he gained the prize (472 B.C. ) . After all that has been written on the subject , we are of opinion that Eschylus made only two journeys to Sicily. The first was in 468 B.C. according to the express testimony of Plutarch ; and took place immediately after his defeat by young Sophocles, though it is difficult to believe Plutarch's assertion , that he left Athens in disgust at this indignity. As, however, it is stated that he went to the court of Hiero , and brought out a play at Syracuse to please that king, who died in 467 B.C. , he must, if he was at Athens to contend with Sophocles, have started for Sicily immediately after the decision ; and he was then at Αἰσχύλον ὁ Καλλισθένης ἔφη που, λέγων τὰς τραγῳδίας ἐν οἴνῳ γράφειν, ἐξορμῶντα καὶ ȧvaleρμalvovтa тhv yuxv. Lucian, Encom. Demosth.; and by Eustathius, Odyss. Oʻ. p. 1598. That he subsequently departed from his original reverence for the religion of Bacchus, we shall show in the text, and this was probably occasioned by his military connexion with the Dorians, and the love which he then acquired for the Dorian character and institutions. 1 Suidas in Alox. 2 Ἐν μάχῃ συνηγωνίσατο Αἰσχύλος ὁ ποιητὴς [ ἐτ] [ν] ὢν ΔΔΔΠ. Marm. Arund. No. 49 ; Vit. Anonym. 3 Pausan. Attic. I. 4 ; Athenæus, XIV. p. 627. In the epitaph which he is said to have composed for himself, he makes no mention of his tragedies, and speaks only of his warlike achievements : Αἰσχύλον Εὐφορίωνος Αθηναῖον τόδε κεύθει Μνήμα καταφθίμενον πυροφόροιο Γέλας. ᾿Αλκὴν δ᾽ εὐδόκιμον Μαραθώνιον ἄλσος ἂν εἴποι, Καὶ βαθυχαιτήεις Μῆδος ἐπιστάμενος. 4 Gruppe thinks ( Ariadne, p. 154) that the Prometheus was acted first at Syra- cuse, and afterwards at Athens, under the poet's own superintendence : the Perseis, which we are here alluding to, first at Athens, and afterwards in Sicily. 5 By Böckh, de Græcæ Tragœdiæ Principibus, c. IV. V.; Blomfield. Præf. Pers. pp. xvi sqq.; Hermann, de Eumen. Choro, II . pp. 155 sqq.; Welcker, Trilogie, pp. 516 fol.; Lange, de Eschyli Vitâ, pp. 15 sqq. 6 Plutarch, Cimon, VIII. 7 ᾿Απῇρε δὲ εἰς Ιέρωνα τὸν Σικελίας τύραννον. Vit. Anonym . So Pausanias : Καὶ ἐς Συρακούσας πρὸς Ιέρωνα Αἰσχύλος καὶ Σιμωνίδης ἐστάλησαν. Ι. 2. Also Plutarch : Καὶ γὰρ καὶ οὗτος [ Αἰσχύλος] εἰς Σικελίαν ἀπῆρε καὶ Σιμωνίδης πρότερον. De Exilio . ESCHYLUS. 97 Athens, if Plutarch has given us correct information. He probably spent some time in Sicily on his first visit, as would appear from the numbers of Sicilian words which are found in his later plays '. The other journey to Sicily he is said to have made ten years after (458 B.C.) , and for this a very sufficient reason has been assigned. In that year he brought out the Orestean trilogy ; and in the Eumenides, the last play of the trilogy, showed so openly his opposition to the politics of Pericles and his abettor Ephialtes2, that his abode at Athens might easily have been made not only unpleasant, but even unsafe, especially as his fondness for the Dorian institutions, his aristocratical spirit, and his adoption of the politics of Aristeides, had doubtless made him long before obnoxious to the demagogues. He died at Gela two years after the representation of the Orestea, i. e. in B.C. 456³. It is said¹, that an eagle having mistaken his bald head for a stone, dropped a tortoise upon it in order to break the shell, and that the poet was killed by the blow: but the story is evidently an invention, most unnecessarily devised to account for the natural death of a persecuted exile nearly seventy years old. Another reason has been assigned for Eschylus' second journey to Sicily. It is founded on a statement, alluded to by Aristotle , and given more distinctly by Clemens Alexandrinus and Ælian®, 1 Οὐκ ἀγνοῶ δέ, ὅτι οἱ περὶ τὴν Σικελίαν κατοικοῦντες ἀσχέδωρον καλοῦσι τὸν σύαγρον. Αἰσχύλος γοῦν ἐν Φορκίσι, παρεικάζων τὸν Περσέα τῷ ἀγρίῳ τούτῳ συΐ, φησίν Ἔδυ δ᾽ ἐς ἄντρον ἀσχέδωρος ὡς. Ὅτι δὲ Αἰσχύλος, διατρίψας ἐν Σικελίᾳ πολλαῖς κέχρηται φωναῖς Σικελαῖς, ovdèv lavμаoтóv. Athen. IX. p. 402 B.-To the same effect Eustathius : Xpños dé φασιν ἀσχεδώρου παρ' Αἰσχύλῳ διατρίψαντι ἐν Σικελίᾳ καὶ εἰδότι . Ad Odyss. p. 1872. -And Macrobius : Ita et Dii Palici in Siciliâ coluntur ; quos primum omnium Eschylus tragicus, vir utique Siculus, in literas dedit, &c. &c. Saturnal. V. 19. Some Sicilian forms are to be found in his extant plays : thus, wedápoios, wedalx- μιοι, πεδάοροι, μάσσων, μᾶ, &c. for μετάρσιος, μεταίχμιοι, μετέωροι, μείζων, μήτερ, &ο. See Blomfield, Prom. Vinc. 277, Gloss. , and Böckh, de Trag. Græc. c. v. 2 See Müller's Eumeniden, § 35 fol. 3 ᾿Αφ᾿ οὗ Αἰσχύλος ὁ ποιητής, βιώσας ἔτη [ Δ] ΔΠΙΙΙΙ, ἐτελεύτησεν ἐν [ Γέλ]ᾳ τῆς [ Σι]κελίας ἔτη Η[ Α] ΔΔΔΔΙΙΙ, ἄρχοντος ᾿Αθήνησι Καλλίου τοῦ προτέρου . Mar. Arund. No. 50. 4 Vit. Anonym.; Suidas in Xeλwvn µvŵv ; Valer. Max. IX. 2 ; Ælian, Hist. Animal. VII. 16. 5 Ethic. III. I : ὃ δὲ πράττει, ἀγνοήσειεν ἄν τις οἷον λέγοντές φασιν ἐκπεσεῖν αὐτούς, ἢ οὐκ εἰδέναι ὅτι ἀπόῤῥητα ἦν, ὥσπερ Αἰσχύλος τὰ μυστικά. 6 Αἰσχύλος (says Clemens) τὰ μυστήρια ἐπὶ σκηνῆς ἐξειπών, ἐν ᾿Αρείῳ πάγῳ κριθεὶς οὕτως ἀφείσθη, ἐπιδείξας αὐτὸν μὴ μεμνημένον. Strom . II. -Elian tells the tale in a somewhat different way ; a more romantic one of course : Aloxíλos o Tpaywdds EplveTo ἀσεβείας ἐπί τινι δράματι. Ετοίμων οὖν ὄντων Αθηναίων, βάλλειν αὐτὸν λίθοις, Αμει D. T. G. 7 98 ESCHYLUS. that Eschylus was accused of impiety before the Areopagus, and acquitted, as Elian says, in consequence of the services of his brother Ameinias, or, according to Aristotle and Clemens, because he pleaded ignorance. Eustratius tells us ' from Heraclides Ponticus that he would have been slain on the stage by the infuriated populace, had he not taken refuge at the altar of Bacchus ; and that he was acquitted by the Areopagus in consequence of his brother Cynegeirus' intercession. This reason for his second departure from Athens is quite in accordance with the former ; for if he had incurred the ill will of the people and the demagogues, nothing was more natural than that he should have been made amenable to the same charges, which a similar faction afterwards brought against Alcibiades . And there is something in the intervention ofthe Areopagus, between the people and their intended victim, which may at once account for the attempt to overthrow it, which, we conceive, shortly followed this trial, as also for the bold stand which Eschylus made on behalf of that tribunal. There are great discrepancies respecting the number of plays written by Eschylus. The writer of the life prefixed to his remains assigns seventy plays to him, Suidas ninety, and Fabricius more than 100. Of these, only seven remain. The most remarkable improvements which Eschylus introduced into Tragedy are the following : he added a second actor, limited the functions of the chorus, and gave them a more artificial character : he made the dialogue, which he created by the addition of a second actor, the principal part of the drama³ : he provided νίας ὁ νεώτερος ἀδελφός, διακαλυψάμενος τὸ ἱμάτιον ἔδειξε τὴν πῆχυν ἔρημον τῆς χειρός. Ἔτυχε δὲ ἀριστεύων ἐν Σαλαμῖνι ὁ ᾿Αμεινίας ἀποβεβληκὼς τὴν χεῖρα, καὶ πρῶτος ᾿Αθη ναίων τῶν ἀριστείων ἔτυχεν. Ἐπεὶ δὲ εἶδον οἱ δικασταὶ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς τὸ πάθος, ὑπεμνήσθη σαν τῶν ἔργων αὐτοῦ καὶ ἀφῆκαν τὸν Αἰσχύλον. Var. Hist. v. 19. 1 In his commentary on Aristotle, loc. cit. fol. 40. He mentions the names of five plays on which these charges were founded, the Τοξοτίδες, the Τερείας, the Σίσυφος πετροκυλιστής, the Ιφιγένεια, and the Οἰδίπους. But we know nothing of the dates of these plays. Comp. Welcker, Tril. 106, 276. 2 Thucyd. VI. 53 ; Andocid. de Myster. Comp. Droysen, in the Rhein. Museum for 1835, pp. 161 fol. 3 These first three improvements are stated by Aristotle, Poet. c. IV. 16 (below, Part II. ) : καὶ τό τε τῶν ὑποκριτῶν πλῆθος ἐξ ἑνὸς εἰς δύο πρῶτος Αἰσχύλος ἤγαγε, καὶ τὰ τοῦ χοροῦ ἡλάττωσε καὶ τὸν λόγον πρωταγωνιστὴν παρεσκεύασε. The first is given also by Diogen. Laert. Vit. Plat.: Θέσπις ἕνα ὑποκριτὴν ἐξεῦρεν... καὶ δεύτερον Aloxúλos. The names of his two actors are given in an old life prefixed to one of the editions. Εχρήσατο δὲ ὑποκριτῇ πρῶτον μὲν Κελάνδρῳ..... δεύτερον αὐτῷ πρόσηψε Μιόνισκον τὸν Χαλκιδέα. Hermann has made an extraordinary blunder with regard to the latter part of the quotation from Aristotle : he has actually supposed that πρwτaɣwνισTv is an epithet, though it is obvious from the position of the article, that ÆSCHYLUS. 99 his Tragedy with all sorts of imposing spectacles ' , and introduced the custom of contending with Trilogies, or with three plays at a time. He seems also to have improved the theatrical costumes, and to have made the mask more expressive and convenient, while he increased the stature of the performers by giving them thick soled boots (ἀρβύλαι, κόθορνοι ) . In short, he did so much for the drama, that he was considered as the father of Tragedy³, and his plays were allowed to be acted after his death 4. We shall find, in the remaining Tragedies of Eschylus, most ample confirmation of what we have said respecting his political opinions, and also of Cicero's statement, that he was a Pythagoreans . Even the improvements which are due to him are so it is a tertiary predicate (Donalds. Gr. Gr. 489 sqq. ) , and is used tropically, just as Aristotle elsewhere uses χορηγεῖν, &c. metaphorically. Compare Plut. Mus. p. 667, Wyttenb. : πρωταγωνιστούσης τῆς ποιήσεως, τῶν δ᾽ αὐλητῶν ὑπηρετούντων τοῖς διδασκά- λοις. 1 Primum Agatharchus Athenis, Eschylo docente tragœdiam, scenam fecit, et de eâ commentarium reliquit. Vitruv. Præf. Lib. VII. 2 Post hunc [ Thespin] personæ pallæque repertor honestæ Eschylus, et modicis instravit pulpita tignis, Et docuit magnumque loqui, nitique cothurno. Horat. Epist. ad Pis. 279. So Suidas : Αίσχύλος εὗρε προσωπεῖα δεινὰ καὶ χρώμασι κεχρισμένα ἔχειν τοὺς τραγι κούς, καὶ ταῖς ἀρβύλαις, ταῖς καλουμέναις ἐμβάταις, κεχρῆσθαι. The Aristophanic Æschylus alludes to these improvements in the costumes. Ran. 1ο6ο. Compare Athen. I. p. 21 , and Philost. Vit. Apoll. VI. II : ἐσθήμασί τε πρῶτος ἐκόσμησεν ἃ πρόσφορον ἥρωσί τε καὶ ἡρωΐσιν ἠσθῆσθαι. Vit. Gorg. I. 9 : ἐσθῆτί τε τὴν τραγῳδίαν κατασκευάσας καὶ ὀκρίβαντι ὑψηλῷ, καὶ ἡρώων εἴδεσιν. There are many allusions to the apẞúλal of the actors in the Greek Tragedians themselves. 3 —Οθεν Αθηναίοι πατέρα μὲν αὐτὸν τῆς τραγῳδίας ἡγοῦντο. Philost. Vit. Apoll And thus the Chorus in the Rana address him : . VI. II . ᾿Αλλ᾽ ὦ πρῶτος τῶν Ἑλλήνων πυργώσας ῥήματα σεμνά, Καὶ κοσμήσας τραγικὸν λῆρον. V. 1004. So Quintilian : Tragoedias primus in lucem Eschylus protulit. X. 1 . 4 Εκάλουν δὲ καὶ τεθνεῶτα εἰς Διονύσια. Τὰ γὰρ τοῦ Αἰσχύλου ψηφισαμένων ἀνεδιδάσκετο, καὶ ἐνίκα ἐκ καινῆς. Philostr. Vit. Apoll. VI. II . Also, Vit. Anonym.-- Aristophanes alludes to this custom of re- exhibiting the dramas of Eschylus in the opening of the Acharnians, where Dicæopolis complains : ἀλλ᾽ ὠδυνήθην ἕτερον αὖ τραγῳδικόν, ὅτε δὴ κεχήνη προσδοκῶν τὸν Αἰσχύλον, 6 ὁ δ᾽ ἀνεῖπεν · εἴσαγ᾽, ὦ Θέογνι, τὸν χορόν. v. 9 &c. Upon which the Scholiast remarks : τιμῆς δὲ μεγίστης ἔτυχε παρὰ ᾿Αθηναίοις ὁ Αἰσχύ λος, καὶ μόνου αὐτοῦ τὰ δράματα ψηφίσματι κοινῷ καὶ μετὰ θάνατον ἐδιδάσκετο. The allegation of the poet (Rana, 868) : Ὅτι ἡ ποίησις οὐχὶ συντέθνηκέ μοι, is also supposed by the Scholiast to refer to this decree. Quintilian assigns a very different reason for this practice, when, speaking of Eschylus as ' rudis in plerisque et incompositus, ' he goes on, propter quod correctas ejus fabulas in certamen deferre posterioribus poetis Athenienses permisere, suntque eo modo multi_coronati. ' x. I. What authority he had for such an assertion does not now appear. " Former Editor. 5 Veniat Æschylus, non poeta solum, sed etiam Pythagoreus ; sic enim accepimus. Cicero, Tusc. Disp. II . 9. -2 100 ÆSCHYLUS. many proofs of his anti-democratical spirit. For though he seems to have first turned his attention to the drama, in consequence of his accidental connexion with the country worship of Bacchus, yet in all his innovations we shall detect a wish to diminish the choral or Bacchic element of the Tragedy, and to aggrandize the other part, by connecting it with the old Homeric Epos, the darling of the aristocracy : indeed he used to say himself, that his dramas were but dry scraps from the great banquets of Homer¹, and it was owing to this that he borrowed so little from the Attic traditions, or from the Heracleia and Theseis, of which Sophocles and Euripides afterwards so freely availed themselves . We have another proof of his willingness to abandon all reference to the worship of Bacchus in his way of treating the dithyrambic chorus, which the state gave him as the basis of his Tragedy. He did not keep all this chorus of fifty men on the stage at once, but broke up into subordinate choruses, one or more of which he employed in each play of his Trilogy³. Even his improvement of the costume was a part of the same plan ; for the more appropriate he made the costumes of his actors, the farther he departed from the dresses worn in the Bacchic processions ; which, however, to the last kept their place on the tragic stage . And may not the invention of the Trilogy have been also a part of his attempt to make the λóyos, or theatrical declamation ", the principal part in his tragedy (πρwτaywvioτns)? We think we could establish this, if our limits admitted a detailed examination of the principles which governed it "In philosophical sentiments, schylus is said to have been a Pythagorean. In his extant dramas the tenets of this sect may occasionally be traced ; as, deep veneration in what concerns the gods, Agam. 360 ; high regard for the sanctity of an oath and the nuptial bond, Eumen. 208 ; the immortality of the soul, Choëph. 320 ; the origin of names from imposition and not from nature, Agam. 683 ; Prom. V. 85, 852 ; the importance of numbers, Prom. Vinct. 457 ; the science of physiognomy, Agam. 769 ; and the sacred character of suppliants, Suppl. 342 ; Eum. 226." Former Editor. Comp. a paper in the Class. Journal, No. XXII. pp. 207 fol. " On the Philosophical sentiments of Æschylus." 1 Athen. VIII. p. 347 Ε : τὰ τοῦ καλοῦ καὶ λαμπροῦ Αἰσχύλου ὃς τὰς αὑτοῦ τραγῳ- δίας τεμάχη είναι ἔλεγε τῶν Ὁμήρου μεγάλων δείπνων. 2 See Welcker, Trilogie, p. 484. In style and representation, however, Sophocles was much more Homeric than Eschylus, who probably paid attention only to the mythical materials in general, and according to their Epic connexion. Trilogie, p. 485 . 3 See Müller's Eumeniden, near the beginning of the first essay. 4 Ibid. § 32. 5 That this is the meaning of Xóyos, in the passage of Aristotle, is sufficiently clear ; for Noyelov was the stage on which the actor, as distinguished from the chorus, performed. ESCHYLUS. 101 ῥῆσις. the composition of an Eschylean Trilogy¹ : at present we shall merely suggest, that the invention of a πρόλογος and a ῥῆσις, attributed to Thespis, points to two entrances only of the Thespian actor ; and that the тpıλoyía, in its old sense, may have been originally a πρόλογος, and two λόγοι οι ῥήσεις, instead of one ; consequently, an increase of business for the TоKρITηs. Now, when Eschylus had added a second actor, each of these λóyou became a διάλογος, oι δράμα : and it would be natural enough that Eschylus, if he had the intentions which we have attributed to him, should expand each of these diáλoyo into a complete play, and break up the chorus into three parts, assigning one to each dialogue, and subordinating the whole chorus to the action of the piece. There is something in favour of this view in the probable analogy between the first piece of a Trilogy and the prologue of Thespis, which we consider to have been certainly of less importance than the pois. " It is credible, " says an ingenious writer², "that when the new Trilogy first came out, only the middle piece received an accurate dialogical and dramatic completion ; whereas, on the contrary, the introductory and concluding pieces were less removed from the old form, and besides remained confined to a more moderate compass. " This is borne out by all that we know of the earlier Trilogies of Eschylus, in which the first play has generally a prophetic reference to the second ; and the third, though important in a moral and religious point of view, is little more than a finale³ , whereas all the stirring interest is concentrated in the Middle Tragedy : παντὶ μέσῳ τὸ κράτος Θεὸς ὤπασεν, say the chorus in the Eumenides, and this principle is the key as well to the trilogy of Eschylus as to the morals of Aristotle. Besides, the leading distinction between the Eschylean Tragedy and the Homeric Epos is, that the latter contains an uninterrupted series of events, whereas the former exhibits the events in detached groups¹ . In this also we are to seek for the relation subsisting between the drama of Eschylus and the plastic arts , of which he 1 Welcker has done a great deal towards settling this question æsthetically (Trilogie, pp. 482-540). 2 Gruppe, Ariadne, p. 147 ; compare Welcker, Trilogie, p. 490. Hermann (Opusc. II. p. 313) admits this of the musical importance. 3 See Welcker, Tril. pp. 491 , 492. 4 Ibid. pp. 486 foll. 102 ÆSCHYLUS. was always full, to which he often alludes¹, and which perhaps he practised himself . Now, in all ages of art the pyramidal group has been considered the most beautiful : the reader need only recal to his mind the Æginetan pediment, the Laocoon, and the most beautiful of Raphael's pictures ; for instance, the upper part of the Transfiguration, the Sistine Madonna, and the Mater pulcræ dilectionis. It may have been the object of Eschylus to realize this. But as he always subjoined a satyrical drama to the three Tragedies, and was very eminent in that species of composition , he must have aimed, in his Trilogies, rather at internal symmetry than at external completeness. But, in addition to all these evidences, from the general form of the Tragedies of Eschylus, of a Dorian spirit warring against their once Dorian element, the chorus ; there is no lack of passages in his plays which point directly to his fondness for the Dorians* and for Aristeides" , and which show that the maxims of Solon were deeply engraved on his memory . It is also highly interesting to trace in his few remaining Tragedies the frequently occurring allusions to his military and other public employments. For as 1 For instance, Agamem. 233 : πρέπουσά θ᾽ ὡς ἐν γραφαῖς. 405 : εὐμόρφων δὲ κολοσσῶν ἔχθεται χάρις ἀνδρί. 775 : Eumen. 50 : κάρτ᾽ ἀπομούσως ἦσθα γεγραμμένος. εἰδόν ποτ᾽ ἤδη Φινέως γεγραμμένας 284 : (Comp. Müller, Eumeniden, p. Supplices, 279 : 458 : ῥέγκουσι δ᾽ οὐ πλαστοῖσι φυσιάμασιν. τίθησιν ὀρθὸν ἢ κατηρεφή πόδα. 112). Κύπριος χαρακτήρ τ᾽ ἐν γυναικείοις τύποις εἰκὼς πέπληκται τεκτόνων πρὸς ἀρσένων. νέοις πίναξι βρέτεα κοσμῆσαι τάδε. 2 This is implied in the improvements which he made in the masks, dresses, &c. 3 As the trilogies were acted early in the year, it is probable that the night began to close in before the last piece and the satyrical drama were over. This may account for Prometheus, the fire- kindler (which was probably a torch-race, Welcker, Tril. pp. 120, 507), being the satyrical drama of the Perseis; for the torch- procession at the end of the Eumenides, and for the conflagration at the end of the Troades. Comp. Gruppe, Ariadne, p. 361 . 4 Comp. Pers. 179, 803. 5 See Müller, Eumeniden, § 138. 6 The following is one of many passages in which the words of Solon are nearly repeated by Eschylus. Solon, p. 80, Bach : πλούτου δ' οὐδὲν τέρμα πεφασμένον ἀνδράσι κεῖται οἱ γὰρ νῦν ἡμῶν πλεῖστον ἔχουσι βίον διπλάσιον σπεύδουσι· τίς ἂν κορέσειεν ἅπαντας ; Agamemn. 972 : μάλα γάρ τοι τᾶς πολλᾶς ὑγιείας ἀκόρεστον τέρμα. ESCHYLUS. 103 we easily detect in the writer of the Divina Commedia the stern Florentine, who charged in the foremost ranks of the Guelfian chivalry at the battle of Campaldino¹, so may we at once recognize, in the tone of Æschylus' Tragedies , the high-minded Athenian, the brother of Ameinias and Cynegeirus, whose sword drank the blood of the dark-haired Medes at Marathon and Salamis . His poems are full of military and political terms² ; he breathes an unbounded contempt for the barbarian prowess³, and he introduces on the stage the grotesque monsters whose images he had often seen among the spoils of the Persians . Even his high-flown diction is a type of his military character, for many of his words strike on the ear like trumpet- sounds. The description given of his language by Aristophanes is so vivid, and at the same time so true, that we must endeavour to lay it before our readers in an English dress. The chorus of initiated persons is speaking of the prospect of a contest between Æschylus and Euripides ; they express their expectations thus5: Surely unbearable wrath will rise in the thunderer's bosom, When he perceives his rival in art, that treble-toned babbler, Whetting histeeth : he will then, driven frantic with anger, Roll his eye-balls fearfully. Then shall we have plume -fluttering strifes ofhelmeted speeches, Break-neck grazings ofgalloping words and shavings ofactions, While the poor wight averts the great geniusmonger's Diction high and chivalrous. Bristlingthe stiffened mane ofhis neck-enveloping tresses, Dreadfully wrinkling his brows, he will bellow aloud as he utters Firmly rivetted words, and will tear them up plankwise, Breathing with a Titan's breath. 1 In quella battaglia memorabile e grandissima, che fu a Campaldino, lui giovane e bene stimato si trovò nell' armi combattendo vigorosamente a cavallo nella prima schiera. Aretin. Vita di Dante, p. 9. 2 We allude to such phrases as μακάρων πρύτανις, βασιλῆς δίοποι, στρατιᾶς ἔφοροι, φιλόμαχοι βραβής. 3 For instance, in the Supplices, 727, 8, 930 sqq. 4 Aristoph. Ran. 937 : οὐχ ἱππαλεκτρυόνας, μὰ Δί' , οὐδὲ τραγελαφους ἅπερ σύ, ἂν τοῖσι περιπετάσμασιν τοῖς Μηδικοῖς γράφουσιν. 5 Aristoph. Ran. 814. It may be as well to remind the student, that Eschylus is here compared to a lion, Euripides to a wild boar. Great contempt for Euripides is expressed in 1. 820, in the opposition of pwrós applied to him, to avôpós applied to Eschylus ; 1. 824 intimates the difficulty of pronouncing the long words of Eschylus, which are afterwards compared to trees torn up by the root, as opposed to the twigs and branches with which the rolling- places were generally strewed. (904.) τὸν δ᾽ ἀνασπώντ᾽ αὐτοπρέμνοις τοῖς λόγοισιν ἐμπέσοντα συσκεδᾷν πολ- λὰς ἀλινδήθρας ἐπῶν. 104 ESCHYLUS. Then will that smooth and diligent tongue, the touchstone of verses, Twisting and twirling about, and moving the snaffle ofenvy, Scatter his words, and demolish, with subtle refinement, Doughty labours ofthe lungs. In addition to the many other allusions to nautical matters in Eschylus, the importance which he attaches to Zeus Soter, the god of mariners, is of itself a sufficient indication of his seafaring life¹ . Though Eschylus does not seem to have had much relish for the Dionysian rites or for an elementary worship of Bacchus, he was a highly religious man, and strongly attached to the Dorian idolatry, on which Pythagoras founded his more spiritual and philosophical system of religion². It is an established fact, that Æschylus borrowed, in his later days, the third actor, and the other improvements of Sophocles. The time at which he adopted the modifications introduced by his younger contemporary is of importance with reference to the chronological arrangement of his extant plays, which it is our next business to consider. Although it is certain that Æschylus exhibited his Tragedies in tetralogies or connected sets of three with a satyrical after- piece, we have only one of his trilogies, the latest of them, and the satyrical dramas are altogether lost. The other four plays which have come down to us seem to have been the center-pieces of the Trilogies to which they belonged. No one of them can be referred to the first twelve years of his dramatic career. But three of the four exhibit his Tragedy in its original form, with only two speaking persons on the stage ; one of them, in the opinion of some critics, leaves it doubtful whether he had as yet adopted the Sophoclean extension of the stage-business ; and the three constituting his Trilogy of the Orestea give us the Greek Tragedy in the fullest development to which it ever attained. 1 See Müller, Eumeniden, § 94 foll. It appears to us, from the fact mentioned by Strabo (IX. p. 396), that there was a temple of Zeus Soter on the shore of the Peiræus, and from the words of Diphilus (Athen. p. 229 B) : ὑπὸ τοῦτον ὑπέμυξ" (we would read ὑπένυξ εὐθὺς ἐκβεβηκότα, τὴν δεξιὰν ἐνέβαλον ἐμνήσθην Διὸς Σωτῆρος. that this Zeus Soter was the god of mariners, to whom they offered up their vows immediately on landing. Comp. Agamemn. v. 650 : túxn dè owrǹp vaûv léλovo' èpéJETO, and see our note on Pindar, Olymp. VIII . 20 sqq. p. 54. 2 See Müller, Eumeniden, u. s. and elsewhere ; and Klausen's Theologumena Eschyli.-And in connexion with the remarks on Eschylus' love of sculpture, see above, p. 24, note 1 . ÆSCHYLUS. 105 The earliest extant play of Eschylus seems to have been the Persæ. It is expressly stated that the tetralogy, to which it belonged, and which consisted of the Phineus, the Persæ, the Glaucus Potnieus, and Prometheus Pyrcæus, was performed in the archonship of Menon, B.C. 472¹ . The direct reference to the great events, which had taken place some seven years earlier, places the Perso in the same category with the Μιλήτου "Αλωσις of Phrynichus ; but while the latter commemorated a grievous disaster, Eschylus celebrated glorious victories, and he was enabled, as we may infer from the names of the other plays in the Trilogy, to connect these topics of contemporary interest with a wide field of mythology and vaticination. The Phineus, who gave his name to the introductory drama, was the blind soothsayer, who predicted to the Argonauts the adventures which would befal them in that first attack upon Asia by the Greeks, and it would be easy for the poet to interweave with this a series of prophecies referring to the glorious overthrow of the counter-expedition of Xerxes. The scene of the extant play, which forms the center-piece of the Trilogy, is laid at Susa, where the Queen-dowager Atossa, prepared for coming disaster by an ominous dream, receives from a Persian messenger the details of the battle of Salamis, and of the retreat of the defeated army across the Strymon. After this the shade of Darius appears, and predicts the battle of Platea. The piece concludes with the appearance of Xerxes himself in a most unkingly plight, and he and the chorus pour forth a кóμμos or dirge, deploring the sad consequences of his attempt to subjugate Greece. The third play was called Glaucus, and the didascalia states that it was the Glaucus Potnieus. There was also another play of Æschylus called the Glaucus Pontius, and some scholars have contended that this was the third Tragedy in the Trilogy under consideration . We cannot recognize the necessity for such an alteration of the document as it has come down to us : for there is no more difficulty in connecting the Glaucus Potnieus with the Persa, than there is in establishing a correspondence of plot between the latter and the Glaucus Pontius. It is sufficient to remark that the apparition of Darius was evoked for the purpose, as it seems, of predicting the battle of Platea 1 Argument. Pers.: ἐπὶ Μένωνος τραγῳδῶν Αἰσχύλος ἐνίκα Φινεῖ, Πέρσαις, Γλαύκῳ Ποτνιεῖ, Προμηθεί. 2 Welcker, Tril. pp. 311 sqq. 471 ; Nachtrag, p. 176 ; Müller, Hist. Gr. Lit. 1. p. 425. 106 ESCHYLUS. (vv. 800 sq. ) . NowPotnie was on the road from Thebes to Platæa¹, and the few fragments of the play called Glaucus Potnieus certainly do not authorize us in denying that some of the many legends, of which Potnia was the traditionary home, might have been brought into connexion with the battle of Platea. The incident in the fate of Glaucus himself, namely, that he was torn to pieces by his own steeds, is undoubtedly referred to in one of the fragments² ; and when we remember the dream of Atossa, and how Xerxes is overthrown by the visionary horses which he yokes to his chariot³, it is quite conceivable that some prophetical inferences may have been drawn from the downfal of Glaucus in the chariot- race at the funeral games of Pelias . In any case, it is clear that the Perso with its contemporary references stood between two plays which derived their names and probably their action and circumstances from the mythical traditions of ancient Hellas. With regard to the Persæ itself, it has been well remarked that " in this instance the scene is not properly Grecian ; it is referred by the mind to Susa, the capital of Persia, far eastward even of Babylon, and four months' march from Hellas. Remoteness of space in that case countervailed the proximity in point of time ; though it may be doubted, whether, without the benefit of the supernatural, it would, even in that case, have satisfied the Grecian taste. And it certainly would not, had the reference of the whole piece not been so intensely Athenian." The next in point of date of the extant plays of Eschylus was the Seven against Thebes, which is stated to have been acted after the Persœ , but must have appeared in the lifetime of Aristeides, who died not later than B.C. 468. For the beautiful verses respecting Amphiaraus were considered at Athens to refer to that upright statesman'. This play, as Aristophanes makes its author call 1 Pausan. IX. 8 ; Strabo, p. 409. 2 e. g. Fragm. 30 ; see Hermann, de Eschyli Glaucis, Opusc. II. p. 63. 3 Pers. 181. 4 Pausan. VI. 20, § 19. As тapáğıππos, Glaucus may have been serviceable accord- ing to Greek superstition in the defeat of the cavalry of Mardonius. 5 De Quincey, Leaders in literature and traditional errors affecting them, p. 66. 6 Aristophanes says (Ran. 1058) : eîra didáĝas IIépσas μeтà тoûto, speaking of the Seven against Thebes, but the Schol. informs us : Tò dè eîта Kаì тò μETÀ TOÛTO, OỦ θέλουσιν ἀκούειν πρὸς τὰς διδασκαλίας, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ἴσῳ τῷ καὶ τοῦτο ἐδίδαξα καὶ τὸ ἕτερον. And again (ad v. 1053) : οἱ Πέρσαι πρότερον δεδιδαγμένοι εἰσίν · εἶτα οἱ ἑπτὰ ἐπὶ Θήβας. 7 Plut. Apophthegm. Reg. p. 186 B (739 Wyttenb. ) : Aioxúλov woɩýσavtos eis ' Aµ- φιάραον· ÆSCHYLUS. 107 it, was truly full of warlike spirit' , but its construction is eminently simple. The dialogue is mainly sustained by Eteocles, the young king of Thebes, who receives intelligence of the seven champions about to attack the seven gates of his city, and appoints a warrior to meet each of them, reserving his brother Polyneices for himself. The play ends with an announcement of the victory of Thebes ; and Antigone and Ismene, in conjunction with the chorus, pour forth a lament over their two brothers who have fallen in the fratricidal strife. Antigone, in particular, declares her resolve to bury Polyneices in spite of the prohibition of the Theban senate ( 1017) . And while the first play of the Trilogy, probably the Edipus, must have developed the circumstances leading to the paternal curses, to which Eteocles makes such emphatic reference at the beginning of the Seven against Thebes (v. 70) , the fate of Antigone must have been introduced into the last play, no doubt the Eleusinians, the main topic of which was the interference of Theseus to procure the burial at Eleuthera and Eleusis of the Argives who fell before Thebės2. it ". The most contradictory opinions have been maintained respecting the chronology of the Prometheus. For while one critic contends that it is the oldest of the extant plays of Eschylus, and was exhibited soon after Ol. 75, 2, B.C. 478³, another eminent scholar says that it " was in all probability one of the last efforts of the genius of Eschylus, for the third actor is to a certain extent employed in it . " The reason alleged for this late date of the play—namely, the assumed employment of a third actor-falls to the ground when we adopt the probable supposition that οὐ γὰρ δοκεῖν ἄριστος ἀλλ᾽ εἶναι θέλει, βαθεῖαν ἄλοκα διὰ φρενὸς καρπούμενος, ἀφ' ἧς τὰ κεδνὰ βλαστάνει βουλεύματα· καὶ λεγομένων τούτων πάντες εἰς ᾿Αριστείδην ἀπέβλεψαν. 1 Ran. 1054 : δρᾶμα ποιήσας "Αρεως μεστόν. 2 Plutarch, Thes. c. 29 : συνέπραξε δὲ (Θησεὺς) καὶ ᾿Αδράστῳ τὴν ἀναίρεσιν τῶν ὑπὸ τῇ Καδμείᾳ πεσόντων, οὐχ, ὡς Εὐριπίδης ἐποίησεν ἐν τραγῳδίᾳ, μάχῃ τῶν Θηβαίων κρατ τήσας, ἀλλὰ πείσας καὶ σπεισάμενος... ταφαὶ δὲ τῶν μὲν πολλῶν ἐν Ελευθεραῖς δείκνυνται, τῶν δὲ ἡγεμόνων περὶ Ἐλευσῖνα, καὶ τοῦτο Θησέως Αδράστῳ χαρισαμένου, καταμαρτυροῦσι δὲ τῶν Εὐριπίδου Ικετίδων οἱ Αἰσχύλου Ελευσίνιοι, ἐν οἷς καὶ ταῦτα λέγων ὁ Θησεὺς πεποίηται. 3 G. F. Schömann, des Eschylos gefesselter Prometheus, pp. 79 sqq. 4 Müller, Hist. Gr. Lit. I. p. 432. 5 Welcker, Tril. p. 30 ; Hermann, Opusc. II. p. 146 ; ad Esch. p. 55. It is curious that Schömann, who argues for the oldest date of the Prometheus, disallows this sup- position, and imagines that one of the choreute took the part of the third actor (u. s. 108 ÆSCHYLUS. Prometheus, who does not speak during the dialogue between Vulcan and his coadjutor, Strength, was represented by a lay figure attached to the rock scenery, behind whose mask the protagonist spoke during the rest of the play. The reasons, which induce us to take a middle course between these conflicting opinions and to place the Prometheus third among the extant plays of Æschylus, are briefly as follows. The references to Sicily, the Sicelisms of the language, and the covert allusions to Sicilian affairs , especially the description of the great eruption of Etna¹, seem to point to an epoch subsequent to the poet's first visit to Sicily in B.C. 468. On the other hand, the sarcastic allusions to tyrants and courtiers² are not likely to have appeared in a play acted in Sicily, or indeed during the life-time of Hiero, and this consideration will induce us to place the Tragedy after B. C. 467. But it seems reasonable to conclude that the elaborate description of the subject of another Trilogy would hardly have been put into the mouth of Prometheus, if that series of plays had been already acted. And as we shall see that the Supplices, the center play of the Trilogy about the daughters of Danaus, must have been performed about B.C. 461 , we must place the Prometheus at some time between that date and the poet's return from Sicily. If we must fix a particular date, we can suggest none better than the year B.C. 464, when the news would reach Athens that Themistocles had entered the service of the Persian king . The warrior of Marathon and Salamis , and the friend of Aristeides, would at such a time with peculiar force utter that abomination of treason, which the poet puts into the mouth of his chorus5. This noble Tragedy, the Prometheus bound, which ex3 pp. 85 sqq.). Such a parachoregema cannot be imagined in the very earliest days of the Greek Drama. 1 vv. 367 sqq.: ἔνθεν ἐκραγήσονταί ποτε ποταμοὶ πυρὸς δάπτοντες ἀγρίαις γνάθοις τῆς καλλικάρπου Σικελίας λευροὺς γύας. It is true that this eruption took place B. C. 478, but the description points to a recent view of the effects, rather than to a recent hearsay of the fact. For the Sicelisms in the Prometheus see Blomfield's Gloss. 277. And for allusions to Hiero's affairs see Droysen's Translation, p. 568. 2 See e. g. 917 : σέβου, προσεύχου, θῶπτε τὸν κρατοῦντ᾽ ἀεί. 3 Cf. vv. 830 sqq. , with the Supplices as it stands. 4 Themistocles arrived in Persia soon after the death of Xerxes in B.C. 465, during the influence of Artabanes. See Clinton, F. H. II . p. 40. 5 1048 8q9.: τοὺς προδότας γὰρ μισεῖν ἔμαθον, κοὐκ ἔστι νόσος τῆσδ᾽ ἥντιν᾽ ἀπέπτυσα μᾶλλον. ÆSCHYLUS. 109 hibits Prometheus fettered to the mountain side, but still defying the power of Jove and refusing to divulge the oracle of Themis, on which the continuance of that power depended, was preceded by Prometheus the fire-bringer, in which the labours of Prometheus on behalf of mankind were fully exhibited , and was followed by Prometheus unbound, in which Prometheus is released by Hercules and reconciled to Jove, to whom he now discloses the prophecy that Thetis would give birth to a son more powerful than his father, and so releases him from the consequences of his intended marriage with that sea-goddess. The remaining single play, the Suppliants, belonged to a trilogy, which some have called the Danais, and which undoubtedly related to the wholesale murder of 49 of the 50 sons of Egyptus on their marriage-night. The first play, which is supposed to have been the Egyptians, represented of course the circumstances which led to the flight of Danaus and his 50 daughters from Egypt. The Suppliants exhibits the exiles seated before a group of altars at Argos, and shows how they were received by King Pelasgus and his people, and how the attempt of the Egyptian herald, to carry them back to Egypt by force, was resisted by the hospitable Greeks. In the last play, called the Danaides, Eschylus must have detailed the feigned reconciliation of the two brothers, the marriage of their two progenies, and its fatal consequences¹. There is reason to believe that the piece ended , like the Eumenides, with a formal trial, or rather with two trials. On the one hand, it seems clear that the 49 homicidal daughters, together with their father who instigated the deed, were publicly tried at the suit of Ægyptus2; and the feeling , with which the poet regards their case in the Suppliants , leaves it hardly doubtful that they were acquitted on the ground that they had no other means of escaping the incestuous marriage forced upon them by Ægyptus . But if they were justified, Hypermnestra must have been culpable, and there seem to be good grounds for the inference that she was rescued from the dilemma by the intervention of Venus, who is known to have 1 See Hermann's paper, de Eschyli Danaidibus, Opusc. II. pp. 319 sqq. 2 Eurip. Orest. 862 : οὐ φασὶ πρῶτον Δαναὸν Αἰγύπτῳ δίκας 3 Suppl. 38 : διδόντ᾽ ἀθροῖσαι λαὸν ἐς κοινὰς ἕδρας. πρίν ποτε λέκτρων ὧν Θέμις εἴργει σφετεριξάμενον πατραδελφείαν τήνδ᾽ ἀεκόντων ἐπιβῆναι. 4 Hermann, Opusc. II. p. 330. 110 ÆSCHYLUS. appeared in the play¹ and to have claimed a part of the blame for the universal quepos, to which Hypermnestra yielded when the love for Lynceus made her disobey her father². Whether the play introduced any reference to the device of a foot-race to determine the re-marriage of the homicidal widows³, there is no means of deciding. It is remarkable that the same verb is used in the Supplices to denote the assignment of a handmaiden to each of the chorus , and in the story of the mythographer, to denote the assignment of a husband to each of the 50 cousins5. With regard to the former circumstance, we are not to suppose that a crowd of 100 dancers appeared in the orchestra or on the stage. But as the chorus was probably the same in all three plays , and as reference is made to the number of 50º, it is not improbable that the whole number of choreutæ may have been employed in each play, some of them sustaining the action on the stage, and others executing dances in the orchestra. The date of this Trilogy is approximately determined by distinct references in the Suppliants to amicable relations between the popular party at Argos and the Athenians ", and to the anticipated results of a conflict between Greeks and Egyptians . And as the war with Egypt began in B.C. 462, and the alliance between Athens and Argos came into operation in B.C. 461, we may fix the latter year for the performance of this Trilogy'. In these separate plays we see no traces of the employment of a third actor. It has been shown already that a simple expedient 1 Athen. p. 6oo Α : καὶ ὁ σεμνότατος Αἰσχύλος ἐν ταῖς Δαναΐσιν αὐτὴν παράγει τὴν Αφροδίτην λέγουσαν· 2 Prom. 864 : 3 Pind. IX. Pyth. 4 Suppl. 984 : ἐρᾷ μὲν ἁγνὸς οὐρανὸς τρῶσαι χθόνα κ.τ.λ. τῶνδ᾽ ἐγὼ παραίτιος. μίαν δὲ παίδων ἵμερος θέλξει τὸ μὴ κτεῖναι σύνευνον. 116 ; Apollodor. I. I , 5, § 12. τάσσεσθε, φίλαι δμωΐδες, οὕτως ὡς ἐφ' ἑκάστῃ διεκλήρωσεν Δαναὸς θεραποντίδα φέρνην. 5 Apollod. II. I , 5, § 1 : ὡμολόγει τοὺς γάμους καὶ διεκλήρου τὰς κόρας. 6 Prometh. 855 ; Suppl. 316. 7 Suppl. 699: 8 φυλάσσοι τιμίοισι τιμὰς τὸ δήμιον, τὸ πτόλιν κρατύνει, προμαθεύς τ᾽ εὐκοινόμητις ἀρχά· ξένοισί τ' εὐξυμβόλους πρὶν ἐξοπλίζειν "Αρη, δίκας ἄτερ πημάτων διδοῖεν. Cf. 761 : βύβλου δὲ κάρπος οὐ νικᾷ στάχυν. 953 : ἄλλ᾽ ἀρσενάς τοι τῆσδε γῆς οἰκήτορας εὑρήσετ', οὐ πίνοντας ἐκ κριθῶν μέθυ. 9 Müller, Eumeniden, p. 125. ÆSCHYLUS. 111 would enable two actors to perform the introductory scene of the Prometheus. Even in the Supplices the Protagonist had only to play Danaus and the Egyptian herald, and the Deuteragonist had no character to sustain except Pelasgus. And yet in the complete Trilogy, the Orestea, which is known to have been acted in B. C. 458¹ , and which has many dramatic features in common with the Trilogy to which the Supplices belonged, we have the three actors in every play. We do not of course know whether this extended machinery was employed in any earlier play, which is now lost. But it seems reasonable to conclude, from the specimens which we have, that Eschylus did not borrow this most characteristic improvement of his rival Sophocles till quite the close of his own dramatic career. And it is just possible that the Orestea may have been the first and last example of this condescension to the established fashion at Athens. In a subsequent chapter we will fully analyze the structure of this great effort of the genius of Æschylus, and will endeavour to indicate all the details of the stage business 2. Here it will be sufficient to call attention to the connexion of the Trilogy with the political principles of Eschylus. The four separate plays are, as we have seen, the middle pieces in the Trilogies to which they belonged. But the extant Trilogy makes every thing work up to the final Tragedy. Clytemnestra kills her husband on the plea that he had slain Iphigenia, but really because she had conspired with Ægisthus to usurp his throne. She is Lady Macbeth and Queen Gertrude of Denmark both in one. Having been guilty of this homicide, she ought, according to Greek usage, to have gone into exile, and this is the doom pronounced upon her by the senators of Argos³. This sentence she sets at nought, and reigns at Argos in spite of the laws of God and man. Outraged religion, then, speaking by the voice of Apollo, orders the son of Agamemnon, as the proper avenger of blood, to put her and Ægisthus to death. It is clear that this command, rather than any vindictive feeling, is the influencing motive with Orestes ; and therefore when the Erinyes, as the avenging goddesses, who alone could prosecute Orestes, he being legally justified, demand his punishment, Apollo, with the sanction of Zeus, pleads his cause before the Areopagus at Athens ; and while his human judges, by an 1 Argum .: ἐδιδάχθη τὸ δρᾶμα ἐπὶ ἄρχοντος Φιλοκλέους ὀλυμπιάδι π ' ἔτει β'· πρῶτος Αἰσχ. ᾿Αγαμ. Χοηφ. Εὐμεν. Πρωτεῖ σατυρικῷ· ἐχορήγει Ξενοκλῆς ᾿Αφιδνεύς. 2 Book III. chapter II. 3 Choëph. 900 sqq. 112 ESCHYLUS. equality of votes, neither acquit nor condemn him, Athena, or divine wisdom, who was also the divine patroness of Athens, gives a casting vote in his favour, and at the same time appeases the Eumenides by promising them a perpetual seat in the Areopagus, where every one who owned himself guilty of homicide would be ipso facto condemned, without any liberty of pleading, as Orestes had done, excuse or justification. This seems to have been in accordance with the practice of that venerable tribunal ; whereas the Ephetæ, when they sat at the Delphinium, or temple of Apollo, the justifying advocate of Orestes, took cognizance of those cases of admitted homicide, which were defended on some valid plea of justification ; and when they sat at the Palladium, or temple of Athena, -the presiding judge who acquitted Orestes, -they took cognizance of those cases of homicide, in which an accident or absence of malicious intention was pleaded by the culprit¹. Now at the time when the Orestea was acted, the Areopagus, which, besides its judicial functions, was an oligarchical tribunal exercising an authority not unlike that of the censors at Rome, and which especially claimed the right of passing sentence on charges of impiety (aσéBela) , had just been reduced to its jurisdiction in homicide by Pericles and his partizan Ephialtes², who not only objected generally to its senatorial power, but had reason to fear its becoming an instrument of the Lacedæmonian party in mooting that charge of inherited sacrilege which was always hanging over the head of the great democratic leader³. Whether Eschylus, both by his favourable reference to the Argive alliance, which was formed at this time , and by his prediction of the perpetuity of the remaining privileges of the Areopagus, endeavoured to conciliate the hatred of the contending factions 5, or whether he was engaged with Cimon in an attempt to rescind the measures of Pericles and Ephialtes, which led to the ostracism of Cimon and to the retirement of Eschylus from Athens, can perhaps hardly be determined with any certainty . There can be no doubt, however, of the reference ofthe Eumenides to these contemporary incidents in the history of Athens. 1 Grote, Hist. Gr. III. pp. 103 sqq. 3 Id. p. 24. 6 2 Thirlwall, Vol. IV. pp. 22 sqq. 4i. e. in the year before the Orestes was acted. 5 Grote, Hist. Gr. v. p. 499, note 6 Plutarch, Cimon, c. 17. . 7 Müller's opinion, Eumenid. § 35 sqq. , that the criminal jurisdiction of the Areopagus was taken away by Ephialtes, is controverted by Thirlwall and Grote. CHAPTER I. SECTION III. SOPHOCLES. Τόν σε χοροῖς μέλψαντα Σοφοκλέα, παῖδα Σοφίλλου, Τῆς τραγικῆς Μούσης ἀστέρα Κεκρόπιον, Πολλάκις ἐν θυμέλῃσι καὶ ἐν σκηνῇσι τεθηλὼς Βλαισός ᾿Αχαρνίτης κισσὸς ἔρεψε κόμην, Τύμβος ἔχει καὶ γῆς ὀλίγον μέρος · ἀλλ᾿ ὁ περισσὸς Αἰὼν ἀθανάτοις δέρκεται ἐν σελίσιν. SIMMIAS. OPHOCLES, the son of Sophilus or Sophillus, was born at Colonus, an Attic deme about a mile from the city, in (B.C.) 495. His father, who was a man of good family, and possessed of considerable wealth¹ , gave him an excellent education. His teacher in music was the celebrated Lamprus, and he profited so much by his opportunities, that he gained the prize both in music and in the Palæstra . He was hardly sixteen years old when he played an accompaniment on the lyre to the Paan, which the Athenians sang around the trophy erected after the battle of Salamis ; in other words, he was the exarchus, and possibly, therefore, composed the words of the odes. His first appearance, as a tragedian, was attended by a very remarkable circumstance. Cimon removed the bones of Theseus from Scyrus to Athens 1 Lessing (Leben des Sophocles, sammlichte Schriften, Vol. VI. pp. 282 sqq. ), to whom we are indebted for nearly all the particulars which we have given in the text, quotes (note C) Plin. Η. Ν. XXXVII. II : principe loco genitum Athenis. 2 καλῶς τε ἐπαιδεύθη καὶ ἐτράφη ἐν εὐπορίᾳ.... διεπονήθη δὲ ἐν παισὶ καὶ περὶ παλαίστραν καὶ μουσικήν, ἐξ ὧν ἀμφοτέρων ἐστεφανώθη, ὥς φησιν Ἴστρος. ἐδιδάχθη δὲ τὴν μουσικὴν παρὰ Λάμπρῳ. Vit. Anonym. 3 Σοφοκλῆς δὲ πρὸς τῷ καλὸς γεγενῆσθαι τὴν ὥραν ἦν καὶ ὀρχηστικὴν δεδιδαγμένος καὶ μουσικὴν ἔτι παῖς ὢν παρὰ Λάμπρῳ. μετὰ γοῦν τὴν ἐν Σαλαμίνι ναυμαχίαν περὶ τρόπαιον γυμνὸς ἀληλιμμένος ἐχόρευσε μετὰ λύρας· οἱ δὲ ἐν ἱματίῳ φασί. Καὶ τὸν Θάμυριν διδάσκων αὐτὸς ἐκιθάρισεν· ἄκρως δὲ ἐσφαίρισεν, ὅτε τὴν Ναυσικάαν καθῆκε. Athen. I. p. 20. Μετὰ τὴν ἐν Σαλαμίνι ναυμαχίαν ' Αθηναίων περὶ τρόπαιον ὄντων, μετὰ λύρας γυμνὸς ἀληλιμμένος τοῖς παιανίζουσι τῶν ἐπινικίων ἐξῆρχε. Vit. Anon. D. T. G. 8 114 SOPHOCLES. (468 B. C.¹ ) . He arrived at Athens about the time of the tragic contests, and Eschylus and Sophocles were among the competitors. The celebrity of the former, and the personal beauty, rank, popularity, and known accomplishments of the latter, excited a great sensation. When therefore Cimon and his nine colleagues entered the theatre of Bacchus, to perform the usual libations, the Archon, Apsephion, instead of choosing judges by lot, detained the ten generals in the theatre, and having administered an oath to them, made them decide between the rival tragedians. The first prize was awarded to Sophocles, and, as we have seen, Eschylus departed immediately for Sicily . This decision does not imply any disregard of the Eschylean Tragedy on the part of the Athenians. The contest was, as has been justly observed, not between two individual works of art, but between two species or ages of art ; and if, as we think has been fully demonstrated * , the Triptolemus was one of the plays which Sophocles exhibited on that occasion, we can readily conceive that, when the minds of the people were full of their old national legends, the subject which the young poet had chosen, and the desire to encourage his first attempt, would be sufficient to overweigh the reputation of his antagonist, coupled as it was with anti-popular politics, especially as the Eschylean Tragedy lacked that freshness of 1 Marm. Par. No. LVII. : ἀφ' οὗ Σοφοκλῆς ὁ Σοφίλλου ὁ ἐκ Κολωνού ἐνίκησε τραγῳ‐ δίᾳ, ἐτῶν ὢν ΔΔΙΙΙΙΙ, ἔτη ΗΗΠΙ, ἄρχοντος ᾿Αθήνησιν Αψηφίονος. "These were the greater Dionysia, or the Acovúσia tà èv dotel, in the month Elaphebolion ; because the Archon Eponymus, Apsephion, presided ; and, ò μèv äpxwv diarionσi Aiovúσia, ó dè Barileus (conf. Aristoph. Acharn. 1224, et Schol. ad loc. ) πpoéσтnke Anvalwv. Pollux, VIII. 89, 50." Clinton, F. H. II. p. 39.

  • Ἔθεντο δ᾽ εἰς μνήμην αὐτοῦ, καὶ τὴν τῶν τραγῳδῶν κρίσιν ὀνομαστὴν γενομένην·

πρώτην γὰρ διδασκαλίαν τοῦ Σοφοκλέους ἔτι νέου καθέντος, 'Αφεψίων (sic), ὁ ἄρχων, φιλο- νεικίας οὔσης καὶ παρατάξεως τῶν θεατῶν, κριτὰς μὲν οὐκ ἐκλήρωσε τοῦ ἀγῶνος· ὡς δὲ Κίμων μετὰ τῶν συστρατηγῶν προελθὼν εἰς τὸ θέατρον ἐποιήσατο τῷ θεῷ τὰς νενομισ‐ μένας σπονδάς, οὐκ ἀφῆκεν αὐτοὺς ἀπελθεῖν, ἀλλ' ὁρκώσας, ἠνάγκασε καθίσαι καὶ κρῖναι δέκα ὄντας, ἀπὸ φυλῆς, μιᾶς ἕκαστον· ὁ μὲν οὖν ἀγὼν καὶ διὰ τὸ τῶν κριτῶν ἀξίωμα τὴν φιλοτιμίαν ὑπερέβαλε. νικήσαντος δὲ Σοφοκλέους, λέγεται τὸν Αἰσχύλον περιπαθῆ γενό- μενον, καὶ βαρέως ἐνέγκοντα, χρόνον οὐ πολὺν ᾿Αθήνῃσι διαγαγεῖν, εἶτ᾽ οἴχεσθαι δι᾽ ὀργὴν els Zikeλlav. Plutarch, Cimon, c. VIII. There is probably an allusion to this in Aristoph. Ran. 1109 sqq. , where the chorus says, that the military character of the spectators fits them to be judges of the contest between Eschylus and Euripides, ἐστρατευμένοι γάρ εἰσι . 3 Welcker, Trilogie, p. 513. 4 By Lessing, Leben des Sophocles (note I) , from a passage in Plin . H. N. XVIII. 7 : Sophoclis Triptolemus ante mortem Alexandri annis fere 145. But Alexander died 323 B.C., and 323 + 145 = 468. On the Triptolemus in general, see Welcker, Tril. 514 (who thinks it was certainly not a satyrical drama), and Niebuhr, Hist. Rom. Vol. 1. pp. 17, 18. The arguments adduced by Gruppe ( Ariadne, pp. 358 foll . ) to prove that the Rhesus was the play which Sophocles exhibited on this occasion, are all in favour of Lessing's opinion. SOPHOCLES. 115 novelty and loveliness of youth which hung around the form and the poetry of the beautiful son of Sophillus. Sophocles rarely appeared on the stage, in consequence of the weakness of his voice¹ : we are told , however, that he performed on the lyre, in the character of Thamyris, and distinguished himself by the grace with which he played at ball in his own play called Nausicaa². In 440 B. C. he brought out the Antigone , and we are informed that it was to the political wisdom exhibited in that play, that he owed his appointment as colleague of Pericles and Thucydides in the Samian war3. On this occasion he met with Herodotus, and composed a lyrical poem for that historian *. It does not appear that he distinguished himself in his military capacity . He received many invitations from foreign courts , but loved Athens too well to accept them. He held several offices in his old age. He was priest of the hero Alon , and in the year 413 B. C. was elected one of the πpóẞovλol. This was a board of commissioners, all old men, which was established immediately after the disastrous termination of the Syracusan expedition, to devise expedients for meeting the existing emergencies". 1 · Πρῶτον καταλύσας τὴν ὑπόκρισιν τοῦ ποιητοῦ διὰ τὴν ἰδίαν ἰσχνοφωνίαν. Vit. Anonym. 2 See the passage of Athen. (1. p. 20) quoted above. "The Nausicaa was, accord- ing to all appearances, a satyric drama. The Odyssee was in general a rich store- house for the satyrical plays. The character of Ulysses himself makes him a very con- venient satyrical impersonation. " Lessing, Leben des Sophocles, note K (Vol. VI. p. 342). 8 Strabo, XIV. p. 446 ; Suidas, v. Meros ; Athen. XIII. p. 603 F ; Scholiast, Aristoph. Pax, v. 696 ; Cic. de Off. 1. 40 ; Plutarch, Pericl. c. VIII.; Plin. H. N. xxxvii. 2 ; Val. Max. iv. 3 : all testify that the true cause is assigned by Aris- tophanes of Byzantium in the argument to the Antigone : Φασὶ δὲ τὸν Σοφοκλέα ἠξιῶσθαι τῆς ἐν Σάμῳ στρατηγίας εὐδοκιμήσαντα ἐν τῇ διδασκαλίᾳ τῆς ᾿Αντιγόνης. Α similar distinction was conferred upon Phrynichus, Ælian, V. H. III . 8. It is probable that Sophocles conciliated the favour of the more popular party, by the way in which he speaks of Pericles, v. 662 , and they were perhaps willing to take the hint in v. 175, where, we may observe in passing, opóvnua signifies " political opinions, " as in the phrases, ἐμπέδοις φρονήμασιν, τοιόνδ' ἐμὸν φρόνημα, ἴσον φρονῶν, which occur in the same play. On the meanings of opoveîv and øpóvnua in Sophocles, see the notes on the translation of the Antigone, pp. 155, 168. 4 Plutarch, An seni, &c. c. 3. IV. 153, Wyttenb. On this subject the student may consult the Introduction to the Antigone, p. xvii, and Transactions of the Philol. Soc. I. No. 15, where it will be seen that Herodotus was an imitator of Sophocles. 5 At least if we may credit the tale told of him by Ion, a contemporary poet (Athenæus, XIII. 604) , where he is made to say of himself : Meλeтŵ σтратηɣeîv, w ἄνδρες· ἐπειδήπερ Περικλῆς ποιεῖν μὲν ἔφη με, στρατηγεῖν δ᾽ οὐκ ἐπίστασθαι. 6 Ἔσχε δὲ καὶ τὴν τοῦ ᾿Αλωνος ἱερωσύνην, ὃς ἥρως ἦν μετὰ ᾿Ασκληπιοῦ παρὰ Χείρωνι. Vit. Anonym. 7 Thucyd. VIII. I : καὶ ἀρχήν τινα τῶν πρεσβυτέρων ἀνδρῶν ἑλέσθαι οἵτινες περὶ τῶν παρόντων ὡς ἂν καιρὸς ᾖ προβουλεύσουσι. We consider these πρόβουλοι to have been most probably elected to serve as έvyypapîs (Thucyd. VIII. 67), for it was the guy. Ypapns who brought about the revolution, and we learn from Aristotle (see below) that Sophocles contributed to it in his character of πρόβουλος. 8-2 116 SOPHOCLES. The constitution of such a committee was necessarily aristocratic¹, and two years after, B. c. 411 , Sophocles, once the favourite of the people and the colleague of Pericles, fell into the plans of Peisander and the other conspirators, and consented in the temple of Neptune, at his own Colonus, to the establishment of a council of four hundred ; in other words, to the subversion of the old Athenian constitution . He afterwards defended his policy on the grounds of expediency³. Nicostrata had borne him a son , whom he named Iophon : he had another son Ariston, by Theoris of Sicyon, whose son, Sophocles, was a great favourite with his grandfather and namesake. From this reason, or because, according to Cicero, his love for the stage made him neglect his affairs , his son Iophon charged him with dotage and lunacy, and brought him before the proper court, with a view to remove him from the management of his property. The poet read to his judges a part of the Edipus at Colonus, which he had just finished, and triumphantly asked " if that was the work of an idiot ?" Of course the charge was dismissed . We are sorry to say that this very pretty story is a mere fabrication, for the Edipus at Colonus must have been acted, at least for the first time, before the breaking out of the Peloponnesian war . Sophocles died in the very beginning of the year 405 B. C.; according to Ister and Neanthes he was choked by a grape, which the actor Callippides brought him from Opus, at the time of the Anthesteria. Satyrus tells us that he died in consequence of exerting his voice too much while reading the Antigone aloud : others say that his 1 Aristot. Polit. VI. 5, 1ο : δεῖ γὰρ εἶναι τὸ συνάγον τὸ κύριον τῆς πολιτείας . καλεῖται δ᾽ ἔνθα μὲν πρόβουλοι διὰ τὸ προβουλεύειν· ὅπου δὲ τὸ πλῆθός ἐστι βουλὴ μᾶλλον. 2 Thucyd. VIII. 67 : ξυνέκλῃσαν τὴν ἐκκλησίαν εἰς τὸν Κολωνόν (ἔστι δὲ ἱερὸν Ποσει· δῶνος ἔξω πόλεως ἀπέχον σταδίους μάλιστα δέκα) κ.τ.λ. 3 Καὶ συμπεραινόμενον, ἐὰν ἐρώτημα ποιῇ τὸ συμπέρασμα, τὴν αἰτίαν εἰπεῖν · οἷον Σοφοκλῆς ἐρωτώμενος ὑπὸ Πεισάνδρου, “ εἰ ἔδοξεν αὐτῷ, ὥσπερ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις προβού- λοις, καταστῆσαι τοὺς τετρακοσίους ; ” ἔφη.— “ Τί δὲ οὐ πονηρά σοι ταῦτα ἐδόκει εἶναι ; ἔφη. Οὐκ οὖν σὺ ταῦτα ἔπραξας τὰ πονηρά ; ” “ Ναὶ, ” ἔφη, “ οὐ γὰρ ἦν ἄλλα βελτίω.” Aristot. Rhet. III. 18. 66 4 Vit. Anonym.; Cicero, de Senectute, § 7 ; Val. Max. VIII. 5 See Reisig, Enarrat. Ed. Col. pp. v sqq.; J. W. Süvern, On some historical andpolitical allusions in Ancient Tragedy, pp. 6, 8 ; Lachmann, in the Rhein. Mus. for 1827, pp. 313 fol .; Hermann in Zimmermann's Zeitschrift, 1837, No. 98, pp. 803 sqq., inclines to the opinion that the Edip. Col. was written before, but not published till after, the Peloponnesian war. 6 We have seen that laxvopwvia was attributed to Sophocles : if it arose from delicate lungs, this account of his death is probable enough. There are chronological objections to the other two statements. See Clinton, F. H. II. p. 85. SOPHOCLES. 117 joy at being proclaimed tragic victor was too much for his decayed strength. His family burial-place was Decelea, and as that town was in the possession of the Lacedæmonians, it was not possible to bring him there until Lysander, having heard from the deserters that the great poet was dead, permitted his ashes to rest with those of his ancestors. There is a legend, that Bacchus appeared twice to Lysander in a dream, and enjoined him to allow the interment to take place¹ . According to one account, they placed the image of a Siren over his tomb, according to another, a bronze swallow. Ister informs us that the Athenians decreed him an annual sacrifice . He wrote, besides Tragedies, an elegy, pæans, and a prose- work on the chorus, against Thespis and Chorilus. Only seven of his Tragedies have come down to us ; but an ingenious attempt has been made to show that the Rhesus, which is generally attributed to Euripides, was the first of the plays of Sophocles'. With regard to the whole number of plays composed by Sophocles, we have the authority of Aristophanes, of Byzantium, that 130 were ascribed to him, of which seventeen were spurious. It has been objected to this large number, that the Antigone, which was acted in 440, was the thirty-second play ; and as Sophocles began to exhibit in 468, and died in 405, he would have written eighty-one pieces in the last thirty-six years of his literary life, and only thirty-two in the first twenty- seven years ; whereas it is not likely that he would have written more in his declining years than in the vigour of his life : and it has been conjectured that he wrote only about seventy plays. Reasons have, however, been given *, which incline us to believe that Aristophanes is correct in assigning to him 113 genuine dramas. For, in the first place, the meaning of the words, on which this objection is founded, is not sufficiently clear : it is not certain that the grammarian is not referring to Tragedies only, and in that case, even supposing that Sophocles wrote five separate plays in that time, we should have to add nine satyrical dramas to make up the Tetralogies, and thus we should 1 See Vita Anonym. Pausanias, I. 21 , § 1 , gives a somewhat different story. Aéye- ται δὲ Σοφοκλέους τελευτήσαντος ἐσβάλλειν εἰς τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν Λακεδαιμονίους, καὶ σφῶν τὸν ἡγούμενον ἰδεῖν ἐπιστάντα οἱ Διόνυσον κελεύειν τιμαῖς, ὅσαι καθεστήκασιν ἐπὶ τοῖς τεθνεῶσι, τὴν Σειρῆνα τὴν Νέαν τιμᾷν. καί οἱ τὸ ὄναρ Σοφοκλέα καὶ τὴν Σοφοκλέους ποίησιν ἐφαίνετο ἔχειν. 2 Gruppe, Ariadne, pp. 285-305. 3 By Böckh, de Gr. Trag. Princip. pp. 107-109. 4 By Clinton, Phil. Museum, I. pp. 74 fol . 118 SOPHOCLES. not have a very disproportionate number of trilogies for the remaining thirty-six years. Besides, we have a list of 114 names of dramas attributed to Sophocles, of which ninety- eight are quoted more than once as his, and it is exceedingly unlikely that many of these should have been written by his son Iophon, or his grandson, the younger Sophocles. It will be recollected too, that, in the earlier part of his life, Sophocles was much engaged in public affairs ; he was a general, at least once¹ , and went on several embassies² ; this, in addition to the greater facility in writing, which he might have acquired by long practice, would account for his pen being more prolific in the latter part of his life. He obtained the first prize eighteen³, twenty , or twenty-four times 5, and it is not probable that his first and second prizes taken . together were much fewer than thirty. Now it seems that about twenty-four of the dramas, the names of which have come down to us, were satyrical : we may suppose that he wrote about twenty-seven satyrical dramas on the whole this would give us twenty-seven Tetralogies, or 108 plays, and there remain five single plays to satisfy the statement of Suidas, that he contended with drama against drama. This statement we shall now proceed to examine. It certainly does not imply that he never contended with Trilogies, for it is known that he wrote satyrical dramas, which in his time were never acted by themselves. One of the conjectures, which have been proposed with respect to the meaning of the words of Suidas, is, that Sophocles opposed to the Trilogies of Eschylus three Tragedies, not intimately connected with one another, like the Eschylean plays, but each complete in itself" . This presumes, however, that Suidas understood the word Terpaλoyía in a technical sense, as expressing the distinguishing peculiarity of the Eschylean Trilogy with its accompanying satyric drama. We cannot believe that the grammarian had any such accurate perception of the real nature of the trilogy. Nevertheless, the fact may have been such, although Suidas did not know it : for nothing is more likely than that the custom of contending with single plays, which Sophocles, perhaps 1 Justin says (lib. III . 6) that he served against the Lacedæmonians. 2 καὶ ἐν πρεσβείαις ἐξητάζετο. Vit. Anonym . 3 Diodor. XIII. 103. 4 Νίκας ἔλαβεν εἴκοσιν ὥς φησι Καρύστιος πολλάκις δὲ καὶ δευτερεῖα ἔλαβε. Vit. Anonym. 5 Suidas. 6 Welcker, Trilogie, p. 51. SOPHOCLES. 119 sparingly, adopted, arose from his having given to each of the plays in his Trilogies an individual completeness which the constituent parts of an Eschylean Trilogy did not possess. We shall derive some further reasons for believing this from a consideration of the general principles which guided the art of Sophocles. That he did act upon general principles is sufficiently proved, by the fact that he wrote a book on the dramatic chorus. The objection, which (according to Chamæleon) he made to Eschylus, that even when his poetry was what it ought to be, it was so only by accident¹ , is just such a remark as a finished artist would make to a self-taught genius. But we might conclude , without any extrinsic authority, from a moderate acquaintance with his remaining Tragedies, that he is never beautiful or sublime, without intending to be so we see that he has a complete apprehension of the proper means of arriving at the objects of tragical imitation : he feels that his success depends not upon his subject, but upon himself; he has the faculty of " making with right reason ; " in short, he is an artist in the strictest sense of the word . "Sophocles," says one who has often more than guessed at truth, " is the summit of Greek art ; but one must have scaled many a steep before one can estimate his height : it is because of his classical perfection that he has generally been the least admired of the great ancient poets ; for little of his beauty is perceptible to a mind that is not thoroughly principled and imbued with the spirit of antiquity³." The ancients themselves fully appreciated Sophocles : his great contemporary Aristophanes will not expose Eschylus to the risk of a contest with a man to whom he has voluntarily given up a part of the tragic throne, and to whom he delegates his authority when he returns to the upper world : his numerous victories and the improvements which Eschylus found it necessary to borrow from him, are all so many proofs of the estimation in which he was held by his countrymen : but it is to be feared that few, if any, of his modern readers, will ever be able to divest themselves completely of all their modern associations , and thus set a just value upon 1 See Athen. I. 22, X. 428, quoted in the sect. on Eschylus. 2 Aristot . Eth. Nicom. v1. p. 1140, 1. 10, Bekker : ễotɩ dè Téxvn Tâoa tepi yéveow καὶ τὸ τεχνάζειν, καὶ θεωρεῖν, ὅπως ἂν γένηταί τι τῶν ἐνδεχομένων καὶ εἶναι καὶ μὴ εἶναι καὶ ὧν ἡ ἀρχὴ ἐν τῷ ποιοῦντι ἀλλὰ μὴ ἐν τῷ ποιουμένῳ.---ἡ μὲν οὖν τέχνη ὥσπερ εἴρηται ἕξις τις μετὰ λόγου ποιητική ἐστι. 3 Guesses at Truth, Vol. 1. p. 267. Comp. Müller, Hist. Lit. Gr. c. XXIV. § 13. 4 Comp. Aristoph. Ran. 790, 1515. 120 SOPHOCLES. productions so entirely and absolutely Greek as the Tragedies of Sophocles. If we would understand them at all, we must always bear in mind that he was the successor of Eschylus ; that he intended rather to follow up and improve upon his predecessor and contemporary, than to create an entirely new species for himself. Art always follows at the heels of genius. Genius creates forms of beauty; art marshals them, and sets them in order, forming them into groups and regulating the order of their successive appearances. Genius hews rude masses from the mines of thought, but art gives form and usefulness to the shapeless ore. Eschylus felt what a Greek Tragedy ought to be, as a religious union of the two elements of the national poetry; and he modelled bold, colossal groups , such as a Phidias might have conceived, but not such as a Phidias would have executed. Sophocles, with a highly cultivated mind, and a deep and just perception of what is beautiful in art, was enabled to effect an outward realization of his great contemporary's conceptions ; and what was already perfected in the mind of Æschylus, this he exhibited, in its most perfect form, before the eyes of all Athens. The Tragedy of Sophocles was not generically different from that of Eschylus ; it bore the same relation to its forerunner that a finished statue bears to an unfinished group. For when Sophocles added a third actor to the two of Æschylus¹, he gave so great a preponderance to the dialogue, that the chorus, or the base on which the three plays stood, was unable any longer to support them ; in assigning to each of them a separate pedestal, he rendered them independent, and destroyed the necessary connexion which had previously bound them together ; so that it became from thenceforth a matter of choice with the poet, whether he represented with Trilogies or with separate plays. As we have before said, we think Sophocles did both : the number of his satyrical dramas shows that his exhibitions were principally Tetralogies, and we are willing to accept the statement in Suidas, that he sometimes brought out his Tragedies one by one. What Eschylus, following his natural taste, practised in the internal economy of his pieces, for instance, in the exclusion of every thing beneath the dignity of Tragedy, this Sophocles adopted as a rule of art, to be applied or departed from as the occasion might suggest. The words which 1 Τρεῖς δὲ [ὑποκριτὰς] καὶ σκηνογραφίαν Σοφοκλῆς. Arist. Poet. IV. 16. Τὸν δὲ τρίτον [ὑποκριτὴν] Σοφοκλῆς, καὶ συνεπλήρωσεν τὴν τραγῳδίαν. Diog. Laert. in Plat. SOPHOCLES. 121 "" Landor puts into his mouth express what appear to us to have been his general feelings¹ . " I am, " says he, in reference to the masterworks at Athens, " only the interpreter of the heroes and divinities who are looking down upon me. ' He felt himself called upon to make an advance in the tragic art, corresponding to those improvements which Phidias had made upon the works of his immediate forerunners : he did so , and with reference to the same objects. The persons who figured in the old legends, and in the poems of the epic Cycle, were alone worthy in his opinion of the cothurnus ; and if ever an inferior or ludicrous character appears in his Tragedies, he is but a slavish instrument in the poet's hands to work out the irony of the piece ; a streak of bright colour thrown into the picture, in order to render more conspicuous its tragic gloom . Besides the addition of a тpiтaywviors , some other improvements are ascribed to this poet ; he seems to have made the costumes more appropriate, to have introduced scene-painting, and to have altered the distribution of the chorus. In The public character of Sophocles was, as we have seen, rather inconsistent. In the earlier years of his political life he was a partizan of Pericles, and his plays contain many passages evidently written with a view to recommend himself to that statesman. the Antigone he advises the Athenians to yield a ready and implicit obedience to the man whom, for the time being, they had placed over themselves ; and if, as we believe, the Edipus at Colonus was written just before the breaking out of the Peloponnesian war, it is more than probable that the refusal of Theseus to deliver up Edipus, though a polluted person, has reference to the demand made by the confederates with regard to the expulsion of Pericles¹. The private character of Sophocles was unfortunately very far from faultless. He was a notorious sensualist", and, in his later 1 Landor's Imaginary Conversations, II. p. 142 . 2 Which is also attributed to Eschylus (Themistius, p. 316) . 3 670. ᾿Αλλ᾿ ὃν πόλις στήσειε τοῦδε χρὴ κλύειν Καὶ σμικρὰ καὶ δίκαια καὶ τἀναντία. See Introduction to the Antigone, p. xv. 4 Comp. Ed. Col. 943 sqq. with Thucyd. 1. 126, 127. Lachmann in the Rhein. Mus. for 1827, pp. 327 fol. 5 Cic. Offic. I. 40 ; de Senect. 47 ; Athen. XII. p. 510 ; XIII . p. 592 ; XIII . p. 603 ; Plato, 1. Resp. p. 329 B. 122 SOPHOCLES. days, rather avaricious ' . He possessed, however, those agreeable qualities which are very often found along with habits of vicious indulgence ; he was exceedingly good natured , always contented2, and an excellent boon companion³. His faults were due rather to his age and country than to any innate depravity. His Tragedies are full of the strongest recommendations of religion and morality ; and we know no ancient poet who has so justly and forcibly described the infallibility and immortality of God, as opposed to man's weakness, ignorance, and liability to error : or who has set the beauty of piety and righteousness, and the danger and folly ofimpiety and pride, in a stronger and clearer light than he has5. To characterize the man and his works in one word, calmness is the prominent feature in the life and writings of Sophocles. In his politics, an easy indifference to men and measures ; in his private life, contentment and good nature ; in his Tragedies, a total absence of that wild enthusiasm which breaks down the barriers of common sense, are the manifestations of this rest of mind : his spirit was Like a breath of air, Such as is sometimes seen, and hardly seen, To brush the still breast of a crystal lake ". He lived, as it were, in the strong hold of his own unruffled mind, and unmoved, heard the pattering storm without ". His very 1 Ερμής. Τρυγαίος. πρῶτον δ' ὅ τι πράττει Σοφοκλέης ἀνήρετο. εὐδαιμονεῖ· πάσχει δὲ θαυμαστόν. Ερμῆς. Τὸ τί ; Ερμῆς. Τρυγαίος. Σιμωνίδης ; πῶς ; Τρυγαῖος. ἐκ τοῦ Σοφοκλέους γίγνεται Σιμωνίδης. Ὅτι, γέρων ὢν καὶ σαπρός, κέρδους ἔκατι κἂν ἐπὶ ῥιπὸς πλέοι. Pax, 695 sqq. 2 Aristoph. Ran. 82. 3 See the amusing anecdote from Ion, Athen. XIII. p. 603 E. 4 We allude to Antig. 604, which is generally misunderstood . The connexion of ideas in the passage is as follows : " What mortal transgression or sin is Jupiter liable to, Jupiter the sleepless and everlasting god ? But mortal men know nothing of the future till it comes upon them." We should certainly read iπepßacía in the nomi- native case. Τίς ὑπερβασία κατέχει τεὰν δύνασιν ; is equivalent to τεὰ δύνασις κατέχει OÜтwа iπeрẞaolav. Compare Theognis, 743-6, which Sophocles had in his head : Καὶ τοῦτ᾽, ἀθανάτων βασιλεῦ, πῶς ἐστι δίκαιον Ἔργων ὅστις ἀνὴρ ἐκτὸς ἐὼν ἀδίκων, Μή τιν' ὑπερβασίην κατέχων, μηδ' ὅρκον ἀλιτρόν, ᾿Αλλὰ δίκαιος ἐών, μὴ τὰ δίκαια πάθη ; 5 See the beautiful chorus in Ed. Tyr. 863 sqq. 6 Wordsworth (Excursion, p. 90) . 7 He says himself, in a fragment of the Tympanista (No. 563) : Φεῦ, φεῦ, τί τούτου χάρμα μεῖζον ἂν λάβοις, SOPHOCLES. 123 burial created peace out of war, and hostile armies held a truce, as the tomb closed upon one loved by all Athens, admired by all Greece, and destined to teach and delight the civilized world in ages yet to come. Of the seven plays of Sophocles, which have come down to us, only two are referred by express testimony to fixed dates-the Antigone, which, as we have seen, was acted in B.C. 440, and the Philoctetes, which appeared in B. C. 409¹ . Although it is stated that the Edipus Coloneus was first acted , after the death of the poet, in B.C. 401, and though, as we have seen, a pretty story refers its composition to the end of the poet's life , it is almost generally agreed among scholars that it belongs to the most vigorous period of his life, though it may have received additions and modifications at a later period². With the exception then of the Antigone and Philoctetes, we have only internal evidence to fix the succession of the extant Tragedies. And here we cannot, as in the case of Æschylus, divide the plays into distinct groups indicating an earlier and a later period of dramatic art. They all exhibit the tragic power of Sophocles in its full maturity, and they all exemplify that wonderful power of drawing upon the most recondite treasures of the Greek language which made Sophocles a favourite with Virgil, the only Latin poet who exhibits the same combination of profound thought and elaborately chastened style³. It is true that Sophocles, in an important citation of his words preserved by Plutarch, recognized three epochs in his own style-first, the tumid grandeur, which he had borrowed from Æschylus ; secondly, a harsh and artificial employment of terms, which he had introduced himself ; τοῦ γῆς ἐπιψαύσαντα καθ᾽ ὑπὸ στέγῃ πυκνῆς ἀκοῦσαι ψεκάδος εὑδούσῃ φρενί. It is clear that this, like many other passages referring to escape from the sea, expresses the feelings, and in part the language of those, who were initiated into the Eleusinian mysteries . Cf. Eurip. Bacch. 900 ; Demosth. Coron. p. 516 a ; Lucret. II . init.; Cic. Att. II. 7. 1 Arg. Philoct. : ἐδιδάχθη ἐπὶ Γλαυκίππου, πρῶτος ἣν Σοφοκλῆς. 2 See Bernhardy, Grundriss, II . p. 788. 3 Virgil says (Eclog. VIII. 10) : Sola Sophocleo tua carmina digna cothurno. And there are examples in his poetry of a very close imitation of the peculiarities of the Sophoclean style. There are at least four imitations of the line in the Ajax, 674: δεινῶν ἅημα πνευμάτων ἐκοίμισε στένοντα πόντον namely, Eclog. II. 26 ; Georg. IV. 484 ; Æn. I. 66, v. 763 ; and the figure in Georg. III. 243 , nigramque alte subjectat arenam, is clearly borrowed from Soph. Antig. 590 : κελαινὰν θινα καὶ δυσάνεμον. 124 SOPHOCLES. and thirdly, the style which he considered best and most suited to the representation of human character¹. If we are right in supposing that this citation really gives us the words of Sophocles, and that we must therefore take the participle Staπeπaiɣás in its old Attic rather than in its subsequent Hellenistic sense², it will imply either that both the first two styles belonged to the very earliest period of his literary career³, or that he had merely amused himself with sporting in those styles ; and in either case we can hardly suppose that they are to be found in Tragedies subsequent to the Antigone. On the other hand, all the extant Tragedies, even the Philoctetes, which is known to have been produced by Sophocles in his old age, exhibit traces of that intentional obscurity with regard to which it has been well observed , that " Sophocles often plays at hide-and-seek with the significations of words, in order that the mind, having exerted itself to find out his meaning, may comprehend it more vividly and distinctly when it is once arrived at. " The claim, which Sophocles makes for the style of his mature age, namely, that it is the best adapted for the delineation of human character, is combined, by the echo of an old and able criticism , with a recognition of his elaborate art and ingenuity . And we are inclined to the belief that he never shook off entirely the peculiarities of his second style ; but that, as he advanced in life , he combined with it more and more a readier flow of dramatic oratory, such as we find in his contemporary Euripides . As far as this comparative facility admits of recognition, it may help us to class with the Antigone, as his earliest extant play, the Electra, which is 1 Plutarch, de Profect. Virt. Sent. p. 79 в : ỏ ZopokλĤs ëλeye, tòv Aloxúλov diame- παιχὼς ὄγκον, εἶτα τὸ πικρὸν καὶ κατάτεχνον τῆς αὑτοῦ κατασκευῆς, εἰς τρίτον ἤδη τὸ τῆς λέξεως μεταβάλλειν εἶδος ὅπερ ἐστὶν ἠθικώτατον καὶ βέλτιστον. The substitution of αὑτοῦ for αὐτοῦ, and the introduction of eis before τρίτον, are due to Müller, Hist. Gr. Lit. 1. p. [ 340] 449. In a note to Müller we have explained karaσkevý in its op- position to λégis, as above. 2 Meris, p. 158 : ἐρεσχελεῖν ᾿Αττικῶς διαπαίζειν, ' Ελληνικῶς. Cf. Etym. Μ. p. 621 , 54 : Πλάτων διαπαίζει τὴν λέξιν ὡς βάρβαρον. 3 This is Müller's translation : " Having put away along with his boyish days." 4 This seems to be in accordance with the only use of the word by an author of the classical age : Plato, Leges, VI . 769 Α : καλῶς τοίνυν ἂν ἡμῖν ἡ πρεσβυτῶν ἔμφρων παιδιὰ μέχρι δεῦρ᾽ ἂν εἴη τὰ νῦν διαπεπαισμένη. 5 Müller, Hist. Gr. Lit. 1. p. [ 356] 469. 6 Vit. Sophocl. ad fin .: ἠθοποιεῖ δὲ καὶ ποικίλλει καὶ τοῖς ἐπινοήμασι τεχνικῶς χρῆται, ῾Ομηρικὴν ἐκματτόμενος χάριν. οἶδε δὲ καιρὸν συμμετρῆσαι καὶ πράγματα ὥστ᾽ ἐκ μικροῦ ἡμιστιχίου ἢ λέξεως μιᾶς ὅλον ἠθοποιεῖν πρόσωπον. 7 Müller, I. p. [ 356 ] 470, refers especially to the speeches of Menelaus, Agamem- non, and Teucer in the Ajax, and to Edipus' defence in the Edipus Coloneus. SOPHOCLES. 125 its counterpart in representing the contrast of two sisters , and so making the third actor play an important and essential character in the development of the drama. The Trachinia seems to claim the third place on account of the difficulty of the language, and other features of strong resemblance to the Antigone. Then we should class together the Edipus Tyrannus and the Edipus Coloneus with their connected subjects and not dissimilar mode of treatment. And we should associate the Philoctetes with the Ajax, in which also Ulysses appears as the leading instrument in the development of the plot. We will briefly characterize the separate plays considered in this order of succession . In the Antigone the main object is to show the contrast between the heroine, who insists on burying her brother against the will of the state represented by Creon, and the latter, who violates the laws of heaven by denying the rites of sepulture to Polyneices and burying Antigone alive. Both, in a certain sense, have justice on their side, and therefore both excite the sympathy of the audience ; both, in another sense, are guilty of violating the law-the princess the law of man and the king the law of God-and therefore the tragical results in both cases assume the form of a righteous doom. The plot is rendered more interesting by the contrast of the cha- -racters of the two sisters , Antigone and Ismene, and by the introduction of the love of Hæmon, Creon's son , for his cousin Antigone . In this latter incident the play approaches nearly to some of the characteristics of the romantic drama. And on the whole there is perhaps no Greek Tragedy which makes a stronger appeal to the feelings, and which is more exquisitely finished in all its parts, than the Antigone of Sophocles. If the Agamemnon of Æschylus approximates in some points to the grandeur of Macbeth, there is much in the Antigone to remind us of Romeo and Juliet¹. The Electra, which Dioscorides classes with the Antigone as exemplifying the highest perfection of the art of Sophocles2 , is in 1 The present writer has endeavoured to exhibit all the characteristics of this master- piece of Greek Tragedy in an edition and translation of the Antigone, published in 1848. 2 Anth. Pal. VII. 37: α. τύμβος ὅδ᾽ ἐστ', ὤνθρωπε, Σοφοκλέος, ὃν παρὰ Μουσῶν ἱρὴν παρθεσίην, ἱερὸς ὤν, ἔλαχον· ὅς με τὸν ἐκ Φλιοῦντος, ἔτι τρίβολον πατέοντα, πρίνινον, ἐς χρυσέον σχῆμα μεθηρμόσατο, καὶ λεπτὴν ἐνέδυσεν ἁλουργίδα· τοῦ δὲ θανόντος εὔθετον ὀρχηστὴν τῆδ᾽ ἀνέπαυσα πόδα. 126 SOPHOCLES. many respects the counterpart of that play. The strongest emotion displayed is the sisterly love of the heroine for her brother Orestes, whom she supposes to have perished ; and the contrast between Electra and Chrysothemis corresponds exactly to that between Antigone and Ismene. There is another strong sentiment in Electra's sorrow for her murdered father, and in the heroic resolve of the lonely and persecuted maiden to slay Ægisthus with her own hand. The highest point of tragic interest is reached when Electra, having uttered her beautiful address to the urn, which, as she supposes, contains the ashes of her brother, is raised from despair to overpowering joy by recognizing him in the stranger who had himself given her the simulated remains of Orestes. The matricidal catastrophe at the end is terrible without being extravagant, and the manner in which Ægisthus, who had come home confidently hoping to hear that Orestes was dead, is obliged to lift the covering from the corpse of Clytemnestra, produces a striking effect, without falling into melo-dramatic vulgarity. If the Electra resembles the Antigone in the prominence which it gives to sisterly affection, and in the contrast between the pairs of sisters in each play, the Trachinia is not without very striking indications of a similarity of manner and conception which refers it to the same period in the poet's literary activity. Characters and descriptions in both plays seem to have a certain resemblance¹. Both plays have an opɣnστikóv or dancing song instead of a stasimon . The exaltation of the power of love is similarly expressed in both³. And figures of speech , and even phraseology in the one play, sound like echoes of something similar in the other. But while the Antigone is perhaps the most vigorous and perfect of the plays of Sophocles, the Trachiniæ is undoubtedly his feeblest effort. β. ὄλβιος ὡς ἀγαθὴν ἔλαχες στάσιν· ἡ δ᾽ ἐνὶ χερσὶν κούριμος, ἐκ ποίης ἥδε διδασκαλίης ; α. εἴτε σοι 'Αντιγόνην εἰπεῖν φίλον, οὐκ ἂν ἁμάρτοις, εἴτε καὶ Ηλέκτραν· ἀμφότεραι γὰρ ἄκρον. 1 Lichas reminds us of the Sentinel in the Antigone, and Hyllus pleading with his father for Deianeira is the counterpart of Hæmon, as the advocate of his bride. The silence of Deianeira on hearing of her husband's fate is paralleled by that of Eurydice, and the descriptive speeches are framed on the same model. 2 Cf. Antig. 1115 sqq .; Trach. 205 sqq. 3 Cf. Antig. 781 sqq.; Trach. 497 sqq. 4 Cf. Antig. 586 sqq.; Trach. 112 sqq . 5 As in the almost unique examples of the tertiary predicate adáкpuros ( Antig. 881 ; Trach. 106) for woтe av daкρúovσw (Greek Grammar, art. 498). SOPHOCLES. 127 It turns entirely on the justifiable jealousy of Deianeira, who really loves her husband Hercules , and, fearing that he had given his affections to Iole, sends him the poisoned shirt of Nessus, in the sincere belief that it will operate as a love-charm. It produces, as the treacherous Centaur intended , the most exquisite sufferings, and Hercules is laid on the funeral pile to consume his mortal frame, and so to escape his misery, and to receive immortal life . But Deianeira slays herself on learning the consequences of an error, which, as her son declares, she had committed with the best intentions¹ . And Hercules, who had at first broken forth into the most violent imprecations against his wife, recognizes the decree of fate in the calamity in which she had been the unwilling agent. There are none of the plays of Sophocles which exhibit more strikingly than the two which bear the name of Edipus, that solemn irony which the genius of a modern scholar has detected in the frame-work of this poet's Tragedies . This irony consists in the contrast, which the spectator, well acquainted with the legendary basis of the tragedy, is enabled to draw between the real state of the case and the conceptions supposed to be entertained by the person represented on the stage. It is this contrast, regarded from different points of view, which makes the two plays about dipus the counterparts of one another, and induces us to think that, whether they were or were not written nearly at the same time , they were intended by the poet to form constituent parts of one picture. 22 The Edipus Tyrannus represents the king of Thebes, in the full confidence of his own glory at the beginning of the play, but brought step by step to the consciousness of the horrible guilt in which he had unawares involved himself. " The wrath of heaven, ' says the expositor to whom we have referred5, " has been pointed against the afflicted city, only that it might fall with concentrated force on the head of a single man ; and he who is its object stands alone calm and secure : unconscious of his own misery he can afford pity for the unfortunate : to him all look up for succour : and, 1 Trach. 1136 : ἅπαν τὸ χρῆμ' ἥμαρτε, χρηστὰ μωμένη. 2 Thirlwall, On the Irony of Sophocles, Philol . Mus. II. pp. 483 sqq. 3 The silence of Jocasta ( 1075) brings this play into a connexion of manner with the Antigone and Trachiniæ. 4 8 : ὁ πᾶσι κλεινὸς Οἰδίπους καλούμενος. 5 Thirlwall, p. 496. 128 SOPHOCLES. 99 as in the plenitude of wisdom and power, he undertakes to trace the evil, of which he is himself the sole author, to its secret source.' The greatest dramatic ingenuity is shown in the manner in which Edipus investigates the dreadful reality, and the hearer, though acquainted with the plot, shudders when Edipus becomes at last conscious that he is about to hear the whole extent of his calamity¹. The powerful and self-confident king of the early part of the play becomes the blind and helpless outcast of the concluding scene ; but his sins were involuntary², and his punishment and humiliation are his own act ; so that the sufferer leaves the stage an object of the spectator's compassion, and a fit hero for the drama which renders poetic justice to this poor child of fate . In the Edipus Coloneus the exiled king appears supported by his affectionate daughter Antigone, and dependent on the charity of strangers. His outward condition could not be more helpless and pitiable. But he is on the verge of his predicted resting- place. The sanctuary of the awful goddesses, who persecuted the voluntary matricide Orestes, is opened to him, the unwilling murderer of his father, as a place of repose in which he would exercise a protecting power over the land which received him. The Thebans, who had expelled him as a polluted person, strive in vain to get him back ; his son Polyneices, whom he regarded as a parricide³ , seeks his protection, but is rejected with imprecations ; and dipus descends to his sacred tomb, summoned by thunder from on high* , and led by Hermes and the goddess of the shades", to the spot where he would be for ever the protecting genius of the land of Attica6. The Ajax represents the consequences of the frenzy into which that hero was driven by the disappointment of his claims to the armour of Achilles. Under the influence of a strong delusion, which Athena, in the prologue, states that she had brought upon him, he attacks the flocks and herds of the Greek army while he imagines that he is slaying or leading away captive his successful rival Ulysses and the chieftains who had slighted him. On coming to his senses he calmly resolves on self-destruction as the only means of withdrawing himself from the disgrace and punishment 1 Cd. Tyr. 1169 : πρὸς αὐτῷ γ᾽ εἰμὶ τῷ δεινῷ λέγειν—κἄγωγ᾽ ἀκούειν. 2 Cd. Col. 266 : τά γ' ἔργα μου πεπονθότ᾽ ἐστὶ μᾶλλον η δεδρακότα . 3 1361 : σοῦ φονέως μεμνημένος. 4 1456 899. 5 1547, 8. 6 1523 899. SOPHOCLES. 129 which he has incurred. After a fine scene, in which he takes leave of his son Eurysaces, he withdraws to a distant part of the camp, professedly for the purpose of purifying himself from the stains of his senseless bloodshed, and of burying the sword of Hector. The chorus rejoices in the hope that his temper is soothed and softened, and that all will be well. In the meantime, his brother Teucer, who has passed through the camp on his return from an expedition, and has there seen the prophet Calchas, sends a messenger to insure the hero's detention at home, because the soothsayer has declared that Athena is persecuting Ajax for that day only, and that he will be saved if he survives it. The chorus proceed to search for him. The scene having changed, we see Ajax, who, after an energetic speech, falls upon his sword. And his body is found by his friends, whose lamentations are interrupted by the successive arrival of Menelaus and Agamemnon, who come to forbid his burial. The contest between Teucer and these chieftains is terminated unexpectedly by the intervention of Ulysses, the bitterest foe of the deceased warrior, who comes forward to proclaim his excellences, and to plead for the respect due to his remains. And in this way a Tragedy, on which the poet has expended all the resources of his art, is brought to a conclusion, which satisfies the prepossessions of the Athenian audience, by a proper apotheosis of their national hero. In the Philoctetes , Ulysses appears as the hated adversary of another great warrior ; but though the issue of the play is in accordance with the object of his designs, the crafty and politic chieftain does not gain the character for generosity, which is accorded to him at the end of the Ajax. It was by his advice that Philoctetes had been left on the island of Lemnos, because his wound had made him a noisome pest in the camp. But as it is declared that Troy will not fall without the arrows of Hercules, which Philoctetes possesses, Ulysses volunteers, in company with the young Neoptolemus, to bring him back to the army. Neoptolemus is at first persuaded to become the instrument in the deceit which Ulysses has determined to practise. But his young and generous nature recoils. He discloses the meditated treachery to Philoctetes, and the cunningly laid plan for getting the wounded archer to Troy is utterly frustrated. Here is the dignus vindice nodus¹ ; and Her1 Horace, Ars Poet. 191. D. T. G. 130 SOPHOCLES. cules descends from Olympus to command Philoctetes to go to Troy and share with Neoptolemus in the glory of its capture. The opposition between the three characters is thus reconciled, and they are all justified : Ulysses in his public-spirited policy, Neoptolemus in his straightforward veracity, and Philoctetes in his natural resentment. It is to be observed, however, that this use of the Deus ex machina, which is found only in the latest play of Sophocles, and which is considered to have been mainly due to Euripides, is in itself an indication of declining dramatic power¹. 1 Cic. de Nat. Deor. 1. 20, § 52 : "Ut tragici poetæ, quum explicare argumenti exitum non potestis, confugitis ad deum. " CHAPTER I. SECTION IV. EURIPIDES. Eschylus ruft Titaner herauf und Götter herunter ; Sophocles führt anmuthig der Heldinnen Reih'n und Heroen ; Endlich Euripides schwatzt ein sophistischer Rhetor am Markte. A. W. SCHLEGEL. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἀρχαῖοι πολιτικῶς ἐποίουν λέγοντας, οἱ δὲ νῦν ῥητορικῶς. ARISTOTELES. Like as many substances in nature, which are solid, do putrify and corrupt into worms; so it is the property of a good and sound knowledge, to putrify and dissolve into a number ofsubtle, idle, unwholesome, and, as I may term them, vermiculate questions, which have indeed a kind of quickness, and life of spirit, but no soundness of matter or goodness of quality. BACON. URIPIDES, the son of Mnesarchus, was born in the island of Salamis, on the day of the glorious sea-fight (B. c. 480) ¹ . His mother, Clito, had been sent over to Salamis with the other Athenian women when Attica was given up to the invading army of Xerxes ; and the name of the poet, which is formed like a patronymic from the Euripus, the scene of the first successful resistance to the Persian navy, shows that the minds of his parents were full 1 Diog. Laert. II. 45 : ἡμέρᾳ καθ᾽ ἣν οἱ Ἕλληνες ἐναυμάχουν ἐν Σαλαμίνι. Plutarch. Sympos. VIII. I : ἐτέχθη καθ᾽ ἣν ἡμέραν οἱ Ἕλληνες ἐτρέψαντο τοὺς Πέρσας. Suid. The Parian marble places his birth five years earlier, and we shall see in the passage of Aulus Gellius, quoted below, that his age was not known with certainty while he was yet alive. 2 He belonged properly to the deme Phlyæ of the Cecropid tribe, but he, perhaps, had some land in Salamis, and sometimes resided there. " Philochorus refert, " says Aulus Gellius, " in insulâ Salamine speluncam esse tetram et horridam, quam nos vidimus, in quâ Euripides tragoedias scriptitarit. " Noct. Att. XV. 20. (Whenever we have quoted no other authority, it will be presumed that we refer either to the life of Euripides by Thomas Magister, or to the anonymous life published by Elmsley, from the Ambrosian MS. , and printed at the end of his edition of the Baccho. ) 9-2 132 EURIPIDES. of the stirring events of that momentous crisis. His father was certainly a man of property, else how could his son have been a pupil of the extravagant¹ Prodicus ? It would appear that he was also born of a good family . But this is no argument, as Philochorus supposes³, against the implications of Aristophanes¹ , and the direct statement of Theopompus5, that his mother was a seller of herbs ; for it is quite possible that his father may have made a marriage of disparagement. Like Sophocles, he was well educated. He attended the lectures of Anaxagoras, Prodicus, and Protagoras ; and was so well versed in the gymnastic exercises of the day, that he gained two victories in the Eleusinian and Thesean athletic games when only seventeen years old. Mnesarchus had intended that he should enter the lists of Olympia among the younger combatants, but some objection was raised against him on the score of age, and he was excluded from the contest . To his other accomplishments he added a taste for painting, which he cultivated with some success ; a few specimens of his talents in this respect were preserved for many years at Megara. He brought out his first Tragedy, the Peliades, in (B.C.) 4557, consequently at an earlier age than either of his predecessors. He was third on this occasion, but gained the first prize fourteen years after , and also in 1 See Rhein. Mus. for 1832, p. 22 fol. 2 Athenæus, X. p. 424. 4 3 Apud Suid. Evρır. Προπηλακιζομένας ὁρῶσ᾽ ὑμᾶς ὑπὸ Εὐριπίδου, τοῦ τῆς λαχανοπωλητρίας. Thesmoph. 386. Again, speaking of Euripides, the female orator says— Αγρια γὰρ ἡμᾶς, ὦ γυναῖκες, δρᾷ κακά, “Ατ᾽ ἐν ἀγρίοισι τοῖς λαχάνοις αὐτὸς τραφείς. 455. Dicæopolis, in the Acharnians, among his other requests, says to EuripidesΣκάνδικά μοι δός, μητρόθεν δεδεγμένος. 454 . The same insinuation is more obscurely conveyed in the Equites- Nik. πῶς ἂν οὖν ποτὲ Εἴποιμ᾽ ἂν αὐτὸ δῆτα κομψευριπικώς ; Δημ. Μή μοι γε, μή μοι, μὴ διασκανδικίσῃς. And in the Rance: Αἰσχ. Αληθες, ὦ παὶ τῆς ἀρουραίας θεοῦ ; 839. 17. 5 Euripidis poetæ matrem Theopompus agrestia olera vendentem victum quæsisse dicit. Noct. Att. XV. 20. 6 Mnesarchus, roborato exercitatoque filii sui corpore , Olympiam certaturum inter athletas pueros deduxit. Ac primo quidem in certamen per ambiguam ætatem receptus non est. Post Eleusinio et Thesæo certamine pugnavit et coronatus est, Aul. Gell. Noct. Att. XV. 20. 7 Arund. Marble, No. 61. It dramatic composition before this. tutus, I. pp. 6 sqq. 8 Arund. Marble, 61.

appears, however, that he had applied himself to Aul. Gell. XV. 20. See Hartung, Euripides Resti- EURIPIDES. 133 428 B.C., when the Hippolytus was represented ' , though he does not appear to have been often so successful2 . His reputation, however, spread far and wide, and if we may believe Plutarch, some of the Athenians, who had survived the disastrous termination of the Syracusan expedition, obtained their liberty or a livelihood by reciting and teaching such passages from the poems of Euripides as they happened to recollect³. We shall show by and by that Euripides was one of the advocates for that expedition ; and we are told that he wrote a funeral poem on the Athenian soldiers who fell in Sicily. Late in life he retired to Magnesia, and from thence proceeded to Macedonia, where his popularity procured him the protection and friendship of King Archelaus. It is not known what induced him to quit Athens, though many causes might be assigned. The infidelity of his two wives, Melito and Chorila, which is supposed to have occasioned the misogynism for which he was notorious, may perhaps have made him desirous of escaping from the scenes of his domestic discomforts, especially as his misfortunes were continually recalled to his remembrance by the taunts and jeers of his merciless political enemy, Aristophanes . Besides, 1 Argument to the Hippol. : ἐδιδάχθη ἐπὶ ᾿Αμείνονος ἄρχοντος ὀλυμπιάδι πζ' ἔτει τετάρτῳ. πρῶτος Εὐριπίδης· δεύτερος Ἰοφῶν· τρίτος Ἴων. 2 Suidas says he gained only five victories, one of which was with a posthumous play. 3 Ἔνιοι δὲ καὶ δι ' Εὐριπίδην ἐσώθησαν. Μάλιστα γάρ, ὡς ἔοικε, τῶν ἐντὸς ῾Ελλήνων ἐπόθησαν αὐτοῦ τὴν μοῦσαν οἱ περὶ Σικελίαν· καὶ μικρὰ τῶν ἀφικνουμένων ἑκάστοτε δείγ- ματα καὶ γεύματα κομιζόντων ἐκμανθάνοντες, ἀγαπητῶς μετεδίδοσαν ἀλλήλοις. Τότε γοῦν φασι τῶν σωθέντων οἴκαδε συχνοὺς ἀσπάσασθαι τὸν Εὐριπίδην φιλοφρόνως, καὶ διηγεῖσθαι τοὺς μέν, ὅτι δουλεύοντες ἀφείθησαν, ἐκδιδάξαντες, ὅσα τῶν ἐκείνου ποιημάτων ἐμέμνηντο, τοὺς δ᾽, ὅτι πλανώμενοι μετὰ τὴν μάχην, τροφῆς καὶ ὕδατος μετέλαβον τῶν μελῶν ᾄσαντες. Οὐ δεῖ δὴ θαυμάζειν, ὅτι τοὺς Καυνίους φασί, πλοίου προσφερομένου τοῖς λιμέσιν, ὑπὸ λῃστρίδων διωκομένου, μὴ δέχεσθαι τὸ πρῶτον ἀλλ᾽ ἀπείργειν · εἶτα μέντοι διαπυνθανομένους, εἰ γινώσκουσιν ᾄσματα τῶν Εὐριπίδου, φησάντων ἐκείνων, οὕτω παρεῖναι καταγαγεῖν τὸ πλοῖον. Plutarch, Nicias , CXXIX. We have perhaps an additional proof of the lasting popularity of Euripides in Syracuse, in the fact that Archomelus, who composed an epigram in B.C. 220, on the great ship of Hiero (Anth. Pal. Appendix 15), and who was therefore more or less connected with Sicily, writes thus on the poet's inimitable excellence (Anth. Pal. VII . 50, p. 321) : 4 Ran. 1045 : Eurip. Æschyl. τὴν Εὐριπιδέω μήτ' ἔρχεο μήτ᾽ ἐπιβάλλου, δύσβατον ἀνθρώποις οἶμον, ἀοιδοθέτα. λείη μὲν γὰρ ἰδεῖν καὶ ἐπίκροτος ἢν δέ τις αὐτὴν εἰσβαίνῃ, χαλεποῦ τρηχυτέρη σκόλοπος ὴν δὲ τὰ Μηδείης Αἰητίδος ἄκρα χαράξῃς, ἀμνήμων κείσῃ νέρθεν · ἔα στεφάνους. Οὐδὲ γὰρ ἦν τῆς ᾿Αφροδίτης οὐδέν σοι· μηδέ γ' ἐπείη· ᾿Αλλ᾽ ἐπὶ σοί τοι καὶ τοῖς σοῖσιν πολλὴ πολλοῦ ἐπικαθῆτο. Ὥστε γε καὐτόν σε κατ᾽ οὖν ἔβαλεν. Bacchus. Νὴ τὸν Δία τοῦτό γέ τοι δή "Α γὰρ ἐς τὰς ἀλλοτρίας ἐποίεις, αὐτὸς τούτοισιν ἐπλήγης. 134 EURIPIDES. he appears to have been very intimate with Socrates and Alcibiades, the former of whom is said to have assisted him in the composition of his Tragedies¹ ; and when Alcibiades won the chariot race at Olympia, Euripides wrote a song in honour of his victory 2. That Socrates was, even at this time, very unpopular, is exceedingly likely ; and Alcibiades was a condemned exile. Perhaps, then, Euripides only followed the dictates of prudence in withdrawing from a country where his philosophical¹, as well as his political sentiments, exposed him to continual danger. At the court of Archelaus, on the contrary, he was treated with the greatest distinction, and was even admitted to the private counsels of the king. He wrote some plays in Macedonia, in one of which (the Baccha) he seems to have been inspired by the wild scenery of the country where he was residing ; and the story, according to which he is torn to pieces by dogs , just as his hero Pentheus is rent asunder by the infuriated Bacchanals , arose perhaps from a confusion between the poet and the last subject on which he wrote. It is clearly a fabrication, for Aristophanes in the Frogs would certainly have alluded to the manner of his death, had there been any 5 1 "Laertius (in Socrat. ) has preserved a couplet which cunningly brings this charge : Φρύγες, ἐστὶ καινὸν δρᾶμα τοῦτ᾽ Εὐριπίδου, ῾Ὧι καὶ τὰ φρύγαν᾽ ὑποτίθησι Σωκράτης. Allusion is made to the same imputation in a line of Antiphanes (Athen. IV. 134) : Ο τὰ κεφάλαια συγγράφων Εὐριπίδῃ, where kepáλaia are the sententious sayings which Socrates was reputed to have furnished. Ælian ( Var. Hist. II . 13) states that Socrates seldom went to the theatre, except to see some new Tragedy of Euripides performed. This philosophising in his dramas gave Euripides the name of the stage philosopher ; Euripides, auditor Anaxagoræ, quem philosophum Athenienses scenicum appellaverunt. Vitruv. VIII. in præf. "-Former Editor. See Dindorf, in Poet. Scen. P. 574. 2 Plutarch, Alcibiad. c . XI . : Λέγει δ' ὁ Εὐριπίδης ἐν τῷ ᾄσματι ταῦτα· Σὲ δ' ἀείσομαι, ὦ Κλεινίου παῖ. Καλὸν ὁ νίκα · κάλλιστον δ' δ Μηδεὶς ἄλλος ῾Ελλάνων "Αρματι πρῶτα δραμεῖν καὶ δεύτερα Καὶ τρίτα βῆναι δ᾽ ἀπονητί, Τρὶς στεφθέντ᾽ ἐλαίᾳ Κάρυκι βοᾷν παραδοῦναι. 3 Archelaus invited Socrates also to his court. Aristot. Rhet. II. 23. 4 Aristot. Rhet. III. 15. 5 See Elmsley on the argument, p. 4. In v. 400, we should read IIλav for Πάφον. 6 Hermesianax Colophonius (Athen. XIII. 598) ; Ovid, Ibis, 595 ; Aul. Gell. Noct. Attic. XV. 20 ; Val. Max. IX. 12.—-Pausanias ) ( 1. p. 3) seems to doubt the truth of the common account. Dionysius Byzantius expressly denies it (Anthol. 111. 36). EURIPIDES. 135 thing remarkable in it. He died B. C. 406, on the same day on which Dionysius assumed the tyranny¹ . He was buried at Pella, contrary to the wishes of his countrymen, who requested Archelaus to send his remains to Athens, where however a cenotaph was erected to his memory with this inscription : Μνᾶμα μὲν Ἑλλὰς ἅπασ᾽ Εὐριπίδου· ὀστέα δ᾽ ἴσχει Γῆ Μακεδών· ἡ γὰρ δέξατο τέρμα βίου. Πατρὶς δ᾽ Ἑλλάδος Ἑλλὰς, ᾿Αθῆναι· πλεῖστα δὲ Μούσας Τέρψας, ἐκ πολλῶν καὶ τὸν ἔπαινον ἔχει. Euripides was the last of the Greek Tragedians properly so called. " The sure sign of the general decline of an art," says an able writer, " is the frequent occurrence, not of deformity, but of misplaced beauty. In general, Tragedy is corrupted by eloquence, and Comedy by wit2." This symptom of the decline of Tragedy is particularly conspicuous in Euripides, and so much of tragical propriety is given up for the sake of rhetorical display, that we sometimes feel inclined to doubt whether we are reading the works of a poet or a teacher of elocution³. It is this quality of Euripides which has in all ages rendered him a much greater favourite than either Eschylus or Sophocles ; it is this also which made the invention of Tragi-comedy by him so natural and so easy ; it is this which recommended him to Menander as the model for the dialogue of his New Comedy ; and it is for this that Quintilian so strongly recommends him to the notice of the young aspirant after oratorical fame . In the middle ages too, Euripides was infi1 See Clinton, F. H. II. p. 8г. 2 Lord Macaulay in the Edinburgh Review, No. xc. p. 278. 3 Euripides seems to have been quite prepared to defend the long speeches which he introduces into his plays. In the Orestes, where there is a complete rhetorical ȧvriλoyía, he makes his hero say (640) : λέγοιμ' ἂν ἤδη τὰ μακρὰ τῶν σμικρῶν λόγων ἐπίπροσθέν ἐστι καὶ σαφῆ μᾶλλον κλύειν. 4 Sed longe clarius illustraverunt hoc opus Sophocles atque Euripides ; quorum in dispari dicendi viâ uter sit poeta melior, inter plurimos quæritur. Idque ego sane , quoniam ad præsentem materiam nihil pertinet, injudicatum relinquo. Illud quidem nemo non fateatur necesse est, iis, qui se ad agendum comparant, utiliorem longe Euripidem fore. Namque is et in sermone (quod ipsum reprehendunt, quibus gravitas et cothurnus et sonus Sophoclis videtur esse sublimior) magis accedit oratorio generi : et sententiis densus, et in iis, quæ a sapientibus tradita sunt, pæne ipsis par, et in dicendo ac respondendo cuilibet eorum, qui fuerunt in foro diserti, comparandus. In affectibus vero cum omnibus mirus, tum in iis, qui miseratione constant, facile præ- cipuus. Hunc et admiratus maxime est (ut sæpe testatur) et secutus, quamquam in opere diverso, Menander. Inst. Orat. x. i . 67. C. J. Fox remarks (Correspondence, edited by Lord John Russell, III. 178) that of all poets Euripides appeared to him the most useful for a public speaker. 136 EURIPIDES. nitely better known than the two other great Tragedians ; for the more un-Greek and common-place and rhetorical and hair-splitting the former was, the more attractive was he likely to prove in an age when scholastic subtleties were mistaken for eloquence, minute distinctions for science, and verbal quibbles for sure evidences of proficiency in the ars artium¹. We cannot wonder then that Dante, who calls his Latin Aristotle "the master of those that know"," and an Italian version of Moralia "his own ethics ," should make no mention of Æschylus and Sophocles in his survey of the shades of departed poets, but should class the rhetorical Euripides, and the no less quibbling Agathon, among the greatest of the poets of Greece . But if it be easy to explain how the quasi- philosophical character of Euripides gained him so much popularity among his less civilized contemporaries, the Sicilians and Macedonians, and among the semi-barbarous Europeans of the middle ages, we shall have still less difficulty in explaining how he came to be so unlike the two great writers who preceded him ; one of whom was in his later days the competitor of Euripides. We have already insisted at some length upon the connexion between the actors of Sophocles, Eschylus, and their predecessors, and the Homeric rhapsode. Now the rhapsodes were succeeded by a class of men whom, for want of a more definitive name, it has been customary to 1 In one form of verbal quibbling, the habit of punning on similar sounds, Euri- pides is not more responsible than Eschylus and Sophocles, and Shakspere has followed them in this respect. Valckenaer says (ad Phon. p. 187) : " Amat Tragicus noster érvμoλoyev, atque ob eam insaniam merito quoque fuit a comicis irrisus . " This exclusive censure of Euripides is answered by Lobeck (ad Soph. Aj. 430) ; see also Elmsley on Eurip. Bacch. 508. And the practice is so common in all the trage- dians that it furnishes a constant problem for the ingenuity of translators, who are not always very happy in their substitutions of English for Greek in reproducing this play upon words. For instance, it is absurd in Æsch. Agam. 671 , to translate the play upon the name of Helen in the epithets ἑλέναυς, ἕλανδρος, ἑλέπτολις, by “ a Hell to ships, a Hell to men, and a Hell to cities ; " for this does not really recall the proper name : if we said " a knell to ships, " &c. we should at any rate have a refer- ence to a common abbreviation of the name Helen (Nell). Similarly in Euripides, Bacche, 367 : Πενθεὺς δ᾽ ὅπως μὴ πένθος εἰσοίσει δόμοις τοῖς σοῖσι, might be rendered : "Take heed, lest Pentheus makes your mansion a pent-house of grief, " instead of seeking a longer paraphrase. And a similar rendering might apply to v. 508. 2 Inf. IV. 131. 3 Inf. XI. 80, referring to Aristot. Eth. VII. I. That Dante read Aristotle's Ethics in the Italian translation of Taddeo d'Alderotto, surnamed l'Ippocratista, may be inferred from the Convito, I. 10, p. 39. 4 Purgat. XXII. 106 : Euripide v'è nosco e Anacreonte, Simonide, Agatone, e altri piúe Greci che già di lauro ornar la fronte. EURIPIDES. 137 call sophists ' , and sometime the sophist and the rhapsode were united in the same person : indeed so completely were they identified in most cases, that Plato makes Socrates treat Hippias the sophist, who was also a rhapsode, and Ion the rhapsode, who seems to have been a sophist too, with banter and irony of precisely the same kind. Since then Euripides was nursed in the lap of sophistry, was the pupil and friend of the most eminent of the sophists, and perhaps to all intents a sophist himself, we cannot wonder that he should turn the rhapsodical element of the Greek Drama into a sophistical one: in fact, the transition was not only natural, but perhaps even necessary. It may, however, be asked, how is this reconcileable with the statement that Socrates assisted Euripides in the composition of his Tragedies ? for Socrates was, if we can believe Plato's representation of him, the sworn foe of the sophists. We answer that Socrates was, in the more general sense of the word, himself a sophist ; his opposition to the other sophists, which has probably been exaggerated by his pupils and apologists, to whom we owe nearly all we know about him, is no proof of a radical difference between him and them : on the contrary, it is proverbial that there are no disagreements so rancorous and implacable as those between persons who follow the same trade with different objects in view. That Socrates was the least pernicious of the sophists, that, if he was not a good citizen, he was at least an honest man, we are very much disposed to believe ; but in the eyes of his contemporaries he differed but little from the rest of the tribe : Aristophanes attacks him as the head of the school, and perhaps some of the comedian's animosity to Euripides may have arisen from his belief that the tragedian was only a Socrates and a sophist making an epideixis in iambics². Euripides was not only a rhetorical sophist. He also treated his audience to some of the physical doctrines of his master Anaxagoras³. For instance, he goes out of his way to communicate to them the Anaxagorean discovery, that the sun is nothing but an 1 The young student will find some interesting remarks on these personages in Coleridge's Friend, Vol. III. p. 112 fol . See also the articles on Prodicus in Nos. I. and IV. of the Rhein. Mus. 1832 . 2 Aristophanes speaks of him thus : ὅτε δὴ κατῆλθ᾽ Εὐριπίδης ἐπεδείκνυτο τοῖς λωποδύταις, κ.τ.λ. Ranæ, 771 . 3 On the allusions which Euripides makes to the philosophy of Anaxagoras, the reader of this poet should consult Valckenaer's Diatribe, pp. 25-58; 138 EURIPIDES. ignited stone ' : he tells them that the overflowing of the Nile is merely the consequence of the melting of the snow in Æthiopia , and that the æther is an embodiment of the Deity³. In his political opinions Euripides was attached to Alcibiades and to the war party ; and in this again he was opposed to Aristophanes, and, we may add, to the best interests of his country. He endeavours to inspire his countrymen with a contempt for their formidable enemies the Spartans , and with a distrust of their good faith ; in order that the Athenians might not, through fear for their prowess, scruple to continue at war with them, and might, through suspicion, be as unwilling as possible to make peace. We find him also united with the sophist Gorgias and the profligate Alcibiades in urging the disastrous expedition to Sicily ; for he wrote the Trilogy to which the Troades belonged, in the beginning of the year 4156, in which that expedition started, manifestly with a view to encourage the gaping quidnuncs of the Agora to fall into the ambitious schemes of Alcibiades, by recalling the recollection of the success of a similar expedition, undertaken in the mythical ages ; and it has been conjectured that his wiser opponent wrote the Birds in the following year to ridicule the whole plan and its originators '. Besides obliterating the genuine character of the Greek Tragedy, by introducing sophistry and philosophy into the dialogue, Euripides degraded it still farther by laying aside all the dignity and κaλoKayalia which distinguished the costumes and the characters of Eschylus and Sophocles, by vulgarizing the tragic styles, by introducing rags and tatters on the stage , by continually making mention of the most trivial and ordinary subjects " , and by destroying the connexion which always subsisted , in the perfect form of the 1 Orest. VI. 984, and the fr. of the Phaethon. 2 Helen. I--3, fr. of the Archelaus. 3 Troad. 878 seqq. 4 For instance, in his ridiculous exhibition of Menelaus in the Troades, and in the Orestes. See particularly Orest. 717 sqq.; Androm. 590. 5 Andromache, 445 seqq. 6 See Clinton, F. H. II . p. 75. 7 See J. W. Süvern's interesting Essay on the Birds of Aristophanes. 8 See Müller, Hist. Lit Gr. 1. p. 336 [ 483 ] . In Hercul. Fur. 859, it is clear that στάδια δραμοῦμαι, the reading of Flor. 2, is a gloss on the genuine σταδιοδρομήσω, which ought to be restored . And in Electr. 841 , we ought certainly to read ỷλáλağe δ᾽ ὡς θνήσκων φόνῳ. 9 Ran. 841 sqq. 10 Ib. 980 sqq. EURIPIDES. 139 drama, between the chorus and the actors ' . With regard to his system of prologues, which Lessing most paradoxically considers as showing the perfection of the drama, we need only mention that Menander adopted it from him, and point to the difference between this practice and that of Eschylus, Sophocles, and Shakspere, in order to justify the ridicule which Aristophanes unsparingly heaps upon them as factitious and unnecessary parts of a Tragedy. Like the other sophists, Euripides was altogether devoid of religious feelings ; his moral character will not bear a searching scrutiny ; and, unlike the good- tempered, cheerful Sophocles, he displayed the same severity of manner which distinguished his never-smiling preceptor, Anaxagoras. On the whole, were it not for the exceeding beauty of many of his choruses, and for the proof which he occasionally exhibits of really tragic power, we should be unable to understand the admiration with which he has inspired the most cultivated men in different ages ; and looking at him from the point of view occupied by his contemporaries , we must join with Aristophanes, not only in calling him, what he undeniably was, a bad citizen², and an unprincipled man, but also in regarding him as a dramatist, who degraded the moral and religious dignity of his own sacred profession. At the best, he is one of those poets, who appear to the greatest advantage in selections of elegant extracts. " His works, " says an eminent critic³ , " must be regarded less in their entirety than in detail. In single passages there is much that in itself is excellent, deeply moving, and masterly, which, if part of a whole, is liable to censure. We might almost maintain, that, with Euripides, those very parts are most beautiful, which he introduced as superfluous additions, merely because he could not resist the temptations offered by certain situations ; though, indeed , it sometimes happens that the overabundant heaping-together of materials impedes the development of the individual parts, and that the episodes fail in making their due impression, from a want of proper extension . Tragic effect to be perfect requires completeness in preparation, development, and 1 Καὶ τὸν χορὸν δὲ ἕνα δεῖ ὑπολαβεῖν τῶν ὑποκριτῶν καὶ μόριον εἶναι τοῦ ὅλον, καὶ συναγωνίζεσθαι, μὴ ὥσπερ Εὐριπίδης, ἀλλ᾿ ὥσπερ Σοφοκλῆς. Aristot. Poet. XVIII. 21 . 2 On the connexion of Euripides and Socrates with the mischievous Girondism of the middle-class party at Athens, we have written elsewhere ( Quarterly Review, No. CLXI. Vol. 71 , p. 116 ; continuation of Müller's Hist. Lit. Gr. Vol. II . p. 165, new ed. ). 3 F. Jacobs, Hellas; or the home, history, literature and art of the Greeks. Trans- lated by J. Oxenford, p. 235. 140 EURIPIDES. solution ; but for this there is frequently a want of room with Euripides. In the Troades, for instance, there is such a quantity of matter that the death of Polyxena can only be narrated in a few words. Thus, in this Tragedy, the effect of the tragic incidents is destroyed by the overabundance which makes them neutralize each other." In accordance with these remarks the same author has very ably contrasted the feebler art of Euripides with the rude vigour of Eschylus, and the graceful dignity of Sophocles. "If, " he says , "we take a comparative view of the heroes of Greek Tragedy, we find that in Æschylus the mighty subject matter is not always satisfactorily developed —that in Euripides the luxuriance of the matter often predominates over the form—that in Sophocles, on the contrary, the matter is so completely proportionate to the form, that, with all its abundance, it adapts itself without constraint, and, as it were of its own accord, to the law of order. With the first, nature is grand and powerful, but art is somewhat unwieldy ; with the second act is somewhat too lax and pliant ; with Sophocles, art rules over a free and beautiful nature . Eschylus pays homage to grandeur without grace, Euripides only seeks the fascinating, Sophocles combines dignity and beauty in intimate union. The first fills us with words, the second with compassion, Sophocles with noble admiration. The whole plan of their works corresponds to their different aims. Eschylus, at the very commencement, often raises himself to a height which only his own gigantic mind can hope to surmount ; Sophocles leads us on gradually ; Euripides, through successive sections, repeats the same tones of touching sorrow. Eschylus proceeds rapidly from his preparation to the catastrophe ; Sophocles, as he approaches the catastrophe retards his steps ; Euripides, with uncertain tread, pursues an uncertain goal, rather heaping up misfortune than rendering it more intense. Eschylus is simple without art ; with Sophocles simplicity is a result of art ; with Euripides variety often predominates to the injury of art. The mighty and extraordinary events, which are the focus of the action with his predecessors, are often with Euripides no more than strengthening rays, and the incidents are, not unfrequently, more tragical than the catastrophe. The immolation of a daughter torn from her mother's arms, the murder of an innocent boy, the voluntary death of a wife on her hus1 Hellas, p. 236. EURIPIDES. 141 band's funeral pile, the sacrifice of a youth for his country, of a maiden for her family, all these with Euripides are mere incidents of the action '." 99 Thanks to accident, or the corrupted taste of those to whom we owe all of ancient literature that we possess, the remaining plays of Euripides are more than all the extant dramas of Æschylus and Sophocles taken together. Of his many compositions, fifteen Tragedies², two Tragi-comedies³, and a satyrical drama“, have come down to us ; and the fragments of the lost plays are very numerous. It appears that Euripides, like the other two great tragedians, exhibited his dramas in Tetralogies, and in more than one instance we have among his extant plays those which formed a portion of the same theatrical representation. We do not, however, derive much advantage from this. His Tetralogies were not, like those of Æschylus, bound together by a community of subject and treatment, and except as a chronological fact, the juxta-position of particular dramas is quite unimportant to the reader of his works. The order, in which the extant plays of Euripides were produced, may be ascertained to a certain extent either from direct statements resting on the didascaliæ or from internal evidence. In making a few remarks on the particular plays, we shall be content in the main with the results of the most recent and elaborate investigation of the subject5. The earliest extant play of Euripides is the Rhesus, which, as we have already mentioned, has been attributed to Sophocles, and regarded as one of his earliest dramas . On the other hand, it has been supposed that four actors are required in the scene in which Paris appears immediately after Diomedes and Ulysses have left the stage and while Athena is still there, and it has been suggested accordingly that it belongs to the later Athenian stage, perhaps to the school of Philocles ' . It must be confessed that there are 1 There is a severe criticism on Euripides in the Foreign Quarterly Review, No. XLVIII. Professor Blackie refers to this article as his own ( Eschylus, I. p. xxxvii) . Schlegel's comparison of the related plays of the three Tragedians is given in an Appendix to this chapter. 2 Or 16, if the Rhesus is reckoned one of his. 3 The Orestes and the Alcestis. 4 The Cyclops. 5 J. A. Hartung, Euripides Restitutus, Vol. 1. 1843 ; Vol. II. 1844. 6 Gruppe, Ariadne, pp. 285 sqq. 7 Müller, Hist. Lit. Gr. I. p. 501, note. 142 EURIPIDES. serious objections to its genuineness¹ ; but Euripides certainly wrote a play called the Rhesus, which Attius imitated in his Nyctegersis², and it is expressly stated that this was one of his earliest efforts³. That the present play was this juvenile production has been warmly maintained by two of the admirers of Euripides¹, and it has been referred to the year B. C. 4665. The undoubtedly genuine Drama, which bears the name of Alcestis, was acted as the after-piece to the Trilogy of the Cressæ, the Alemaon in Psophide and the Telephus, in B. C. 438%. Though the main incident, the voluntary death of Alcestis as a vicarious substitute for her husband Admetus, is eminently pathetic and tragical, the character of Hercules is conceived in the spirit of comedy, and the rescue of Alcestis from the grave nullifies all the emotions excited by the first part of the play. The Heracleida is referred to the period immediately before the Peloponnesian war B. C. 434, and is supposed to allude in many passages to the divine assistance on which the Athenians could rely, and to the probable discomfiture of any presumptuous invaders ". It is conjecturally placed in the same Tetralogy with the Peleus and Egeus, and the satyrical drama Eurystheus . The subject of the play is the generous protection which the Athenians accorded to the Heracleidæ, and the incident of the sacrifice of Macaria is introduced to give some special pathos to a piece which is otherwise somewhat tame and common-place. It is known that the Medea was acted in the archonship of Pythodorus B.C. 431 , and that it was the first play of a Tetralogy which included the Philoctetes, Dictys, and the satyrical drama of "the Reapers" ( epioral) . The Medea is the most faultless of the dramas of Euripides, and has really many excellences. Its object is to depict the jealousy of a divorced and outraged wife, and the dreadful vengeance which she exacts on the rival who has 1 Valckenaer, Diatribe, 9, 10 ; Hermann, Opusc. III. pp. 262 sqq. 2 Hartung, I. p. 15 . 3 Crates, ap. Schol. Rhes. 575 : Κράτης ἀγνοεῖν φησὶ τὸν Εὐριπίδην τὴν περὶ τὰ μετέωρα θεωρίαν διὰ τὸ νέον ἔτι εἶναι, ὅτε τὸν Ρῆσον ἐδίδασκε. 4 Vater, Vindiciae Rhesi, and Hartung. 5 Hartung, I. p. 8. 6 See the didascalia in Cod. Vatic. quoted above, p . 75, note 3. 7 Hartung, I. pp. 288 sqq. Müller, Hist. Gr. Lit. 1. p. 488 (new ed. ), refers it to the time of the battle of Delium, B.C. 421 . 8 Hartung, p. 289. 9 Argum. Med. EURIPIDES. 143 superseded her. It has been well remarked¹ that " the scene which paints the struggle in Medea's breast between her plans of revenge and her love for her children, will always be one of the most touching and impressive ever represented on the stage." Its dramatic value is proved by the success of the modern plays and operas in which the injured wife murders, or intends to murder her children, as an appropriate punishment of a faithless husband2. Euripides obtained the first prize with his Hippolytus Crowned in the archonship of Ameinon or Epameinon B.C. 4283. This play, like the Medea, has been revived with great success on the modern stage¹, and, in spite of great faults, it produces a considerable effect on the reader. The plot turns on the criminal love of Phædra for her step-son Hippolytus, the Joseph of classical mythology. As in the similar cases of Bellerophon and Peleus, the scorned and passionate woman seeks the ruin of the chaste young man, but in this instance she also commits suicide. The father, Theseus, is induced to believe in his son's guilt. And the innocent hero is torn to death by his own steeds , who are frightened by sea-monsters sent against them by Neptune, and his death having been thus effected by the malice of Aphrodite and the blind compliance of the sea- god, the chaste goddess Artemis appears ex machina to do poetic justice to the innocent victim. It has been conjectured that the Cyclops, our only remaining satyrical drama, belonged to the same Tetralogy as the Hippolytus, which also, it is supposed, contained the Bellerophontes and the Antigone . The Bellerophontes is recommended for this juxtaposition by its similarity of subject, with of course a difference of treatment. The Antigone of Euripides had a fortunate termination, as far as Hæmon and the heroine were concerned , and the fragments seem to point to a tyranny of love, which is quite at 1 Müller, Hist. Lit. Gr. 1. p . 485 (new ed.) . 2 It is only necessary to mention the Tragedy Medée and the operas Medea and Norma. 3 Argum. Hippol. 4 In Racine's Phédre. The great French dramatist says, in the preface to his play: "Je ne suis point étonné que ce caractère ( de Phédre) ait eu un succès si heureux du temps d'Euripide, et qu'il ait encore si bien réussi dans notre siècle, puisqu'il a toutes les qualités qu'Aristote démande dans le héros de la tragédie, et qui sont propres à exciter la compassion et la terreur. " 5 Hartung, I. pp. 385 sqq. 6 Aristoph. Byz. in Argum. Antig. Soph.; Keîтaι dè ǹ µvloтoita кal waρ' Evρinion ἐν ᾿Αντιγόνῃ πλὴν ἐκεῖ φωραθεῖσα μετὰ τοῦ Αἵμονος δίδοται πρὸς γάμου κοινωνίαν καὶ τίκτει τὸν Μαίμονα. 144 EURIPIDES. variance with the moral of the Hippolytus¹. In general there is very little reason for connecting the two plays. The Cyclops is placed at the same epoch with the Hippolytus, because it seems to have been acted before the expedition to Syracuse² ; but this is a very slender argument. The plot of the Cyclops, of which we have given an analysis in a subsequent chapter, is merely a dramatic version of the adventure with Polyphemus in the ninth book of the Odyssey. 9 The Ion is referred to about B. C. 427, because it alludes unmistakably to the porch at Delphi, which the Athenians decorated as a memorial of Phormio's victories , and actually mentions Rhium where the trophy stood ; it probably alludes also to the relations between Athens and their colonists on the coast of Asia Minor , which had become very critical in the 88th Ol. The plot of the Ion is interesting and ingeniously developed. It turns on the recognition by Creusa of her own son by Apollo in the young priest Ion, whom she had endeavoured to poison by the instrumentality of a faithful domestic, under the belief that he was the child of her husband Xuthus, and a bastard intruder on the ancient honours of her family. That the Ion was exhibited in the same Tetralogy with the Ino and Erechtheus, and the satyrical drama Sciron, is inferred from considerations more or less precarious" . The date of the Hecuba is fixed to B. C. 424 by two parodies of its language in the Nubes of Aristophanes , which show that it must have appeared before B.C. 423, and by a reference in the play itself to the sacred rites of Delos, which the Athenians took into their own hands in B.C. 425. So that the play must have fallen between these two years 10. And it is conjectured " that the other plays of the Tetralogy were the Alcmena or Licymnius, Pleisthenes or the Pelo1 See Fragments, VI. and VII. 3 By Böckh, de Gr. Trag. Princ. p. 191 . 4 Ion, 184 sqq. 6 v. 1581 : 2 Hartung, I. p. 388. 5 V. 1592. οἱ τῶνδε δ' αὖ παῖδες γενόμενοι ξὺν χρόνῳ πεπρωμένῳ κυκλάδας ἐποικήσουσι νησαίας πόλεις χερσούς τε παράλους ὃ σθένος τήμῇ χθονὶ δίδωσιν . 7 Hartung, I. pp. 451 sqq. 8 718, 1165. 9 466 sqq. 10 It is also supposed that there is an allusion to the Spartan disaster at Pylos in v. 649 : στένει δὲ καί τις ἀμφὶ τὸν εὔροον Εὐρώταν Λάκαινα πολυδάκρυτος ἐν δόμοις κόρα. 11 Hartung, I. pp. 542, 546. EURIPIDES. 145 pida, and the satyrical drama called Theseus, the latter of which must have been of similar import to the Sciron of the immediately previous Tetralogy. The Hecuba, which has always been one of the most popular plays of Euripides, introduces the aged queen of Troy as a marked and vigorous character. After her daughter Polyxena has been torn from her to be sacrificed at the tomb of Achilles, the corpse of her only remaining son Polydorus is cast up by the waves, and she learns that he has been murdered by the treacherous king of Thrace, Polymestor, to whom he had been intrusted along with some treasure. She entices the perfidious wretch and his children into her tent, and there slays them and puts out his eyes ; and she then successfully defends her act when called to an account before Agamemnon, Besides the character of Hecuba, who appears as a sort of philosopher of the Euripidean school , the noble resignation of Polyxena is made to interest the spectators by a display similar to that which we find in the Heracleida and the Iphigenia at Aulis. Some allusions to the inconveniences of old age¹ place the Hercules Furens among the later compositions of Euripides, and certain references to his wish for peace with Thebes and Sparta² strengthen the hypothesis that the play was acted about B. C. 422. It is conjectured that the other plays of the Tetralogy were the Temenides, the Cresphontes¹, and a satyrical drama called Cercyon. In many parts the Hercules is singularly vigorous and effective, but its dramatic merits are seriously compromised by its want of unity in the subject and action. The first part of the play is occupied with the liberation of the family of Hercules from the persecutions of Lycus ; and then Lyssa or madness appears as the only explanation of the frenzy, in which Hercules slays his wife and children. The reference, which the chorus of the Iphigenia at Tauri, supposed to consist of Delian women, makes to the island of Delos and 1 See v. 639 sqq. , especially v. 678 : ἔτι τοι γέρων ἀοιδὸς κελαδεῖ μναμοσύναν, which may be compared with Eschylus, Agam. v. 104. 2 vv. 471, 1135, 1303. 3 Hartung, II. p. 21 sqq. 4 The Cresphontes refers in one of the choral fragments both to the advancing age of the poet and his longing for peace (Fragm. xv) : εἰράνα βαθύπλουτε...... D. T. G. ζῆλός μοι σέθεν, ὡς χρονίζεις, δέδοικα δὲ μὴ πρὶν πόνοις ὑπερβάλῃ με γῆρας πρὶν σὰν προσιδεῖν χαρίεσσαν ὥραν κ.τ.λ. 10 146 EURIPIDES. to the worship of Apollo there¹, may have been prompted by the restoration of the Delians to their island, which the Athenians carried out in B.C. 421 in obedience to an oracle2 ; and, if so, the play may have been performed about this time. It is conjectured³ that the Phrixus, Epopeus, and Alope were the other plays of the Tetralogy. The Iphigenia at Tauri exhibits happier situations and greater taste in the execution than perhaps any play of Euripides. The poet avoids the awkwardness of making the pure and elevated priestess a sacrificer of her unfortunate countrymen. The duty of Iphigenia is only to consecrate the victims , and it has so happened that no Greek has been driven to the inhospitable coast, before the arrival of Orestes5. The mutual recognition of the brother and sister, the plan of flight, and the deep devotion of Orestes to his friend Pylades, sustain the interest of the piece, which has furnished materials for the greatest Tragedy of Pacuvius , and for a singularly beautiful reproduction by Goethe'. The Supplices makes the Argive ruler contract an alliance with Athens, by which all his descendants are to be bounds. This must surely refer to the treaty between Athens and Argos, brought about by Alcibiades in B. C. 420. For Euripides and Alcibiades were in some sort of connexion with one another. A few years previously (B. C. 424), Alcibiades had won the prize at Olympia, and Euripides had written the ode for him . It is probable therefore that Euripides might use his stage-opportunities for recommending the political action of Alcibiades ; and the general subject of the play, the services rendered by Theseus in procuring from the Thebans the interment of the Argive warriors, may have been intended to promote the newly established relations between Argos and Athens. The reference to the three classes in the state is quite in the spirit of Alcibiades himself10. The Andromache describes the persecution of the widow of Hector, now married to Neoptolemus, by Menelaus and his daughter Hermione, the intervention of Peleus to protect her, the abduction of Hermione by Orestes, and the assassination of Neoptolemus by the latter. At the end Thetis appears ex machina to promise the 1 1096 sqq. 4 V. 617 sqq. 2 Thucyd. v. 32, cf. c. I. 3 Hartung, II. p. 142. 5 v. 244 sqq. 6 The Dulorestes. 9 Plut. Vit. Alcibiad. c. II. 7 The Iphigenie auf Tauris. 8 V. 1192 sqq. 10 Comp. Suppl. 247 with Thucyd. VI. 18, § 7. EURIPIDES. 147 deification of Peleus, and the future sovranty of Andromache's descendants among the Molossi. There is a distinct reference in this play to the deceit into which the Spartan ambassadors were led by Alcibiades during the negociations of B. C. 420¹, and there seems little doubt that, as the Supplices recommends the alliance with Argos, the Andromache favours the rupture with Sparta, both brought about by Alcibiades in the same year ; and both plays have been accordingly referred, with the Engmaus and the former Autolycus, to a Tetralogy produced in B. C. 4192. It is known that the Troades was brought out in B.C. 415 with the Alexander, the Palamedes, and the satyrical drama Sisyphus³. The play refers distinctly to the expedition to Sicily, which sailed in this year*; and it is not improbable that the whole Tetralogy was filled with allusions which would be transferred from the successful attack on Troy to the expected capture of Syracuse. There is no play even of Euripides which exhibits such a want of dramatic concentration. It is rather a series of incidents than the proper development of one leading idea. The allotment of Cassandra to Agamemnon, and her prophecies ; the sacrifice of Polyxena, dismissed with a few words, because it had previously appeared in the Hecuba ; the flinging of Astyanax from the walls of the city, and the sorrow of Andromache ; the singular argumentation of Hecuba and Helen before Menelaus ; and the final picture of the conflagration of Troy, form an unconnected succession of scenes, any one of which might have been worked up by dramatic genius into a complete play. The six remaining Tragedies may be grouped in pairs. That the Electra and the Helena were acted together with the Andromeda in B.C. 412, seems to be established by an adequate induction. For the Andromeda was acted eight years before the Rana of Aristophanes , i. e. in B.C. 412. Then again, the Helena was acted with the Andromeda . Finally, the conclusion of the Electra prepares the hearer for the new version of the history of Helen, 1 Comp. Thucyd. v. 45 with Androm. 445 : λέγοντες ἄλλα μὲν γλώσσῃ, φρονοῦντες δ' ἄλλα. 2 Hartung, II. p. 76 8qq. 3 Ælian, V. H. 11. 8. 4 V. 220. 5 Schol. Aristoph. Ran. 53 : ἡ γὰρ ᾿Ανδρομέδα ὀγδόῳ ἔτει προῆκται. 6 Schol. Thesmoph. 1012 : συνδεδίδακται γὰρ (ἡ ᾿Ανδρομέδα) τῇ ῾Ελένῃ. 10-2 148 EURIPIDES. 3 which is given in the play of that name¹, andthe Thesmophoriazusa of Aristophanes, which was brought out in B.C. 411 , speaks of "the new Helen" with distinct reference to this play2. It is therefore tolerably certain that the Electra and Helena were connected plays, and were acted in B. C. 411. There is less reason for the supposition that the Busiris was the satyrical drama of this Tetralogy. In the Electra, as in the Helena, Euripides departs from the established traditions. The former heroine is married to a common countryman, and is exhibited as a good economical housewife. The motives for the murder of Ægisthus by Clytemnestra are purely vindictive, and instead of being justified on religious grounds, the Dioscuri, who appear ex machina at the end, insinuate that Apollo, in recommending the deed, uttered an unwise oracle *. The Helena of Euripides gives us a modification of the view of Stesichorus , which is quite at variance with that of Euripides himself in the Troades. The plot is occupied with the elopement of the innocent and injured heroine from Egypt, where she had resided, while the Greeks were fighting for her at Troy, and Menelaus, with the help of Theonoe, the prophetic sister of the Egyptian king, effects the escape of his wife from the Pharaoh who wished to marry her. The Orestes, which was a tragi-comedy of the same class as the Alcestis , was acted in the archonship of Diocles, B. C. 4087, and must have been the fourth play of the Tetralogy to which it belonged. The third play was the Phonissa . The other two 1 1280 : Πρωτέως γὰρ ἐκ δόμων ἥκει λιποῦσ᾽ Αἴγυπτον, οὐδ᾽ ἦλθεν Φρύγας Ζεὺς δ᾽, ὡς ἔρις γένοιτο καὶ φόνος βροτοῖς, εἴδωλον ῾Ελένης ἐξέπεμψ᾽ ἐς Ἴλιον . In v. 1347 there is probably an allusion to the fresh expedition to Syracuse under Demosthenes. 2 850 : τὴν καινὴν ῾Ελένην μιμήσομαι. 4 Electra, 1244 : 5 3 Hartung, II. p. 360. δίκαια μέν νυν ἥδ' ἔχει· σὺ δ᾽ οὐχὶ δρᾷς, Φοῖβός τε Φοῖβος, ἀλλ᾽ ἄναξ γάρ ἐστ᾽ ἐμός , σιγῶ· σοφὸς δ᾽ ὧν οὐκ ἔχρησέ σοι σοφά. According to Stesichorus Helen never left Greece, but it was her eldwλov, páoµa, which went to Troy. According to Euripides the gods formed a false Helen who went to Troy, while the true one was carried to the Egyptian king Proteus by Hermes. 6 Argum. alt.: Tò таρòv dрâµа Èk тpaɣikoû kwμɩкóv. Cod. Havn. ap. Matth. vII . p. 114 : παρὰ τοῖς τραγικοῖς ἐκβάλλεται ὅ τε Ορέστης καὶ ἡ ᾿Αλκηστις... ἔστι μᾶλλον κωμῳδίας ἐχόμενα. 7 Schol. Orest. 371 ; cf. ad 772. 8 Ibid. 1481 : ἐν τῷ τρίτῳ δράματι οὗτός φησιν ἐν τῷ χορῷ τῷ “ Κάδμος ἔμολε ” (i. e. Phæniss. 638). EURIPIDES. 149 were the Antiope and the Hypsipyle¹ . In the Phonissæ we have the same subject as that of the Seven against Thebes exhibited in the Euripidean style. At the same time, there are unmistakable indications of the writer's acquaintance with the Edipus Coloneus. The introduction of Polyneices, the expulsion of Edipus, and Antigone's resolve to accompany her father, were perhaps suggested by Sophocles ; the determination to bury Polyneices comes from Eschylus. But Euripides has involved himself in a contradiction by making the expulsion of Edipus subsequent to the mutual fratricide, so that one hardly sees how Antigone can perform the double part, which Sophocles has arranged for her without any such inconsistency. There are some fine scenes in the play. The altercation between the two brothers is spirited . The view ofthe besieging host from the roof of the palace is well conceived . And the death of Menaceus would be affecting, if it were not a mere repetition of the self-sacrifice of Macaria in the Heracleida. There is hardly any real Tragedy in the Orestes. The crazy matricide, about to be freed by the Argives and deserted by Menelaus on whom he had placed his reliance , seeks to avenge himself on Helen ; and when she vanishes to heaven, he takes her daughter Hermione as a substitute, and is about to slay her, when the Dioscuri appear and command him to marry the damsel. The cowardice of the Phrygian slave is positively ludicrous, and was perhaps intended to excite the mirth of the audience. After the death of Euripides in B.C. 406, the plays, which he wrote for representation in Macedonia-the Iphigenia at Aulis, the Alemæon at Corinth, the Baccha, and the Archelaus-were produced as new Tragedies at Athens by the younger Euripides, who was probably the nephew of the great Tragedian . It is not improbable that they had been already performed at Pella, for the Baccha is full of allusions to Macedonian scenery³, and the Iphigenia may have been suggested to him during his stay in Magnesia on his route to the north . These two plays, which have come 1 Schol. Arist. Ran. 53 : διὰ τί μὴ ἄλλο τι τῶν δι᾽ ὀλίγου διδαχθέντων καὶ καλῶν, Υψιπύλης, Φοινισσῶν, ᾿Αντιόπης ; ἐπειδὴ οὐ συκοφαντητὰ ἦν τὰ τοιαῦτα. 2 Schol. Arist. Ran. 67, where the younger Euripides is called the son of his name- sake. The ᾿Αλκμαίων διὰ Κορίνθου is so called to distinguish it from the ' Αλκμαίων διὰ Ywpidos acted together with the Alcestis. 3 Cf. vv. 400 where read Пéλav. 565 sqq. 4 Vit. cod. Mediol, coll . Ambros. Hartung, II. p. 510. 150 EURIPIDES. down to us, not without considerable mutilations, may be reckoned among the happiest dramatic efforts of Euripides. In the Iphigenia, Euripides excites our interest and touches our feelings by a very lively picture of the circumstances attending the sacrifice of the princess. Agamemnon's vain attempts to save his daughter, the knightly courage of Achilles, who is willing to fight the whole army on her behalf, the indignation of Clytemnestra, and the selfdevotion of Iphigenia, who, after pleading in the prettiest and most pathetic speech for her life, at last solves all the difficulties by offering herself as a voluntary sacrifice, form a dramatic development, which is found in few of the poet's earlier plays, and which has made this Tragedy a model both for Ennius, and for Racine and Schiller. The text unfortunately is not only mutilated but deformed by tasteless interpolations. The prologue, as it stands, is in a great state of confusion. It begins with a dialogue in anapasts (vv. 1-48) , then follows a monologue of the usual Euripidean style (vv. 49—114) , after which the dialogue in anapæsts is resumed until the entrance of the chorus (v. 164) ¹ . On the other hand, it appears, from a quotation by Ælian², that we have lost the epilogue, in which Artemis appeared and promised to make the sacrifice of Iphigenia illusory, and it has long been held that the concluding scene, as we have it, is an interpolations. There are besides many corruptions in detail . With the exception of some lacunæ in the last scene, the Baccha is in a much better state of preservation than the sister Tragedy. It details the miserable end of Pentheus, who stands alone in obstinate resistance to the worship of Bacchus, when all ¹ Hartung, in his edition of this play, Erlang. 1837, begins the first scene with Agamemnon's speech (v. 47), omitting the five concluding lines . 2 De Animal. VII. 29 : ὁ δὲ Εὐριπίδης ἐν τῇ Ιφιγενείᾳ· ἔλαφον δ' ᾿Αχαιῶν χερσὶν ἐνθήσω φίλαις [1. λάθρα] κεροῦσσαν, ἣν σφάζοντες αὐχήσουσι σὴν σφάζειν θυγάτερα. From the use of the futures evehow and auxhoovo it has been supposed by some critics that these words must have been part of the prologue ; but on must refer to Clytemnestra, who could not have been so addressed till the conclusion of the play. 3 Porson, Præf. Hec. p. xxi. [ 18 ] , speaking of the two readings of Iph. Aul. 1579, says : "si me rogas, utra harum vera sit lectio, respondeo, neutra. Nec quicquam inea refert ; quippe qui persuasus sim, totam eam scenam abusque versu 1541 spuriam esse, et a recentiore quodam, nescio quando, certe post Æliani tempora, suppositam. ' 4 See Böckh, Gr. Tr. Princ. c. XVII.; the editions of Hermann, Lips. 1831 ; Har- tung, Erlang. 1837 ; Monk, Cantabr. 1840 ; also W. Dindorf, Zeitsch. f. d. Alter- thumswiss. Nov. 1839 ; Seyffert, de dupl. rec. Iph. A., Hal. 1831 ; Bartsch, de Eur. Iph. A. Vrat. 1837 ; Zirndorfer, Diss. de Iph. A. Marburg, 1838. EURIPIDES. 151 his family have yielded a willing assent to the new religion. This solemn warning against the dangers of a self-willed Ocoμaxía seems to have made this drama highly suggestive to those intelligent and educated Jews, who first had a misgiving with regard to the wisdom of their opposition to Christianity¹. And the devout and religious tone of the play would almost make us suppose that Euripides himself, at the close of his life, had become converted from the sophistic scepticism of his earlier years . It is probable that the Baccho was always a favourite play in Macedonia, where it was first produced. Olympias, the mother of Alexander the Great, openly played the part of the mother of Pentheus³, and Alexander himself was able to make an apposite quotation from the text of this Tragedy . ¹ This important reference was first made by the writer of these pages in a work entitled, Christian Orthodoxy reconciled with the conclusions of modern Biblical Learning, Lond. 1857, pp. 291–294. 2 cf. vv. 200 : v. 393 : v. 880 : οὐδὲν σοφιζόμεσθα τοῖσι δαίμοσι, κ.τ.λ. τὸ σοφὸν δ᾽ οὐ σοφία, τό τε μὴ θνητὰ φρονεῖν βραχὺς αἰών. ὁρμᾶται μόλις ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως πιστὸν τό γε θεῖον σθένος κ.τ.λ. 3 Plutarch, Vit. Alex. c. 2. 4 Id. Ibid. c. 53 : εἰπεῖν οὖν τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον ὅτι κατ᾽ Εὐριπίδην· τὸν λαβόντα τῶν λόγων καλὰς ἀφορμὰς οὐ μέγ᾽ ἔργον εὖ λέγειν. See Bacch, vv. 266, 267. 152 ÆSCHYLUS' CHOEPHORE. APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I. §§ 2, 3, 4. A. W. SCHLEGEL'S COMPARISON OF THE CHOËPHORE OF ÆSCHYLUS WITH THE ELECTRAS OF SOPHOCLES AND EURIPIDES. THE relation which Euripides bears to his two great predecessors will be set in the clearest light by a comparison between their three plays, which happily are still extant, upon the same subject, namely, Clytemnestra's death by the avenging hand of Orestes . The scene of Æschylus' Choëphore is laid in front of the royal palace ; the tomb of Agamemnon appears on the stage. Orestes enters with his trusty Pylades, and opens the play (which unhappily is somewhat mutilated at the beginning) with a prayer to Mercury and a promise of revenge to his father, to whom he consecrates a lock of his hair. He sees a procession of females clad in mourning attire issuing from the palace ; and thinking he recognizes his sister among them, he steps aside with Pylades, to reconnoitre them before he shows himself. The Chorus, consisting of captive Trojan maidens, in a speech accompanied by gestures of woe, reveal the occasion of their mission to Agamemnon's tomb, namely, a frightful dream of Clytemnestra's : they add their own dark presentiments of vengeance impending over the blood- guilty pair, and bewail their lot in being obliged to serve unrighteous lords. Electra consults the Chorus whether she shall do the bidding of her hostile mother, or pour out the offering in silence, and then by their advice she too addresses a prayer to infernal Mercury and the soul of her father, for herself and the absent Orestes, that he may appear as the avenger. During the pouring out of the libation, she and the Chorus make a lament for the departed hero. Presently, discovering the lock of hair, of a colour resembling her own, and foot-prints round about the tomb, she lights upon the conjecture that her brother has been there ; and while she is beside herself with joy at the thought, he steps forward, and makes himself known. Her doubts he completely overcomes by producing a garment woven by her own hand ; they abandon themselves to their joy ; he addresses a prayer to Jupiter, and makes known how Apollo, under most terrible menaces of persecution by his father's furies; has called upon him to destroy the authors of Agamemnon's death, in the same manner as they had destroyed him, namely, by subtilty. Now follow odes of the Chorus and Electra, consisting partly of prayers to the deceased king and to the infernal deities, partly calling to mind all the motives to the act enjoined upon Orestes, and, above all, the murder of Agamemnon. Orestes inquires about the vision which induced Clytemnestra to send the offerings, and is informed that she dreamed she had a child in the cradle, which child was a dragon which she laid to her breast, and suckled with her own blood . He, then, will be this dragon ; and he explains more particularly how he will steal into the house as a disguised stranger, and take both Ægisthus and herself at unawares. With this intention he departs, accompanied by Pylades. The subject of the ensuing ode is, the boundless audacity of mankind, and especially of women in their unlawful passions ; which it confirms with dreadful examples from mythic story, and shows how avenging Justice is sure to overtake them at last . Orestes, returning ÆSCHYLUS' CHOEPHORE. 153 社 as a stranger with Pylades, craves admission into the palace ; Clytemnestra comes out, and being informed by him that Orestes is dead, at which tidings Electra makes a show of lamentation, she invites him to enter and be her guest. After a short prayer of the Chorus, enters Orestes' nurse, and makes a lament for her nursling ; the Chorus inspires her with a hope that he yet lives, and advises her to send Ægisthus, for whom Clytemnestra has dispatched her, not with, but without, his body-guard. As the moment of danger draws near, the Chorus offers a petition to Jupiter and Mercury that the deed may prosper. Ægisthus enters, holding conversation with the messenger, cannot yet quite persuade himself of an event so joyful to him as Orestes ' death, and therefore hastens into the house, where, after a short prayer of the Chorus, we hear his dying cry. A servant rushes out, and gives the alarm before the door of the women's abode, to warn Clytemnestra. She hears it, comes out, calls for a hatchet to defend herself ; but as Orestes without a moment's delay advances upon her with the bloody sword, her courage fails, and most affectingly she holds before him the breast at which she, his mother, suckled him. Hesitatingly he asks counsel of Pylades, who in a few lines urges him on by the most powerful considerations : after a brief dialogue of accusation and self- vindication, he drives her before him into the palace to slay her beside the corpse of Ægisthus. The Chorus, in a solemn ode, exults in the consummated retribution. The great doors of the palace are thrown open, and disclose, in the chamber, the slain pair laid together on a bed. Orestes orders the servants to unfold, that all may see it, the long trailing garment in which his father, as he drew it on and was muffled in its folds, received the murderous stroke of the axe : the Chorus beholds on it the stains of blood, and breaks out into a lamentation for Agamemnon's murder. Orestes, feeling that his soul is already becoming confused, avails himself of the time that is still left to vindicate his act : he declares that he will repair to Delphi, there to be purified from his blood-guiltiness, and forthwith flees, full of horror, before his mother's Furies, whom the Chorus does not yet see, and deem a phantom of his brain, but who leave him no more rest. The Chorus concludes the play with a reflection on the scene of murder thrice repeated in that royal house since the Thyestean banquet. The scene of Sophocles ' Electra is also laid in front of the palace, but without Agamemnon's tomb. At day-break enter as from abroad, Pylades, Orestes, and his keeper, who on that bloody day had been his preserver. The latter gives him instructions, as he introduces him to the city of his fathers : Orestes replies with a speech upon the commission given him by Apollo, and the manner in which he means to execute it, and then addresses a prayer to the gods of his native land, and to the house of his fathers. Electra is heard sobbing within ; Orestes wishes to greet her immediately, but the old man leads him away to present an offering at the grave of his father. Electra comes out ; in a pathetic address to heaven she pours forth her griefs, and, in a prayer to the infernal deities, her unappeased longing for revenge. The Chorus, consisting of virgins of the land, approaches to administer consolation . Electra, alternating song and speech with the Chorus, makes known her unabatable sorrow, the contumely of her oppressed life, her hopelessness on account of Orestes' many lingerings, notwithstanding her frequent exhortations, and gives faint hearing to the encouraging representations made by the Chorus. Chrysothemis, Clytæmnestra's younger, more submissive, and favourite daughter, comes with a graveoffering, which she is commissioned to bear to her father's sepulchre. An altercation arises between the sisters concerning their different sentiments : Chrysothemis tells Electra that Ægisthus, now absent in the country, has come to the severest resolu- 154 SOPHOCLES' ELECTRA. tions respecting her ; to which the other bids defiance. Then she proceeds to relate how Clytemnestra has had a dream that Agamemnon was come to life again, and planted his sceptre in the floor of the house, whence there sprang up a tree that overshadowed the whole land ; whereby she was so terrified, that she commissioned her to be the bearer of this grave- offering. Electra advises her not to regard the commands of her wicked mother, but to offer at the tomb a prayer for herself, her brother and sister, and for the return of Orestes to take vengeance : she adds to the oblation her own girdle and a lock of her hair. Chrysothemis promises to follow her advice and departs. The Chorus augurs from the dream that retribution is nigh, and traces back the crimes committed in this house to the arch-sin of its first founder, Pelops. Clytæmnestra chides her daughter, to whom, however, perhaps from the effect of the dream, she is milder than usual : she justifies what she did to Agamemnon ; Electra attacks her on that score, but without violent altercation on either side. After this, Clytemnestra, standing beside the altar in front of the house, addresses her prayer to Apollo for welfare and long life, and secretly for the destruction of her son. Now enters the keeper of Orestes, and, in the character of messenger from a Phocian friend, announces the death of Orestes, entering withal into the most minute details, how he lost his life at the chariot- race in the Pythian games. Clytemnestra scarcely conceals her exultation, although at first a touch of maternal feeling comes over her, and she invites the messenger to partake of the hospitality of her house. Electra, in touching speeches and songs, abandons herself to her grief ; the Chorus in vain attempts to console her. Chrysothemis returns from the tomb overjoyed, with the assurance that Orestes is near at hand, for she has found there the lock of his hair, his drink- offering, and wreaths of flowers. Electra's despair is renewed by this account ; she tells her sister the dreadful tidings which have just arrived, and calls upon her, now that no other hope is left them, to take part with her in a daring deed, and put Ægisthus to death ; this proposal Chrysothemis, not possessing the courage, rejects as foolish, and, after a violent altercation, goes into the house. The Chorus bewails Electra now so utterly desolate ; Orestes enters with Pylades and some servants who bear the urn which, it is pretended, contains the ashes of the dead youth. Electra prevails upon him by her entreaties to give it into her hands , and laments over it in the most touching speeches ; by which Orestes is so overcome, that he can no longer conceal himself : after some preparation, he makes himself known to her, and confirms the discovery by showing her the signet-ring of their father. She gives vent, in speech and song, to her unbounded joy, until the old man comes out, rebukes them both for their imprudence, and warns them to refrain themselves. Electra with some difficulty recognizes in him the faithful servant to whom she had entrusted Orestes for preservation, and greets him thankfully. By the old man's advice, Orestes and Pylades hastily betake themselves with him into the house to surprise Clytemnestra while she is yet alone. Electra offers a prayer in their behalf to Apollo: the ode of the Chorus announces the moment of retribution . From within the house is heard the shriek of the dismayed Clytemnestra, her brief entreaties, her wailings under the death- blow. Electra, from without, calls upon Orestes to finish the deed: he comes out with bloody hands. The Chorus sees Ægisthus coming, and Orestes hastes back into the house to take him by surprise. Ægisthus inquires about the death of Orestes, and from Electra's equivocal replies is led to believe that his corpse is within the house. He therefore orders the doors to be thrown open to convince those among the people who bore his sway with reluctance, that there is no more hope from Orestes. The middle entry is thrown open, and discloses in the EURIPIDES' ELECTRA. 155 interior of the palace a covered body lying on a bed. Orestes stands beside it and bids Ægisthus uncover it : he suddenly beholds the bloody corpse of Clytemnestra, and finds himself lost past redemption. He desires to be allowed to speak, which, however, Electra forbids. Orestes compels him to go into the house, that he may slay him on the selfsame spot where Ægisthus had murdered his father. The scene of Euripides' Electra lies, not in Mycenæ, but on the borders of the Argolic territory, in the open country, in front of a poor solitary cottage. The inhabitant, an old peasant, comes out, and in the prologue tells the audience how matters stand in the royal house ; partly what was known already, but moreover, that not content to treat Electra with ignominy and leave her unwedded, they had married her beneath her rank to him ; the reasons he assigns for this procedure are strange enough, but he assures the audience he has too much respect for her to debase her in reality to the condition of his wife. They are therefore living in virgin wedlock. Electra comes out, before it is yet day-break, bearing on her head, which is shorn in servile fashion, a pitcher with which she is going to fetch water ; her husband conjures her not to trouble herself with such unwonted labours, but she will not be kept from the performance of her housewifely duties, and the two depart, he to his work in the field, she upon her errand. Orestes now enters with Pylades, and in a speech to his friend states that he has already sacrificed at his father's grave, but that he does not venture into the city, but wishes to look about for his sister (who, he is aware, is married and lives hereabout on the frontier) , that he may learn from her the posture of affairs. He sees Electra coming with the water-pitcher, and retires. She strikes up a song of lamentation over her own fate and that of her father. The Chorus, consisting of rustic women, comes and exhorts her to take part in a festival of Juno, which she however, in the dejection of her sorrow, and pointing to her tattered garments, declines. They offer to lend her a supply of holiday gear, but she is fixed in her purpose. She espies Orestes and Pylades in their lurking- place, takes them for robbers, and is about to flee into her cottage ; upon Orestes coming forth and stopping her, she thinks he is going to kill her ; he pacifies her and gives her tidings that her brother lives. Hereupon he inquires about her situation, and then the whole matter is drilled into the audience once more. Orestes still forbears to make himself known, but merely promises to do Electra's commission to her brother, and testifies his sympathy as a stranger. The Chorus think this too good an opportunity to be lost of gratifying their own ears also with a little news from town ; whereupon Electra, after describing her own miserable condition, depicts the wanton and insolent behaviour of her mother and Ægisthus : this wretch, she says, capers upon Agamemnon's grave and pelts it with stones. The peasant returns from his work, and finds it not a little indecorous in his wife to be gossiping with young men ; but when he hears they are the bearers of intelligence from Orestes, he invites them into his house in the most friendly manner. Orestes, at sight of this worthy man, enters into a train of moral reflections, how often it does happen that the most estimable men are found in low families, and under an unpromising exterior. Electra reproves her husband for inviting them, knowing as he does that they have nothing in the house ; he is of opinion that even were it so, the strangers would goodnaturedly put up with it ; but a good housewife can always manage to get together all sorts of dishes, her stores will surely hold out for one day. She sends him to Orestes' old keeper, and former preserver, who lives hard by in the country, to hid him come and bring along with him something for their entertainment. The peasant departs with saws upon riches and moderation. Off flies the Chorus into an ode upon the expedi- 156 EURIPIDES' ELECTRA. tion of the Greeks against Troy, prolixly describes all that was graven on the shield of Achilles which his mother Thetis brought him, but winds it up however with the wish that Clytemnestra may be punished for her wickedness. The old keeper, who finds it right hard work to climb up-hill to the house, brings Electra a lamb, a cheese, and a skin of wine ; hereupon he falls a weeping, not forgetting, of course, to wipe his eyes with his tattered garments. In replying to Electra s questions, he relates how at the grave of Agamemnon he had found traces of an oblation together with a lock of hair, and therefore he conjectures that Orestes has been there. Hereupon ensues an allusion to the mode of recognition used by Eschylus, namely by the resemblance of the hair, the size of the foot- marks, the garment, which are demonstrated, all and several, to be absurd. The seeming improbability of the Eschylean anagnorisis perhaps admits of being cleared up ; at all events one may easily let it pass ; but a reference like this, to another author's treatment of the same subject, is the most annoying interruption, the most alien from genuine poetry that can possibly be. The guests come out ; the old keeper reconnoitres Orestes with a scrutinizing eye, knows him, and convinces even Electra that it is he, by a scar on his eyebrow received from a fall in his childhood—-so this is the superb invention for which Eschylus' is to be cashiered ! —they embrace, and abandon themselves to their joy during a short ode of the Chorus. In a lengthy dialogue, Orestes, the old man, and Electra concert their plans. Ægisthus, the old man knows, has gone into the country to sacrifice to the Nymphs : there Orestes will steal in as a guest and fall upon him by surprise. Clytemnestra, for fear of evil tongues, has not gone with him : Electra offers to entice her mother to them by the false intelligence of her being in childbed. The brother and sister now address their united prayers to the gods and their father's shade for a happy issue. Electra declares she will make away with herself if it should miscarry, and for that purpose will have a sword in readiness. The old man departs with Orestes to conduct him to Ægisthus, and afterwards to betake himself to Clytemnestra. The Chorus sings the Golden Ram, which Thyestes stole from Atreus by the help of the treacherous wife of the latter, and how he was punished for it by the feast made for him with his own children's flesh, at the sight of which the Sun turned out of his course : a circumstance, however, concerning which the Chorus, as it sapiently adds, is very sceptical. From a distance is heard a noise of tumult and groans, Electra thinks her brother is overcome, and is going to kill herself. But immediately there comes a messenger, who, prolixly and with divers jokes, relates the manner of Ægisthus' death. Amidst the rejoicing of the Chorus, Electra fetches a wreath with which she crowns her brother, who holds in his hand the head of Ægisthus by the hair. This head she in a long speech upbraids with its follies and crimes, and says to it, among other things, "it is never well to marry a woman with whom one has lived before in illicit intercourse ; that it is an unseemly thing when a woman has the mastery in the family, " &c. Clytemnestra is seen approaching, Orestes is visited by scruples of conscience concerning his purpose of putting a mother to death, and concerning the authority of the oracle, but is induced by Electra to betake himself into the cottage there to accomplish the deed. The queen comes in a superb chariot hung with tapestry, and attended by her Trojan female slaves. Electra would help her to descend, but this she declines. Thereupon she justifies what she had done to Agamemnon by reference to the sacrifice of Iphigenia, and requires her daughter to make her objections ; all which is in order to give Electra an opportunity of holding a captious, quibbling harangue, in which, among other things, she upbraids her mother with having sat COMPARISON OF THE THREE PLAYS. 157 before her mirror, and studied her toilette too much while Agamemnon was away. Clytemnestra is not angry, although Electra plainly declares her purpose of putting her to death if ever she should have the power ; she inquires about her daughter's confinement, and goes into the cottage to perform the ceremonies of purification. Electra accompanies her with a sarcastic speech. Then we have a choral ode upon retribution, the cry of the murdered woman within the house, and the brother and sister return stained with blood . They are full of remorse and despair at what they have done, afflict themselves by repeating to each other their mother's lamentable speeches and gestures ; Orestes will flee into foreign lands, Electra asks " who will marry me now ? " The Dioscuri, their uncles, appear in the air, vituperate Apollo for his oracle, command Orestes, in order to secure himself from the Furies, to go and have himself tried by the Areopagus ; they also prophesy his further destinies. They then ordain a marriage between Electra and Pylades, her first husband to be taken with them to Phocis and handsomely provided for. After reiterated wailings, the brother and sister take a life-long farewell of each other, and the play comes to an end. It is easy to perceive , that Eschylus has grasped the subject on its most terrific side, and borne it back into the domain of the gloomy deities, in which he so much delights to take up his abode. Agamemnon's grave is the murky centre, whence the avenging retribution emanates ; his gloomy ghost, the soul of the whole poem. The very obvious exterior imperfection, of the play's dwelling too long on one point without perceptible progress, becomes in fact a true interior perfection : it is the hollow stillness of expectation before a storm or earthquake. It is true there is much repetition in the prayers, but their very accumulation gives the impression of a great unheard- of purpose, to which human powers and motives alone are inadequate. In the murdering of Clytemnestra and in her heartrending speeches, the poet, without disguising her crimes, has gone to the utmost verge of all that he had a right to demand of our feelings. The crime which is to be punished is kept in view from the very first by the tomb, and at the conclusion is brought still nearer to the eye of memory by the unfolding of the fatal garment : thus Agamemnon, even after full revenge, is murdered, as it were, afresh before the mental eye. Orestes' betaking himself to flight betrays no undignified remorse or weakness ; it is only the inevitable tribute which he must pay to offended Nature. How admirably Sophocles has managed the subject I need only remark in general terms. What a beautiful preface he has made, in those introductory scenes to that mission of Clytemnestra's to the tomb with which Eschylus begins at once ! With what polished ornament he has invested the whole, for example in the story of the games ! How skilfully he husbands the pathos of Electra-first, general expressions of woe, then, hopes derived from the dream, their annihilation by the intelligence of Orestes' death, new hopes suggested by Chrysothemis only to be rejected, and, last of all, the mourning over the urn ! The noble spirit of Electra is finely set off by the contrast with her tamer sister. Indeed the poet has given quite a new turn to the subject by directing the interest principally to Electra. A noble pair he has made of this brother and sister ; allotting to the female character invincible constancy and devotedness, the heroism of endurance ; to the male, the beautiful vigour of a hero's youthful prime. To this the old man in his turn opposes thoughtfulness and experience : the circumstance that both poets leave Pylades silent¹ is an instance how greatly ancient art disdained all useless redundancy. 1 [Pylades speaks in the Choeph. 900 sqq.- ] 158 COMPARISON OF THE THREE PLAYS. But what especially characterizes the tragedy of Sophocles, is the heavenly serenity amid a subject so terrific, the pure breath of life and youth which floats through the whole. The radiant god Apollo, who enjoined the deed , seems to shed his influence over it ; even the day-break at the opening of the play is significant. The grave and the world of shades are kept afar off in the distance ; what in Eschylus is effected by the soul of the murdered monarch, proceeds here from the heart of the living Electra, which is gifted with equal energy for indignant hatred and for love. Remarkable is the avoidance of every gloomy foreboding in the very first speech of Orestes, where he says, he feels no concern at being thought to be dead, so long as he knows himself to be alive in sound health and strength. Nor is he visited either before or after the deed by misgivings and compunctions of conscience ; so that all that concerns his purpose and act is more sternly sustained in Sophocles than in Æschylus ; the terrific stroke of theatrical effect in the person of Ægisthus, and the reserving this person to await an ignominious execution at the end of the play, is even more austere than any thing in Eschylus' play. The most striking emblem of the relation the two poets bear to each other is afforded by Clytemnestra's dreams : both are equally apt, significant, ominous ; Eschylus' is grander but horrible to the senses ; that of Sophocles, terrible and majestically beautiful withal. Euripides' play is a singular instance of poetical or rather unpoetical obliquity ; to expose all its absurdities and contradictions would be an endless undertaking. Why, for instance, does Orestes badger his sister by keeping up his incognito so long ? How easy the poet makes his labour, when, if any thing stands in his way, he just shoves it aside without further ceremony-as here the peasant, of whom, after he has sent up the old keeper, nobody knows where he is all this while ! The fact is, partly Euripides wanted to be novel, partly he thought it too improbable that Orestes and Pylades should despatch the king and his wife in the midst of their capital city ; to avoid this he has involved himself in still grosser improbabilities. If there be in the play any relish whatever of the tragic vein, it is not his own, it belongs to the fable, to his predecessors, and to tradition. Through his views it has ceased at least to be a tragedy ; he has laboured every way to lower it down to the level of a ' family-picture, " as the modern phrase is. The effect attempted in Electra's indigence is sad claptrap : he betrays the knack of his craft in her complacent ostentation of her own misery. In all the preparatives to the deed there is utter levity of mind and want of inward conviction : it is a gratuitous torturing of one's feelings that Ægisthus with his expressions of goodnatured hospitality, and Clytemnestra with her kindly compassion towards her daughter, are set in an amiable point of view, just to touch us in their behalf : the deed is no sooner accomplished but it is obliterated by a most despicable repentance, a repentance which is no moral feeling at all, but a mere animal revulsion. Of the calumniations of the Delphian oracle I shall say nothing. As the whole play is annihilated thereby, I cannot see for what end Euripides wrote it at all, except it were that a comfortable match might be got up for Electra, and that the old peasant might make his fortune as a reward for his continency. I could only wish Pylades were married out of hand, and the peasant fingered a specified sum of money told out to him upon the spot in hard cash : in that case all would end to the audience's satisfaction like a common comedy. Not to be unjust however, I must add the remark, that the Electra is perhaps of all Euripides' extant plays the very vilest. Was it rage for novelty that led him here into such vagaries ? No doubt it was a pity that in this subject two such predecessors had forestalled him. But what forced him to measure himself with them, and to write an Electra at all ? CHAPTER I. SECTION V. AGATHON AND THE REMAINING TRAGEDIANS. Επιφυλλίδες ταῦτ᾽ ἐστὶ καὶ στωμύλματα, Χελιδόνων μουσεῖα, λωβηταὶ τέχνης, “Α φροῦδα θᾶττον, ἢν μόνον χορὸν λάβῃ. ARISTOPHANES. INN addition to the seven Tragedians, of whom we have attempted to give some account, a list of thirty-four names of tragic poets, so called, has been drawn up¹. Of these, very few are worthy of even the slightest mention, and we have but scanty information respecting those few, of whom we might have wished to know more. ION, the son of Orthomenes of Chios, was, according to Suidas, not only a tragedian, but a lyric poet and philosopher also. He began to exhibit in B.C. 451, and wrote twelve, thirty, or forty dramas. The names of eleven have been collected². He gained the third prize when Euripides was first with the Hippolytus in B.C. 428. He wrote, not only Tragedies, but elegies *, dithyrambs , and an account of the visits paid by eminent men to his native island . Though he did not exhibit till after Euripides had commenced his dramatic career, and though he was, like that poet, a friend of Socrates" , we should be inclined to infer, from his having written dithyrambs, that he belonged to an earlier age of the 1 By Clinton, F. H. 11. pp. xxxii. —xxxv. ? By Bentley (Epistola ad Millium. ) 4 Athenæus, X. p. 436. 6 Athenæus, III. p. 93. 3 Argum. Hippolyti. 5 Aristoph. Pax, 798. 7 Diogenes Laert. II . p. 23. 160 AGATHON AND THE dramatic art, and that his plays were free from the corruptions which Euripides had introduced into Greek Tragedy : it is, indeed, likely that a foreigner would copy rather from the old models, than from modern innovations. He died before Euripides, for he was dead when Aristophanes brought out the Peace¹ (B. C. 419) . From an anecdote mentioned by Athenæus, that he presented each Athenian citizen with a Chian vase, on one occasion, when he gained the tragic prize², we may infer that he was a man of fortune. ARISTARCHUS, of Tegea, who first exhibited in B.C. 454, deserves to be mentioned as having furnished models for the imitations of Ennius. ACHÆUS, of Eretria, must also be considered as belonging to an earlier age of the tragic art than Euripides, whose senior he was by four years. He wrote forty-four, thirty, or twenty-four dramas, but only gained one tragic victory³. His countryman Menedemus considered him the best writer of satyrical dramas after Eschylus+. AGATHON was, like his friend Euripides, a dramatic sophist. He is best known to us from his appearance in the Banquet of Plato, which is supposed to have been held at his house on the day after the celebration of his tragic victory. This appears to have taken place at the Lenæa, in the archonship of Euphemius, B.C. 4165. He is introduced to us by Plato as a welldressed, handsome young man, courted by the wealth and wisdom of Athens, and exercising the duties of hospitality with all the ease and refinement of modern politeness. In the Epideixis, in praise of love, which he is there made to pronounce, we are presented with the artificial and rhetorical expressions which his friend Aristophanes attributes to his style ", and which we might 1 Schol. Pac. 837 : ὅτι ὁ μὲν Ἴων ἤδη τέθνηκε, δῆλον. 2 Athenæus, I. p. 4. 3 Suidas. 4 Diog. Laert. II. p. 133. 5 Athenæus, v. p. 217 Δ : ἐπὶ ἄρχοντος Εὐφήμου στεφανοῦται Ληναίοις. 6 It will be recollected, that Aristophanes is introduced at Plato's Banquet among the other intimates of Agathon. 7 Μέλλει γὰρ ὁ καλλιεπής ᾿Αγάθων Δρυύχους τιθέναι, δράματος ἀρχάς REMAINING TRAGEDIANS. 161 have expected from a pupil of Gorgias¹ . Aristotle tells us that he was the first to introduce into his dramas arbitrary choral songs, which had nothing to do with the subject ; and it appears from the same author that he sometimes wrote pieces with fictitious names, which Schlegel justly concludes were something between the idyl and the newest form of Comedy³. He was residing at the court of Archelaus when Euripides died : the cause of his departure from Athens is not known. He is represented as a delicate and effeminate person in Aristophanes' play, called the OcoμopopiaCovoa ; and it is, perhaps, only the intimacy subsisting between Aristophanes and him which has gained for him the affectionate tribute of esteem which the comedian puts into the mouth of Bacchus , and has saved him from the many strictures which he deserved, both as a poet and as a man. The time of his death is not recorded. XENOCLES, though he is called an execrable poet , gained a tragic prize with a Trilogy, over the head of Euripides, in B.C. 415. He was the son of CARCINUS, a tragedian of whom nothing is known, and is continually ridiculed by Aristophanes. His brothers, Xenotimus and Demotinus or Xenoclitus, were choral dancers. Κάμπτει δὲ νέας ἀψῖδας ἐπῶν Τὰ δὲ τορνεύει, τὰ δὲ κολλομελεῖ, Καὶ γνωμοτυπεί, καντονομάζει, Καὶ κηροχυτεῖ, καὶ γογγύλλει, Καὶ χορεύει. Thesmoph. 49. 1 It appears from the Banquet that he was Gorgias' pupil : his imitation of Gorgias is mentioned by Philostratus, de Soph. I. : 'Αγάθων ὁ τῆς τραγῳδίας ποιητὴς δν ἡ κωμῳδία σοφόν τε καὶ καλλιεπῆ οἶδε (in allusion to the last quotation) πολλαχοῦ τῶν ἰαμβείων yopyiάsei: and by the Clarkian Scholiast on Plato (Gaisford, p. 173) : éµµeîтo dè тǹv κομψότητα τῆς λέξεως Γοργίου τοῦ ῥήτορος. 2 Τοῖς δὲ λοιποῖς τὰ ᾀδόμενα οὐ μᾶλλον τοῦ μύθου, ἢ ἄλλης τραγῳδίας ἐστί· δι᾿ ὃ ἐμβόλιμα ᾄδουσι, πρώτου ἄρξαντος ᾿Αγάθωνος τοιούτου. Aristot. Poet. XVIII. 22. 3 Lect. v. ad fin. One of these was called the Flower. Aristot. Poet. IX. 7. 4 Schol. ad Aristoph. Ran. 85 ; Ælian, V. H. II. 21, XIII. 4 ; Clark. Schol. Plato. p. 173. 5 Thesmoph. 29 sqq. 191, 192. 6 Ran. 84: Ηρ. ᾿Αγάθων δὲ ποὖστιν ; Δι. ἀπολιπών μ' ἀποίχεται, ᾿Αγαθὸς ποιητὴς καὶ ποθεινὸς τοῖς φίλοις. 7 Aristoph. Ran. 86 ; Thesm. 169. 8 Ælian, V. H. II. 8. On the son of Cleomachus ' (Athen. XIV. 638 F) who defeated Sophocles, see Meineke, Fragm. Com. Ant. p. 28 ; Müller, Hist. Lit. Gr. 1. p. 505 (new. ed. ) . D. T. G. 11 162 AGATHON AND THE IOPHON, the son of Sophocles, is described by Aristophanes' as a man whose powers were, at the time of his father's death, not yet sufficiently proved to enable a critic to determine his literary rank. He appears, however, to have been a creditable dramatist, and gained the second prize in 428 B. C. , when Euripides was first and Ion third". EUPHORION, the son of Eschylus, deserves to be mentioned as having obtained the first prize, when Sophocles gained the second, and Euripides the third. He probably produced, on this occasion, one of his father's posthumous Tragedies, with which he is said to have conquered four times. He did, however, occasionally bring out Tragedies of his own composing³. EURIPIDES and SOPHOCLES, the nephew and grandson respectively of their namesakes, are said to have exhibited, either for the first or for the second time, some of the dramas of their relatives. The younger Sophocles reproduced the Edipus at Colonus, in 401 B. C.; and first contended in his own name 396 B.C.5 Euripides the younger is said to have published an edition of Homer®. MELETUS, the accuser of Socrates, is stated to have been a tragedian , and a writer of drinking songs . Edipus was the subject of one of his plays". CHÆREMON, who flourished about B.C. 380, was celebrated for his Centaur, in which he mixed up the drama with the styles of epic and lyric poetry then fashionable¹º. He had a great talent for description, but his works were better suited for the closet than for the stage¹¹. 1 Ran. 73 sqq. 2 Arg. Hippolyti. 4 Elms. ad Bacch. p. 14, and Suidas. 5 Diodor. Sic. XIV. 53. 3 Suidas, V. Evpoplav. Argument. Medece. 6 Suidas. 7 Schol. Ran. 1337 : τραγικός ποιητὴς ὁ Μέλητος· οὗτος δέ ἐστιν ὁ Σωκράτῃ γραψά μενος κωμῳδεῖται δὲ ὡς ψυχρὸς ἐν τῇ ποιήσει καὶ ὡς πονηρὸς τὸν τρόπον. 8 Ran. 1297. 9 Gaisford, Lect. Platon. p. 170. 10 Aristot. Poet. I.; Athenæus, XIII . p. 608. 11 Aristot. Rhet. III. 12. REMAINING TRAGEDIANS. 163 SOSICLES, of Syracuse, gained seven victories, and wrote seventy-three Tragedies. He flourished in the reigns of Philip and Alexander of Macedon¹. The tyrants CRITIAS and DIONYSIUS the elder, and the rhetorician THEODECTES obtained some eminence as Tragedians. In the reign of Ptolemy Philadelphus, seven tragic poets flourished at Alexandria, who were called the Pleias2 ; their names were, HOMERUS, SOSITHEUS, LYCOPHRON, ALEXANDER ETOLUS, ÆANTIDES, SOSIPHANES, and PHILISCUS³. It is quite uncertain, however, how far their works possessed an independent and original character ; it is probable that the best of these tragedies were servile imitations of the great Attic models , and some of them may have been mere centos, not altogether unlike the Christus Patiens of Gregorius Nazianzenus" . 1 Suidas . He is not in Clinton's list . 2 The Alexandrian custom of making Pleiads or groups of seven for "the stars " of the day, is shown also by the well-known enumeration of the seven wonders of the world. 3 The authorities do not agree in their lists of these tragedians. There are four different catalogues (Clinton, F. H. ш . p. 502) ; Homerus, Philiscus, and Lycophron appear in all four ; Alexander Etolus and Sositheus in three ; antides has three testimonies, and Sosiphanes has two ; and Dionysides, who is substituted for Sosiphanes in one of the lists, is attested by Strabo, XIV. p. 675. 4 In the list of Lycophron's tragedies we have two plays entitled Edipus, and others called Eolus, Andromeda, Hercules, Supplices, Hippolytus, Pentheus. 5 "The Alexandrine scholars also took to manufacturing tragedies ; but if we may form a judgment from the only extant specimen, Lycophron's Alexandra, which consists of an interminable monologue, full of vaticination and lumbered with obscure mythology, these productions of a would-be-poetical dilettantism were utterly lifeless , untheatrical, and every way flat and unprofitable. The creative power of the Greeks in this department was so completely defunct, that they were obliged to content them- selves with repetitions of the old masterpieces. " On the Alexandra, which was not a tragedy, as Schlegel supposes, see Hist. Lit. Gr. II. pp. 437 foll. 11-2 CHAPTER II. ON THE GREEK COMEDIANS. SECTION I. THE COMEDIANS WHO PRECEDED OR WERE CONTEMPORARY WITH ARISTOPHANES. Quorum Comedia prisca virorum est. HORATIUS. FROROM the first exhibition of Epicharmus to the last of Posidippus, the first and last of the Greek comedians, is a period of about 250 years ; and between these two poets, one hundred and four authors are enumerated¹ , who are all said to have written Comedies. The claims of some of these, however, to the rank of comedians are very doubtful, and two who are contained in the list, Sophron and his son Xenarchus, were mimographers, and as such, were not only not comedians, but hardly dramatists at all, in the Greek sense of the word. It has been already mentioned that Greek Comedy did not attain to a distinct literary form until it became Athenian ; and that, in its Attic form , it presents itself in three successive varieties—the Old, the Middle, and the New Comedy. The Sicilian Comedy, which, in some of its features, resembled the Middle, rather than the Old Comedy, found its origin in the same causes as the latter, being immediately connected with the old farces of Megara and the rustic buffooneries, which were common to the whole of Greece. The absence, indeed, of a distinct political reference deprived it of that ingredient which gave its greatest significance to the plays of Aristophanes and his principal Athenian contemporaries during 1 By Clinton, F. H. 11. pp. xxxvi-xlvii , PREDECESSORS OR CONTEMPORARIES OF ARISTOPHANES. .165 the first half of the Peloponnesian war, and on this account we cannot class the dramatic efforts of the Siceliotes with those of the Attic poets. But the Sicilian Comedy comes first in chronological order, and Aristotle connects Crates with Epicharmus. Before therefore we speak of the Attic comedians, we must give some account of Epicharmus and his school. EPICHARMUS, the son of Helothales, whom Theocritus calls the inventor of Comedy¹, and who, according to Plato², bore the same relation to Comedy that Homer did to Tragedy, was a native of Cos³ and went to Sicily with Cadmus, the son of Scythes, about the year 488 B.C. After residing a short time at the Sicilian Megara¹, he was removed to Syracuse along with the other inhabitants of that town, when it was conquered by Gelo in B.C. 484. Diogenes Laertius states that Epicharmus was only three months old when he went first to Sicily : but this is contradicted by his own statement, that the poet was one of the auditors of Pythagoras , who died in 497 B. C. , by the statement of Aristotle , that he was long before Chionides and Magnes, and by the fact that he was a man of influence in the reign of Hiero, who died eighteen years after the date of Epicharmus' arrival in Sicily. Besides being a Pythagorean and a comic poet, he is said to have been a physician, as was also his brother. This has been considered an additional proof of his Coan origin". He was ninety 1 "Α τε φωνὰ Δώριος, χώνήρ, ὁ τὰν κωμῳδίαν Εὑρὼν Επίχαρμος Ω Βάκχε, χαλκεόν νιν ἀντ᾽ ἀλαθινοῦ Τὶν ὧδ᾽ ἀνέθηκαν, Τοὶ Συρακόσσαις ἐνίδρυνται Πελωρεῖς τῇ πόλει, Οἱ ἀνδρὶ πολίτα, Σωρὸν γὰρ εἶχε χρημάτων, μεμναμένοι Τελεῖν ἐπίχειρα. Πολλὰ γὰρ ποττὰν ζοάν τοῖς παισὶν εἶπε χρήσιμα. Μεγάλα χάρις αὐτῷ. Εpig. XVII. 2 Theœtet. p. 152 Ε : οἱ ἄκροι τῆς ποιήσεως ἑκατέρας, κωμῳδίας μὲν Επίχαρμος, τραγῳδίας δὲ Όμηρος. 3 Diog. Laert. VIII. 78. 4 See Müller, Dorians, 1. 8, § 5, note (q), and IV. 7, § 2. 5 Diog. u. s.: καὶ οὗτος ἤκουσε Πυθαγόρου. 6 ᾽Εκεῖθεν [ἐκ Σικελίας] γὰρ ἦν Επίχαρμος ὁ ποιητὴς, πολλῳ πρότερος ὢν Χιωνίδου Kai Máyvnros. Arist. Poet. III . 5.—Chionides, on the authority of Suidas and Eudo- cia, began to exhibit B. C. 487 : Aristotle's expression, πoλλ πρóтepos ŵr Xuwvidov, would therefore almost induce us to carry back the date of Epicharmus' first Comedy still higher than B. C. 500. 7 Müller, Dor. IV. 7, § 2. 166. THE COMEDIANS WHO PRECEDED OR WERE or ninety-seven years old when he died ' . The Comedies of Epicharmus were partly parodies of mythological subjects, and as such, not very different from the dialogue of the satyrical drama ; partly political, and in this respect may have furnished a model for the dialogue of the old Athenian Comedy. He must have made some advance towards the Comedy of Character, if it be true that the Menæchmi of Plautus was founded upon one of his plays³, and Müller has therefore well remarked , that although " the Sicilian Comedy in its artistic development preceded the Attic by about a generation, yet the transition to the middle Attic Comedy, as it is called, is easier from Epicharmus than from Aristophanes, who appears very unlike himself in the play which tends towards the form of the Middle Comedy. " It is not stated expressly that he had choruses in his Comedies ; it seems, however, probable from the title of one of them (the Kwμaσraí) that he had³. His stylewas not less varied than his subjects ; for while, on the one hand, he indulged in the wildest buffoonery, he was fond, on the other hand, of making his characters discourse most philosophically on all topics, and we may discern in many of his remaining lines that moral and gnomic element which contributed so much to the formation of the dialogue in the Attic Tragedy . Aristotle charges him with using false antithesis ", the effect perhaps of his acquaintance with the forced and artificial rhetoric of the Sicilians. The titles of thirty-five of his Comedies are known8. • Although Epicharmus is mentioned as the inventor of Comedy, 1 Diog. Laert. (VIII. 78) gives the former number ; Lucian (Macrob. xxv. ) the latter. 2 On the nature of the Comedy of Epicharmus, see Müller, Dor. IV. 7, §§ 2, 3, 4; Hist. Lit. Gr. II. pp. 44 [ 56 new ed.] sqq. 3 Prolog. Menæchm. 12. 5 See above, p. 71. 4 Hist. Lit. Gr. II. p. 46 [ 59 new ed. ]. See the passages in Clinton, F. H. II . p. xxxvi. note (g) . 7 Rhetoric, III. 9. 8 These titles are as follows : 1. Αλκυών, 2. Αμυκος, 3. Αταλάνται, 4. Βάκχαι, 5. Βούσιρις, 6. Γᾶ καὶ Θάλασσα, 7. Διόνυσοι, 8. Ἐλπὶς ἢ Πλοῦτος, 9. Ηβας γάμος, 10. Ἡρακλῆς Παράφορος, 11. Κύκλωψ, 12. Κωμασταὶ ἢ Ηφαιστος, 13. Μέγαρις, 14. Μοῦσαι, 15. Νιόβης γάμος, 16. Οδυσσεὺς αὐτόμολος, 17. Ὀδυσσεὺς ναυαγός, 18. Προμηθεὺς Πυρκαεύς, 19. Σειρήνες, 20. Σκίρων, 21. Σφίγξ, 22. Τρώες, 23. Φιλοκτήτης, 24. Αγρωστίνοι, 25. Αρπαγαί, 26. Δίφιλος, 27. Εορτή, 28. Θεωροί, 29. Λόγος ἢ Λογική, 30. Νᾶσοι, 31. Ορύα, 32. Περίαλλος, 33. Пépoal, 34. Пi0wv, 35. Xúтpai. See Fabricius, II. p. 300, Harles, where however there are some repetitions of names. CONTEMPORARY WITH ARISTOPHANES. 167 it is probable that PHORMIS¹, or Phormus², preceded him by a few Olympiads ; for he was the tutor to the children of Gelon, Hiero's predecessor. He is supposed to have been the same with the Phormis of Mænalus, who distinguished himself in the service of Gelo and Hiero in a military capacity³. From the titles of his plays, it is presumed that they were mythological parodies *. He is said to have been the first to cover the stage with purple skins5. DINOLOCHUS, according to Suidas the son, according to others the scholar of Epicharmus, flourished about B. c. 487. He was a native of Syracuse or Agrigentum : probably he was born at the latter place, and represented at Syracuse. Elian says he contended with Epicharmus . While the Doric Comedy was rapidly advancing to perfection in Sicily, a comic drama originally perhaps of much the same kind, sprang up in Attica. This was the old Comedy, which was represented by a list of forty poets, and some three hundred plays, including in the calculation the great name of Aristophanes. Reserving him and his works for a separate chapter we shall here enumerate the leading poets of the old Comedy, who were his predecessors or contemporaries. CHIONIDES, Who is called the first writer of the old Athenian Comedy, was a contemporary of the Sicilian comedians . To judge from the three titles which have come down to us-the Ἥρωες, Πέρσαι ἢ Ασσυριοί, and the Πτωχοί, we should conclude that his Comedies had a political reference, and were full of personal satire ; and, from an allusion in Vitruvius , we may infer, 1 Aristot. Poet. III. 5 ; V. 5. 2 Athenæus, XIV. 652 A ; Suidas Þópμos. 3 Pausan. V. 27, 1. Bentley thinks he is the same with the poet : not so Müller, Dor. IV. 7, § 2, note (g). 4 Three of them were called Κεφαῖος, 'Αλκυόνες, and ᾿Ιλίου πόρθησις. 5 Suid. Comp. Aristot. Ethic. IV. 2, 20. 6 Ælian, H. A. VI. 51 . 7 Suidas, s. v. Σιωνίδης, says that he was the πρωταγωνιστὴς τῆς ἀρχαίας κωμῳδίας, and that he exhibited eight years before the Persian war, i. e. in B. C. 488. Aristotle therefore, or rather, his interpolator (Poet. III. 5), must be misinformed when he says that Epicharmus flourished long before Chionides and Magnes. 8 "Hæc ita esse plures philosophi dixerunt, non minus etiam poetæ, qui antiquas 168 THE COMEDIANS WHO PRECEDED OR WERE that they were gnomic like those of Epicharmus. The same appears to have been the character of the Comedies of his countryman and contemporary MAGNES, from whom Aristophanes borrowed the titles of two of his plays, the Βάτραχοι and Όρνιθες, and perhaps the form of all of them. Magnes gained many victories in his younger days : but when he was old, says Aristophanes¹, he was cast aside, merely because the edge of his satire was blunted. Of ECPHANTIDES we know little more than that for some doubtful reason he was called Kaπvíos², and that he was one of the oldest and most celebrated of the early comedians. We have the title of only one of his plays, the Σάτυροι ". The Πύραυνος, mentioned as a play of ' Eµpávns, has been assigned to him ; but the true reading is probably ᾿Αντιφάνης . CRATINUS, the son of Callimedes, was born at Athens, B.C. 5195. It is stated that he succeeded Magnes ; he must, therefore, have commenced his dramatic career late in life . We do not know the date of any of his Comedies earlier than the ' Apxíλoxo : and since allusion was made in that Comedy to the death of Cimon (B.C. 449), it must have been represented after that event". By a decree prohibiting Comedy, which was passed in the year 440 B. C., and was not repealed till the year 436 B.C. , he was prevented from producing any Comedies or plays in that interval . After the repeal of this decree in 436 B.C. Cratinus gained three comic victories. In 425 B.C. he was second with the Xeμalóμevoi, Aristophanes being first with the ' Axapvns, and Eupolis third with the Novμnvía . In 424 B.C. he gained the second prize with the comoedias Græcè scripserunt, et easdem sententias versibus in scena pronuntiaverunt, Eucrates, Chionides, Aristophanes, " &c. Vitruv. Præf. in lib. VI. 1 Equit. 520: Τοῦτο μὲν εἰδὼς ἅπαθε Μάγνης ἅμα ταῖς πολιαῖς κατιούσαις,

  • Ος πλεῖστα χορῶν τῶν ἀντιπάλων νίκης ἔστησε τρόπαια,

Πάσας δ' ὑμῖν φωνὰς ἱείς, καὶ ψάλλων, καὶ πτερυγίζων, Καὶ λυδίζων, καὶ ψηνίζων, καὶ βαπτόμενος βατραχείοις, Οὐκ ἐξήρκεσεν' ἀλλὰ τελευτῶν ἐπὶ γήρως, οὐ γὰρ ἐφ' ἥβης, Ἐξεβλήθη πρεσβύτης ὤν, ὅτι τοῦ σκώπτειν ἀπελείφθη. 518. 2 Meineke, Hist. Crit. Com. I. p. 36. 3 Athen. I. p. 96 α. 4 Meineke, I. c. p. 37. 5 He died in 422 B. C. at the age of ninety- seven. 6 See Clinton, F. H. 1. p. 49. 8 Schol. Aristoph. Acharn. 67... Lucian, Macrob. c. xxv. 7 See Plutarch, Cimon, c. x. 9 Argum. Acharn. CONTEMPORARY WITH ARISTOPHANES. 169 Σάτυροι, Aristophanes being first with the Ἱππῆς, and Aristomenes third with the Ὑλοφόροι or Ὀλοφυρμοί . In 423 B.C. Cra tinus gained the first prize with the Πυτίνη : Ameipsias was second with the Κόννος, and Aristophanes third with the Νεφέλαι2. The old poet died the year after this victory³. The names of forty of his Comedies are known¹. He appears to have been an exceedingly bold satirist³, and was so popular that his choruses were sung at every banquet by the comus of revellers . The model for his iambic style was doubtless Archilochus , whom he regarded as a type of his own profession, and whom he multiplied, as he might have done any other ideal, in the chorus of one of his plays (the Αρχίλοχοι) . To his audacious frankness, even Aristophanes appeared to be infected with the mincing rhetoric of Euripides . There is reason to believe that Cratinus, in imitation of Sophocles, increased the number of comic actors to three . Of his private character we know nothing, save that he was a great tippler, and recommended the use of wine both by precept and by example10. 1 Argum. Equit. 2 Argum. Nub. 3 Lucian, Macrob. xxv.; Proleg. Küst. p . xxix. 4 Fabric. II. p. 431, Harles. 5 Comp. Horat. I. Serm . iv. 1 sqq. with Persius, I. 123. 6 Aristoph. Equit. 526 sqq. Εἶτα Κρατίνου μεμνημένος, ὃς πολλῷ ῥεύσας ποτ᾽ ἐπαίνῳ Διὰ τῶν ἀφελῶν πεδίων ἔῤῥει, καὶ τῆς στάσεως παρασύρων Ἐφόρει τὰς δρῦς καὶ τὰς πλατάνους καὶ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς προθελύμνους Ασαι δ᾽ οὐκ ἦν ἐν συμποσίῳ, πλὴν ΔΩΡΟΙ ΣΥΚΟΠΕΔΙΛΕ, Καὶ ΤΕΚΤΟΝΕΣ ΕΥΠΑΛΑΜΩΝ ΥΜΝΩΝ· οὕτως ἤνθησεν ἐκεῖνος. Νυνὶ δ᾽ ὑμεῖς αὐτὸν ὁρῶντες παραληροῦντ᾽ οὐκ ἐλεεῖτε, Ἐκπιπτουσῶν τῶν ἠλέκτρων, καὶ τοῦ τόνου οὐκ ἔτ᾽ ἐνόντος, Τῶν θ᾽ ἁρμονιῶν διαχασκουσῶν· ἀλλὰ γέρων ὢν περιέῤῥει, Ὥσπερ Κόννας, στέφανον μὲν ἔχων αὖον, δίψει δ᾽ ἀπολωλώς, Ὃν χρὴν διὰ τὰς προτέρας νίκας πίνειν ἐν τῷ Πρυτανείῳ, Καὶ μὴ ληρεῖν, ἀλλὰ θεᾶσθαι λιπαρὸν παρὰ τῷ Διονύσῳ. Comp. Buttm. Mythol. II. 345 foll. See 7 His fragments abound in direct imitations of the great iambographer. Cratin. Archiloch. Fr. VIII. IX. ; Pytine, Fr. xΙ. &c. The verb συγκεραυνόω in Pyt. Fr. VIII. is Archilochian ; see above, p. 30. 8 He asks this question of his rival (Fragm. Incert. cLv.) : Τί δὲ σύ ; κομψός τις ἔροιτο θεατής, Υπολεπτολόγος, γνωμιδιώκτης, εὐριπιδαριστοφανίζων. To which Aristophanes answers ( Fragm. cccxcvII. ) : Χρῶμαι γὰρ αὐτοῦ τοῦ στόματος τῷ στρογγύλῳ, Τοὺς νοὺς δ᾽ ἀγοραίους ἧττον ἢ κεῖνος ποιῶ. 9 Anon. de Com. p. xxxii. Comp. Meineke, Quæstiones Scenicæ, I. p. 19. 10 Comp. Horat. I. Epist. ΧΙΧ. 1 ; Aristoph. Pax, 687 ( 7oo) and Schol. ; Meineke, Fragm . Com. Vol. II. p. 119. 170 THE COMEDIANS WHO PRECEDED OR WERE CRATES is said to have been originally an actor in the plays of Cratinus¹ ; he could not, however, have followed this profession very long, for we learn from Eusebius that he was well known as a comedian in 450 B. C., which was not long after Cratinus, if he could be called in any sense the successor of Magnes, began to exhibit. He was the first comedian at Athens who departed from the satyrical form of Comedy, and formed his plots from general stories . The names of twenty-six of his Comedies are known³. Aristophanes speaks in the highest terms of his wit and ingenuity . His brother EPILYCUS was an epic poet and comedian5. PHERECRATES is mentioned as an imitator or rival of Crates, whose actor he is said to have been ; and an admirable emendation of the corrupt passage, which is our chief account of him, assigns his first victory to the archonship of Theodorus, B. C. 4386. Although the same authority says that he abstained from personal vituperation", the fragments of his plays show that he attacked Alcibiades, the tragic poet Melanthius, Polytion , and others. He was distinguished by the elegance of his style, and is called Αττικώτατος . Perhaps his name is most familiar to scholars as the inventor of the Pherecratean metre, which he calls a contracted anapæstic verse , and which he probably formed by omitting the first two times in the parœmiac¹º. We have the names of between 15 and 20 of his Comedies. 1 Schol. Aristoph. Equit. (p. 567, Dindorf) . 2 Τῶν δὲ ᾿Αθήνῃσιν Κράτης πρῶτος ἦρξεν ἀφέμενος τῆς ἰαμβικῆς ἰδέας, καθόλου ποιεῖν Xóyous ǹ μúbovs. Aristot. Poet. IV. 7. 3 Fabricius, II . p. 429, Harles. 4 Aristoph. Equit. 537 : Κράτης *Ος ἀπὸ σμικρᾶς δαπάνης ὑμᾶς ἀριστίζων ἀπέπεμπεν ᾿Απὸ κραμβοτάτου στόματος μάττων ἀστειοτάτας ἐπινοίας. 5 Suid. Kpárns. 6 Anon. de Com. p. xxix .: Φερεκράτης Αθηναῖος νικῇ ἐπὶ θέατρου (1. ἐπὶ Θεοδώρου Dobree) γενόμενος ὁ δὲ (om. ὁ Dobr. ) ὑποκριτὴς ἐξήλωκε Κράτητα. 7 τοῦ μὲν λοιδορεῖν ἀπέστη. 8 Athen. VI. p. 268 E ; Suid. s. v. ' A@nvala ; Phrynichus Sophist. ap. Steph. Byz. s. v. ' A0ĥval, p. 34, Meineke. 9 Ap. Hephaest. x. 5 ; XV. 15 ; Schol. Ar. Nub. 564 : ἄνδρες πρόσσχετε τὸν νοῦν ἐξευρήματι καινῷ συμπτύκτοις ἀναπαίστοις. 10 As the parœmiac is itself catalectic, the omission of a syllable at the beginning makes it ouμTTUKTOS, i. e. " folded in at both ends. ” CONTEMPORARY WITH ARISTOPHANES. 171 PHRYNICHUS, the comic poet, who must be carefully distinguished from the tragedian of the same name, exhibited first in the year 435 B. C.¹ He was attacked as a plagiarist in the Popμopópo of Hermippus, which was written before the death of Sitalces, i . e . before 424 B. c.2 In 414 B.C. when Ameipsias was first with the Kopaoral, and Aristophanes second with the " OpvOes, Phrynichus was third with the MovóтpоTos³. In 405 B.C. Philonides was first with the Báтpaxo of Aristophanes, Phrynichus second with the Μούσαι, and Plato third with the Κλεοφών . He is ridiculed by Aristophanes in the Bárpaxo for his custom of introducing grumbling slaves on the stages. The names of ten of his pieces are known to us 6. Of HERMIPPUS, the son of Lysis, we know nothing save that he was opposed to Pericles", and on one occasion prosecuted Aspasia for impiety . His brother MYRTILUS was also a comedianº. EUPOLIS was not much older than Aristophanes. It is stated by Suidas that he was seventeen years old when he began to exhibit ; and if we may conclude from another statement¹0, that he produced his first Comedy in the archonship of Apollodorus, he must have been born about the year 446 B.C. " The success of his Comedy, called Novμnvía , in 425 B. C., has been already mentioned. Two of his Comedies, the Μαρικας and the Κόλακες, appeared in 421 B.C. The AUTÓλUKOS came out in the following year, when perhaps he wrote the ' AσTράTEUTо also, for that play appears to have preceded the Eipývn of Aristophanes, which was acted in 1 Suid. Φρύν.—ἐδίδαξε τὸ πρῶτον ἐπὶ πστ' ὀλυμπιάδος. Clinton would read πζ' . 2 Clinton, F. H. 1. p. 67. 5 Aristoph. Ran. 12 sqq. Ξανθίας. 3 Arg. Av. τί δῆτ᾽ ἔδει με ταῦτα τὰ σκεύη φέρειν, εἴπερ ποιήσω μηδὲν ὧνπερ Φρύνιχος εἴωθε ποιεῖν, καὶ Λύκις, κ' ᾿Αμειψίας, σκεύη φεροῦσ᾽ ἑκάστοτ᾽ ἐν κωμῳδίᾳ ; Διόνυσος. μὴ νῦν ποιήσῃς· ὡς ἐγὼ θεώμενος, ὅταν τι τούτων τῶν σοφισμάτων ἴδω, πλεῖν ἢ 'νιαυτῷ πρεσβύτερος ἀπέρχομαι. 6 Fabricius, II. p. 483, Harles. 7 See the Anapests in Plutarch, Pericles, XXXIII. 8 Plutarch, Pericles, CXXXI. XXXII. 9 Suid. Μυρτίλος. 11 Clinton, F. H. 11. p. 63. 4 Arg. Ran. This was about the year 432 B. C. 10 Prolegom. Aristoph. p. xxix. 172 THE COMEDIANS WHO PRECEDED OR WERE 419 B. C. According to one account he was thrown overboard by Alcibiades on his way to Sicily in 415 B. C., in consequence of some invectives against that celebrated man, which he had introduced into one of his Comedies. This story is improbable in itself; and it is, besides, refuted by two circumstances : Eratosthenes adduced some Comedies which he had written after the year 415 B.C.2, and Pausanias tells us that his tomb was on the banks of the Asopus in the territory of the Sicyonians³. According to another account, he fell in a sea-fight in the Hellespont ; and Ægina is said to have been the place of his burial. The titles of twenty-four of his Comedies have been preserved . Eupolis was very personal and scurrilous, and almost every one of his plays seems to have been written to caricature and lampoon some obnoxious individual. The Mapikâs was a professed attack upon the demagogue Hyperbolus ; in the AUTÓλUKOS he ridiculed the handsome pancratiast of that name® ; in the AσTράTEUTO , which was probably a pasquinade, directed against the useless and cowardly citizens of Athens, Melanthius was denounced as an epicure ; the Barraí dealt very hardly with Alcibiades ; and in the Aákoves he inveighed against Cimon, both in his public and private character, because that statesman was thought to incline too much to the Spartans, and showed in every action a desire to counteract the democratical principle, which was at work in the Athenian constitution . Ari1 See Clinton, under these years . Autolycus was a sort of Agathon ; like Agathon he obtained a victory at the public games, and is the hero of a symposium (Athen. v. 187 F, 217 D, and Xenoph. Symposium) ; and, like Agathon, he was courted for his personal attractions. Athen. p. 188 A. 2 Quis enim non dixit, Euroλw, Tòν Tîs ȧρxaías, ab Alcibiade, navigante in Siciliam, dejectum esse in mare? Redarguit Eratosthenes. Adfert enim, quas ille post id tempus fabulas docuerit. Cicero ad Att. vI. I. 3 Pausan. II. 7, 3. 4 Fabricius, II. p. 445, Harles. 5 Schol. Nub. 591 : ἐδιδάχθη καθ ' Υπερβόλου μετὰ τὸν Κλέωνος θάνατον. See also the passage from the ' ITπs quoted below. 6 Athen. v. 216, where Eupolis is said to have brought out this piece under the name of Demostratus, probably the same as Demopoetus, a comic poet mentioned by Suidas, v. xápağ. There were two editions of the Autolycus. 7 Schol. Aristoph. Pax, 808. 8 Themist. p. 110 B. The words of Juvenal, II. 91 , if they refer to this Comedy, would imply that the obscene rites of Cotytto were the objects of his censure- Talia secretâ coluerunt orgia tædâ Cecropiam soliti Baptæ lassare Cotytto. On the Cotyttia and the Baptæ, see Buttmann, Mythol. II . p. 159 sqq. and Meineke, Hist. Crit. p. 119 sqq. 9 Plutarch, Cim. xv. With regard to the that Cimon had called his son Lacedæmonius of the son was often an epithet of the father. name of the Comedy, we may remark, (see Thucyd. I. 45), and that the name Müller, Dor. I. 3, § 10, note (f) . CONTEMPORARY WITH ARISTOPHANES. 173 stophanes, too, seems to have been on bad terms with Eupolis, whom he charges with having pillaged the materials for his Mapikâs from the ' Is¹, and with making scurrilous jokes on his premature baldness2. Eupolis appears to have been a warm admirer of Pericles as a statesman and as a man³, as it was reasonable that such a Comedian should be, if it is true that he owed his unrestrained license of speech to the patronage of that celebrated minister. We may form an idea of the style of Eupolis from the Horsemen and Frogs of Aristophanes, which had many points in common with the Maricas and Demi of this poet. For as in the Maricas Hyperbolus, so in the Horsemen Cleon is represented as an intriguing and influential slave of the people, and in both Comedies the worthy Nicias appears as an undervalued and superseded domestic. As in the Frogs of Aristophanes, Bacchus visits the lower world to seek out and restore to Athens one of the older and better tragedians, so in the Demi of Eupolis, Myronides is made to bring back Solon, Miltiades, and Pericles, to their unworthy and degenerate countrymen. Other writers of the Old Comedy are mentioned as the predecessors or contemporaries of Aristophanes ; but we know little more of them than their names ; though it is probable that many of them (for instance, AMEIPSIAS, who twice conquered Aristophanes) were (at least in the opinion of their contemporaries) by no means deficient in merit. Of those poets of the Old Comedy, who survived the full vigour of Athenian democracy and lived till the period of transition to the 1 Οὗτοι δ᾽ ὡς ἅπαξ παρέδωκεν λαβὴν Ὑπέρβολος, Τοῦτον δείλαιον κολετρῶσ᾽ ἀεὶ καὶ τὴν μητέρα. Εὔπολις μὲν τὸν Μαρικᾶν πρώτιστον παρείλκυσεν Εκστρέψας τοὺς ἡμετέρους Ιππέας κακὸς κακῶς, Προσθεὶς αὐτῷ γραῦν μεθύσην, τοῦ κόρδακος εἵνεχ', ἣν Φρύνιχος πάλαι πεποίηχ', ἣν τὸ κῆτος ἤσθιεν. Nubes, 551 sqq. Eupolis, however, had reasons for recriminating. See Meineke, Hist. Crit. p. 101, and below, Section II. 2 See the Schol. on Nub. 532 : 3 Eupolis, Anuois οὐδ᾽ ἔσκωψε τοὺς φαλακρούς. Κράτιστος οὗτος ἐγένετ᾽ ἀνθρώπων λέγειν. Οπότε παρέλθοι, ὥσπερ ἁγαθοὶ δρομῆς, Ἐκ δέκα ποδῶν ᾕρει λέγων τοὺς ῥήτορας. Β. Ταχὺν λέγεις μέν, πρὸς δέ γ' αὐτοῦ τῷ τάχει Πειθώ τις ἐπεκάθιζεν ἐπὶ τοῖς χείλεσιν· Οὕτως ἐκήλει, καὶ μόνος τῶν ῥητόρων Τὸ κέντρον ἐγκατέλειπε τοῖς ἀκροωμένοις. Schol. Aristoph. Acharn. p. 794, Dindorf. See Meineke, Fragm. II. 458. 174 THE COMEDIANS WHO PRECEDED OR WERE Middle Comedy, the most eminent were PLATO, THEOPOMPUS, and STRATTIS. PLATO, commonly known as ó kwμikós , to distinguish him from his great namesake the philosopher, first exhibited in B.C. 427¹, and as he alluded in one of his plays to the appointment of Agyrrhius as general of the army at Lesbos², he must have been flourishing in B. C. 389. In his Peisander he described himself as having laboured for others, like an Arcadian mercenary³. And this has been interpreted as indicating his poverty . It may, however, simply mean that Plato did not at first represent under his own name ; but, like Aristophanes and Ameipsias, published his dramas anonymously, until in the parabasis to the Peisander he thought it expedient to assert his literary claims . There seems to be little doubt that Plato was one of the most distinguished of the contemporaries of Aristophanes. His style is described as "brilliant ." Though he inclined to the type of Middle Comedy in his later years, his earlier plays were full of political satire, and Dio Chrysostom mentions him along with Aristophanes and Cratinus as a specimen of the abusive personalities to which the Athenians were willing to listen ' . His attacks were directed against demagogues like Cleon, Hyperbolus, Cleophon, Peisander, and Agyrrhius, against the general Leagrus, and the rhetoricians Cephalus and Archinus. And, like Eupolis, he ventured to ridicule Aristophanes himself . He left twenty-eight Comedies , some of which bore the names of the persons against whom they were directed 10. 1 Cyrill. ad Julian. I. p. 13 B. 2 Plutarch, Præc. resp. ger. p. 801 B. For Agyrrhius and his appointment see Xen. Hell. IV. 8, 31 ; Diod. Sic. XIV. 99. Cf. Schol. Eccles. 102 . 3 Suidas, s. v. Αρκάδας μιμούμενοι . 4 Suidas says διὰ πενίαν ᾿Αρκάδας μιμεῖσθαι ἔφη, but there is nothing to show that this was the assertion of Plato himself. 5 Meineke, Hist. Crit. Com. p. 162.

  • Bekker . Anecd. p. 1461 : ὁ τὸ χαρακτῆρα λαμπρότατος. Cf. Suidas, s. v. Πλάτων.

7 Orat. XXXIII. p. 4, Reiske. 8 Schol. Plat. p. 33r, Bekker : κωμῳδεῖται δὲ ὅτι τὸ τῆς Εἰρήνης κολοσσικὸν ἐξῆρεν ἄγαλμα Εὔπολις Αὐτολύκῳ, Πλάτων Νίκαις. 9 Anon. de Com. p. xxxiv. ; Bekker. Anecd. u. s. Suidas enumerates 30, but two of these, the Aάкwves and Maµµáκνeos, were merely two editions of the same play. 10 As the Κλεοφῶν, the Υπέρβολος and the Πείσανδρος. CONTEMPORARY WITH ARISTOPHANES. 175 THEOPOMPUS, the son of Theodectes, Theodorus, or Tisamenus, is said to have been a contemporary of Aristophanes, but, if we may judge from the titles of twenty of his plays, which have been preserved, his style must have been chiefly that of the Middle Comedy. STRATTIS, who began to exhibit about B. C. 412, and wrote about twenty plays, two of which, the Medea and Phoenissæ, derived their titles and probably their subjects from tragedies by Euripides, is chiefly interesting from the fact that he entertained a warm admiration for the tragi- comedies of that poet, especially the Orestes which he called Spâµa değiάtatov¹, a circumstance which tends to confirm our belief that Euripides exercised a paramount influence over the later writers of Attic Comedy. Besides the fifteen names which we have mentioned, the following poets are assigned to the Old Comedy. 1. TELECLEIDES, a contemporary and opponent of Pericles. 2. PHILONIDES, a friend and coadjutor of Aristophanes. 3. ARCHIPPUS, who gained the prize in B. c. 415, and was chiefly celebrated for a play called the Fishes in which he ridiculed the fish-dinners of Athens. 4. ARISTOMENES, who competed with Aristophanes in B.C. 424 and 392. 5. CALLIAS, a younger contemporary of Cratinus. 6. LYSIPPUS, who won the prize in B. C. 435, and whose play called the Baccha gained some reputation. 7. LEUCON, who competed with Aristophanes and Eupolis in B. C. 422 and 4212. 8. METAGENES, who is known by the names of some five or six Comedies, and seems to have enjoyed a considerable reputation. 9. ARISTAGORAS, who edited the Aupar of Metagenes with the new title Maµµákv✪os, to which Aristophanes alludes. 10. ARISTONYMUS, a contemporary of Aristophanes, best known by his play called The Shivering Sun ( "Hλios piyŵv). 1 Schol. Eurip. Orest. 278. 2 Meineke, Hist. Crit. Com. p. 217. 176 PREDECESSORS OR CONTEMPORARIES OF ARISTOPHANES. 11. ALCEUS, a writer of mythological Comedies. 12. EUNICUS (or ŒNICUS) , whose Comedies Anteia or Antheia and The Cities are attributed to other writers¹. 13. CANTHARUS, a contemporary of Plato the Comedian, to whom one of his plays is attributed. 14. DIOCLES of Phlius, of the same age as Cantharus. 15. NICOCHARES, son of Philonides, wrote mythical Comedies, and belonged to the Middle Comedy as well as to the Old. 16. NICOPHON, a younger contemporary of Aristophanes, but a poet of the mythical school. 17. PHILYLLIUS², a careless poet, inclining to the style of the Middle Comedy. 18. POLYZELUS, a poet of mythical Comedy. 19. SANNYRION, a contemporary of the later poets of the Old Comedy, by whom he is ridiculed. 20. APOLLOPHANES, a contemporary of Strattis. 21. EPILYCUS, author of the Coraliscus. 22. EUTHYCLES, author of the Profligates and Atalanta. 23. DEMETRIUS, wrote after the Peloponnesian war. 24. CEPHISODORUS, author of the Amazons, Antilais, Trophonius and the Hog. 25. AUTOCRATES, author of the Tympanista. 1 Meineke, Hist. Crit. Com. pp. 250, 260. 2 Philyllius is said to have been the first to introduce torches on the stage (Schol. Aristoph. Plut. 1195) ; and it is remarkable that he used the word ȧvaλpáßηros as a synonym for ἀμάθητος γραμμάτων (Antiatticista, p. 83). CHAPTER II. SECTION II. ARISTOPHANES. Ie suys, moyennant ung peu de Pantagruelisme (vous entendez que c'est certaine guayeté desperit conficte en mepriz des choses fortuites) sain et degourt ; prest a boyre, si voulez. RABELAIS. OF F the works of the other comedians we possess only detached fragments ; but eleven of the plays of ARISTOPHANES have come down to us complete. This alone would incline us to wish for a fuller account of the writer, even though the intrinsic value of his remaining Comedies were not so great as it really is. Unfortunately, however, we know much less about Aristophanes than about any of his distinguished contemporaries, and the materials for his biography are so scanty and of so little credit, that we willingly turn from them to his works, in which we see a living picture of the man and his times. The following are the few particulars which are known regarding his personal history¹. His father's name was Philippus², not Philippides, as has been inferred from the inscription on a bust supposed to represent him³. Of the rank and station of his father we know nothing ; it is presumed, 1 The reader will find a full and accurate discussion of all questions relating to the life of Aristophanes down to the representation of the Clouds in Ranke's Commentatio de Aristophanis Vita, prefixed to Thiersch's edition of the Plutus. See also Bergk in Meineke's Fragm. II. pp. 893-940. 2 This is stated by all the authorities of his life -namely, his anonymous biographer, the writer on Comedy in the Greek prolegomena to Aristophanes, the Scholiast on Plato, and Thomas Magister. 3 The inscription is ' Apưσtopávns Þiλiππídoν. That this statue is not genuine is now generally agreed. See Winckelmann, II. p. 114. The fact that his son's name was Philippus is an evidence that it was also the grandfather's name. Ranke, clxxxiv. D. T. G. 12 178 ARISTOPHANES. however, from his own silence, and that of his enemies, that it was respectable. More than one country claims the honour of being his birth-place. The anonymous writer on Comedy says merely that he was an Athenian ; the author of his life, and Thomas Magister, add that he was of the Cydathenæan Deme, and Pandionid Tribe. Suidas tells us, that some said he was from Lindus in Rhodes, or from Camirus ; that others called him an Ægyptian¹ , and others an Æginetan. All this confusion seems to have arisen from the fact, that Cleon, in revenge for some of the invectives with which Aristophanes had assailed him, brought an action against the poet with a view to deprive him of his civic rights (§evlas ypapń) . Now the defence, which Aristophanes is said to have set up on this occasion, shows the object of Cleon was to prove that he was not the son of his reputed father Philippus, but the offspring of an illicit intercourse between his mother and some person who was not an Athenian citizen. Consequently his nominal parents are tacitly admitted to have been Athenian citizens, and, as Cleon failed to prove his illegitimacy, he must have been one likewise. That he was born at Athens cannot but be evident to every one who has read his Comedies. Would a mere resident alien have laboured so strenuously for the good of his adopted country ? Would one who was not a citizen by birth have ventured to laugh at all who did not belong to the old Athenian opaтpíaι ?? and how are we otherwise to account for the purely Athenian spirit, language, and tone which pervade every line that he wrote ? It would not be difficult to explain why these different countries have been assigned as the birth-places of Aristophanes. With regard to the statement that he was a Rhodian ; he is very often confounded with Antiphanes and Anaxandrides, the former of whom was, according to Dionysius, a Rhodian, and the latter, according to Suidas, was born at Camirus. The notion that he was an Egyptian may very well have arisen from the many allusions which he makes to the people of that country, and their peculiar customs. With regard to the statement of Heliodorus that he was from Naucratis, it is possible that writer may be alluding to some commercial residence of his ancestors in that city, but his words do not imply that either Aris1 Heliodorus Teρì ' Aкротóλews (apud Athen. VI. p. 229 E) says that he was of Naucratis in the Delta. 2 Ran. 418 ; Aves, 765. ARISTOPHANES. 179 tophanes or his parents were born there. His Æginetan origin has been presumed from the passage in the Acharnians, in which his actor Callistratus (who was the nominal author of the play) alludes to his being one of the npoûyou, to whom that island had been assigned¹. We have positive evidence that he was one of them, and the fact that these λnpouxou were generally poor2 would show that Callistratus is alluding to himself, and not to Aristophanes ; and even if he were, this would be no proof that Aristophanes was not a citizen, for all the λŋpoûxoι continued to enjoy their civic rights . The remains of Aristophanes are sufficient to show that he had received a first-rate education. There is no positive evidence for the opinion , that he was a pupil of Prodicus. The three passages in his remaining Comedies , in which he mentions that sophist, do not show the usual respect of a disciple for his master, and the coincidence in name, and probable similarity of subject, between the Opal of Aristophanes and The Choice ofHercules by Prodicus, are perhaps a proof that the Comedian parodied and ridiculed, rather than admired and imitated , the latter . The literary career of Aristophanes naturally divides itself into three periods, defined by the corresponding changes of social and political life at Athens. As Attic Comedy rose and fell with the democratic domination of the state, even the genius of its greatest representative could not control the outward influences to which he was exposed. The waning vigour of popular freedom necessarily affected the political character of Comedy, and deprived the parabasis or address to the audience of its unconstrained liberty of speech. On the other hand, the fatal catastrophe of Syracuse, while it destroyed the flower of the citizens, so seriously diminished the resources of the state, that the dramatic entertainments could no longer be exhibited with the same lavish expenditure. From both causes, the chorus of Comedy became insignificant, till, at 1 Thucyd. II. 27 ; Diod. XII. 44. Callistratus was one of them, Aristophanes not. Schol. Acharn. 654, p. 801 , Dind .: οὐδεὶς ἱστόρηκεν ὡς ἐν Αἰγίνῃ κέκτηταί τι ᾿Αριστ τοφάνης, ἀλλ᾽ ἔοικε ταῦτα περὶ Καλλιστράτου λέγεσθαι, ὃς κεκληρούχηκεν ἐν Αἰγίνῃ μετὰ τὴν ἀνάστασιν Αἰγινητῶν ὑπὸ ᾽Αθηναίων. 2 Böckh, Econ. of Ath. Vol. II. p. 172 , note 521 , Engl. Tr. 3 Böckh, Ec. II. p. 174. 4 Of Rückert on Plat. Symp. pp. 280 sqq. 5 Aves, 692 ; Nubes, 360 ; fr. Tragonist. No. 418, Dindorf. 6 On the Spa of Aristophanes and Prodicus, see Welcker in the Rhein. Mus. for 1833, p. 576. He thinks that the connexion between the ' pat of these two authors is merely accidental, p. 592 . 12-2 180 ARISTOPHANES. last, there was the literary paradox of a κωμῳδία without its κώμος. The eleven extant Comedies of Aristophanes may be arranged in three groups corresponding to the three periods, to which we refer. In the first period, which extends to the time of the Sicilian expedition, we have six Comedies, all of which represent the unimpaired genius of the poet, and the complete machinery of the comic stage. These are the Acharnians, the Horsemen, the Clouds, the Wasps, the Peace, and the Birds. The second period, which corresponds to the later years of the war, is represented by three dramas, in which the political element and the chorus are both diminished in prominence and importance. These are the Lysistrata, the Thesmophoriazusæ, and the Frogs. The third and concluding period, which followed the downfal of the Athenian empire, exhibits the genius of Aristophanes in its feeblest form, and has transmitted to us only two Comedies, the Ecclesiazusa and the Plutus, in which the choral element is altogether insignificant, and the plots are derived from the ideal world rather than from the actualities of Athenian life, which furnished the materials for the Comedies of the first period. Aristophanes brought out his first Comedy, the Banqueters, (Aairaλeis) in B.C. 4271 ; and it is from the known date of this play that we must infer his birth-year. It is stated that he was at this time little more than a boy (σxedòv µeipάкiσкоs) . We are told, indeed , that he was thirty years of age when the Clouds was acted. This would place his birth-year at 453, if the first edition, or at 452 B. C. , if the second edition of that play is referred to¹. But could a man born so early as 452 B.C. be called oxedòv μЄiρákiσkos at the time of the great plague? We think he could not. If, then, these two authorities of the same kind contradict one another, which are we to adopt ? Now there is no reason to doubt the first statement, that Aristophanes was very young at the time when his first Comedy appeared ; and there is reason to believe that the second statement is merely an inference drawn from a misinterpretation of a passage in the Clouds. We feel inclined, there1 See the passages in Clinton, F. H. 11. p. 65. 2 Schol. Ran. 504. Müller thinks (Hist. Lit. Gr. II . p. 19, new ed. ) that this state- ment is an exaggeration, and that Aristophanes was at least twenty-five in B.C. 427. 3 Schol. Nub. p. 237, Dindorf. Unless we adopt Ranke's conjecture with regard to the date of the second edition, which would make the two accounts nearly agree. See below, p. 184. ARISTOPHANES. 181 fore, to reject the latter altogether, and take the former as the only means we have of approximating to the birth-year of Aristophanes, which, if he was σxedov μeiρáкiokos or nearly seventeen in 427 B. C. , must have been about the year 444 B.C. The Banqueters, which was acted in the name of Philonides¹, was an exposition of the corruptions which had crept into the Athenian system of education. A father was introduced with two sons, one of them educated in the old-fashioned way, the other brought up in all the new-fangled and pernicious refinements of sophistry ; and by drawing a comparison between the two young men to the disadvantage of the latter, the poet hoped to attract the attention of his countrymen to the dangers and inconveniences of the new system². The second prize was awarded to Philonides, and the play was much admired³. In 426 B. C. he brought out the Babylonians, and, in the following spring, the Acharnians, both under the name of his actor Callistratus4 . The latter gained the first prize, the second and third being adjudged to Cratinus and Eupolis. The chorus of the Babylonians consisted of barbarian slaves employed in the mills : this is all that we know of the plot of the piece. It appears to have been acted at the great Dionysia, and to have been an attack upon the demagogues ; for Cleon, who was then (Pericles having recently died) at the head of affairs 6, brought an eloayyeλía before the senate against Callistratus, on the grounds that he had satirized the public functionaries in the presence of their allies, who were then at Athens to pay the tribute . 1 Dindorf, fr. Aristoph. p. 527, Oxford edition. Ranke (p. cccxx) thinks it was Callistratus. If there is truth in the statement that he handed over to Callistratus his political dramas, and to Philonides those which related to private life, the Aairaλeîs was probably transferred to the latter. 2 See Süvern, über die Wolken, pp. 26 foll . 8 Schol. Nub. 529. 4 Clinton, F. H. under those years. 5 See Hesych. s. vv. Βαβυλώνιοι. —Σαμίων ὁ δῆμος. And Suid. s. v. Βαβυλωνία κάμινος. 6 Thucydides, writing of the year before the performance of The Babylonians says (III. 36), that Κλέων was τῷ δήμῳ παρὰ πολὺ ἐν τῷ τότε πιθανώτατος. 7 Comp. Acharn. 355 foll.: with vv. 476 foll.: Αὐτός τ᾽ ἐμαυτὸν ὑπὸ Κλέωνος ἄπαθον Ἐπίσταμαι διὰ τὴν πέρυσι κωμῳδίαν. Εἰσελκύσας γάρ μ' εἰς τὸ βουλευτήριον Διέβαλλε καὶ ψευδῆ κατεγλωττιζέ μου, Κἀκυκλοβόρει κἄπλυνεν ὥστ᾽ ὀλίγου πάνυ Απωλόμην μολυνοπραγμονούμενος Ἐγὼ δὲ λέξω δεινὰ μὲν δίκαια δέ Οὐ γάρ με νῦν γε διαβαλεῖ Κλέων ὅτι 182 ARISTOPHANES. This accusation has been confounded with the indictment of Eevía, brought by Cleon against Aristophanes himself. It does not appear that Cleon was successful in establishing his charge, for we find Callistratus again upon the stage the following year, when the Acharnians was performed at the Lenæa. The object of this play, the earliest of the Comedies of Aristophanes which have come down to us entire, is to induce the Athenians, by holding before them the blessings of peace, and by ridiculing the braggadocios of the day, to entertain any favourable proposals which the Lacedæmonians might make for putting an end to the disastrous war in which they were engaged ; and while he ventured to utter the well-nigh forgotten word Peace, he boldly told his countrymen that they had sacrificed, without any just or sufficient cause, the comforts which he painted to them in such vivid colours. Aristophanes, having conferred upon the nominal authors of his early plays much, not only of reputation, but also of danger, now thought it right to appropriate to himself both the glory and the hazard of his undertaking, and in 424 B. C. demanded a chorus in his own name. The Comedy, which he exhibited on this occasion, and in the composition of which Eupolis claimed a share, was the Horsemen ; it was acted at the Lenæa, and gained the first prize : Cratinus was second, and Aristomenes third¹. The object of this play is to overthrow Cleon, who was then flushed with his undeserved success at Sphacteria in the preceding year, and had excited the indignation of Aristophanes and all the Athenians who wished well to their country, by his constant opposition to the proposals of the Lacedæmonians for an equitable arrangement of the terms of peace. The demagogue was considered at that time so formidable an adversary, that no one could be found to make a mask to represent his features, so that Aristophanes, who personated him on the stage, was obliged to return to the old Ξένων παρόντων τὴν πόλιν κακῶς λέγω, Αὐτοὶ γάρ ἐσμεν οὑπὶ Ληναίῳ τ᾿ ἀγών, Κοὔπω ξένοι πάρεισιν and the Scholiasts. On the relations between Aristophanes and Cleon, and on the character of the latter, the student will find some striking remarks in Grote, Hist. Gr. Vol. VI. pp. 657 sqq. 1 Argum. Eqq. The reference of this piece to the Lenæa is supported by the allusion in vv. 881-3, to the wintry weather, which prevailed in the month Lenæon, according to Hesiod: On the claims of Eupolis to a share in this Comedy, see Bern- hardy, Grundriss, II. p. 973 ; and for the passage attributed to him, Meineke, Fragm. II. I, p. 577. ARISTOPHANES. 183 custom of smearing the face with wine-lees¹ ; and, as Cleon is represented in the play as a great drunkard, the substitute was probably adequate to the occasion . The Comedy is an allegorical caricature of the broadest kind, showing how the eminent generals and statesmen, Nicias and Demosthenes, with the aid of the Kaλoi Kayaloí among the citizens, delivered the Athenian John Bull from the clutches of the son of Cleænetus, and effected a marvellous change in the temper and external appearance of their doting master. This is expressed in a wonderfully ingenious manner. The instrument they use is one Agoracritus, who is called a sausage-seller (αλλαντοπώλης aλλavтоπáλns)) .. Now there lived, at this time, a celebrated sculptor of that name, who, having made for the Athenians a most beautiful statue of Venus which they could not buy, transformed it into a representation of Nemesis, and sold it to the Rhamnusians . It is this Agoracritus, who, by a play upon the words aλλáoσew and axλâs, is called a transformation- monger in regard to the People : he changes the easy good- tempered old man into a punisher of the guilty—a laughing Venus into a frowning Nemesis ; -he metamorphoses the ill-clad unseemly Demus of the Pnyx into a likeness of the beautiful Demus, the son of Pyrilampes the Rhamnusian, just as Agoracritus transferred to Rhamnus a statue destined for Athens. It seems to have been in consequence of this attack that Cleon made the unsuccessful attempt (to which we have already alluded) to deprive Aristophanes of his civic rights. The next recorded Comedy of Aristophanes is the Clouds, the most celebrated and perhaps the most elaborately finished, as it is certainly the most serious, of his remaining plays . When he first submitted it to the judges, the plays of Cratinus and Ameipsias, who were his competitors, were honoured with the first and second prizes. This was in the year 423 B. C.; and it is probable that Aristophanes, indignant at his unexpected ill- success, withdrew the play, and did not bring it out till some years afterwards, when he added something to the parabasis, and perhaps made a few other alterations. The author of the argument and the Scholiast refer the second edition to the year 422 B. C.; but it has been shown from the mention of the Maricas of Eupolis, and other internal evidences, that it could not have been acted till some years 1. Schol. Eqq. 230. See above, p. 73. 2 Plin. H. N. XXXVI. 4. 184 ARISTOPHANES. after the death of Cleon ; and it is conjectured that it did not appear till after the exhibition of the Lysistrata in 411 B. c.¹ It will not be expected that we should here enumerate the various opinions which have been entertained of the object of Aristophanes in writing this Comedy , or that we should enter upon a new and detailed examination of the piece. We must, on the present occasion, be content with stating briefly and generally, what we conceive to have been the design of the poet. In the Wasps, which was written the year after the first ill-success of the Clouds, he calls this Comedy an attack upon the prevailing vices of the young men of his days. Now, if we turn to the Clouds, we shall see that he not only does this, but also investigates the causes of the corrupt state of the Athenian youth ; and this he asserts to have arisen from the changes introduced into the national education by the sophists, by the substitution of sophistical for rhapsodical instruction. The hero of the piece is Socrates, who was, in the judgment of Aristophanes, a sophist to all intents and purposes. We do not think it necessary to deny that Socrates was a well- meaning man, and in many respects a good citizen ; we are disposed to believe that he was, not because Plato and Xenophon have represented him as such (in their justification of his character, each of them is but ἰατρὸς ἄλλων αὐτὸς ἕλκεσι Bpúwv), but because Aristophanes has brought no specific charges against him, as far as his intentions are concerned. But Socrates was an innovator in education ; he approved, perhaps assisted in the corruptions which Euripides introduced into Tragedy ; he was the pupil and the friend of several of the sophists ; it was in his character of dialectician that he was courted by the ambitious 1 Ranke, chapters XXVIII. and XL. 2 We refer the reader who wishes to study this subject minutely and accurately to Hermann, Præfat. ad Nubes, xxxii-liv ; Wolf's Introduction to his German translation of the play ; Reisig. Præfat. ad Nubes, viii-xxx, and his Essay in the Rheinisches Museum for 1828, pp. 191 and 464 ; Mitchell's and Welcker's Introductions to their Translations of Aristophanes ; Ranke, Comment. chapters XLI. —XLIV.; Süvern's Essay; and Müller, Hist. Lit. Gr. II. pp. 33, new ed. sqq. Rötscher has given a general statement of some of these opinions in his Aristophanes und sein Zeitalter, pp. 294–391, which he follows up with his own not very intelligible view of the question. 8 VV. 1037 foll. : ᾿Αλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν ἔτι καὶ νυνὶ πολεμεῖ. φησίν τε μετ' αὐτοῦ Τοῖς ἠπιάλοις ἐπιχειρῆσαι πέρυσιν καὶ τοῖς πυρετοῖσιν Οἳ τοὺς πατέρας τ᾽ ἦγχον νύκτωρ καὶ τοὺς πάππους ἀπέπνιγον, Κατακλινόμενοί τ᾽ ἐπὶ ταῖς κοίταις ἐπὶ τοῖσιν ἀπράγμοσιν ὑμῶν ᾿Αντωμοσίας καὶ προσκλήσεις καὶ μαρτυρίας συνεκόλλων, κ.τ.λ. ARISTOPHANES: 185 young men ; he was the tutor of Alcibiades ; his singular manners and affected slovenliness had every appearance of quackery ; and, if we add, that he was the only one of the eminent sophists who was an Athenian-born, we shall not wonder that Aristophanes selected him as the representative of the class. The other two principal characters are a father and son. The latter is a general personification of the young profligates of the day, and only wants a little sophistical education to enable him to throw aside every moral restraint. His silly father supplies this defect, and is the first to suffer from the weapon which he has placed in his son's hand. The name of the father, Strepsiades, shows that he is intended as a representative of the class who advocated the change in education¹. It does not appear of whom his mask was a portrait. It is likely that the son, Pheidippides, came forward in the character of Alcibiades, who had the same love for horses, and bore a similar relation to Socrates : at the same time, the prominent part which Alcibiades was beginning to take in public affairs, and the influence he possessed over the young men of his own age, pointed him out as their most adequate representative . With these actors, then, the Clouds was merely a general exhibition of the corrupt state of education at Athens, and of its causes ; it was a loudly uttered protest, on the part of Aristophanes, against the useless and pernicious speculations of the sophists³, and was not intended to pave the way for the accusation which was many years afterwards brought against Socrates as a corrupter of youth, whatever may have been its effect upon the verdict of the Dicasts at the trial. The Clouds appears to have been acted at the great Dionysia¹. The Wasps was brought out in the name of Philonides, and performed at the Lenæa, in 422 B.C. As the object of the Clouds was to attack the prevailing vices of the young men of the day, and to stigmatize the love of disputation, which was so prevalent at Athens, and which the sophists did so much to foster, so it was the intention of the Wasps to inveigh against a predominant fault 1 Nub. 88, 434, 1455. 2 Süvern, über die Wolken, p. 33. 3 Süvern has conjectured very ingeniously, that the Xoyos adikos wore a mask representing Thrasymachus, because his opponent addresses him in v. 890, кαlπeр θρασὺς ὤν, and in v. 915, θρασὺς εἶ πολλοῦ ; and that the λόγος δίκαιος was Aristophanes himself. Über die Wolken, p. 12, note (3). 4 See Nubes, 311. 186 ARISTOPHANES. of the old peevish Athenians, whose delight it was to spend their time in the law-courts, and to live on the judicial fees, which Pericles had established, and which Cleon was pledged to maintain. There are many points in which the Clouds and the Wasps supplement one another, and there is a unity of design between them, which cannot be mistaken. A father and his son are the principal characters in both. In the Wasps, the father Philocleon, who, as his name denotes, is warmly attached to Cleon, has surrendered the management of his affairs to his son Bdelycleon, indicated by his name as loathing and detesting that demagogue. The son regrets his father's perverse fondness for judicial business, and weans him from it, partly by establishing a law- court at home, in which a dog is tried for stealing a cheese, with all the circumstances of a regular process in the dicasterion, and partly by leading him to indulge in a life of sensual enjoyment. And as Strepsiades in the Clouds has reason to regret the sophistical training, which he procures for his dissipated son, so Bdelycleon in the Wasps repents of the consequences of the curative treatment to which he had subjected his father. An eminent modern scholar has pronounced the Wasps one of the most perfect of the plays of Aristophanes¹ , and the dramatic merits of the piece must have been of great intrinsic value, for Racine was able to reproduce it with eminent success as a French Comedy adapted to the usages of his own time2. In the Peace, which was produced in 419 B.C., the poet returns to the subject of the Acharnians, and insists strongly upon the advantages which might be expected from a reconciliation of the belligerents. The difference, however, between the two plays is very considerable, not only in dramatic merit, but in the nature of the wish for peace which they severally represent. The Acharnians has a strongly conceived dramatic unity, and a great variety of comic incidents, and it represents the wish for peace as not only limited to Athens, but limited also to an individual Athenian, to whom the chorus of his own countrymen is violently opposed. The Peace has really only one incident-the journey to heaven of Trygæus, a new sort of Bellerophon, mounted on a new sort of Pegasus, in the shape of a dung-beetle ; and the wish for peace is represented as common to all the Greek cities, whose countrymen join in the 1 C. O. Müller, Hist. of Lit. of Gr. II. p. 38, new ed. 2 Les Plaideurs, acted in 1668. ARISTOPHANES. 187 chorus, and assist the hero in pulling Peace from the pit into which she had been thrown by the Dæmon of War. After this rescue is accomplished, the rest of the play is merely a series of cheerful sketches, which were doubtless very entertaining to the spectators, but do not afford much gratification to the modern reader, or furnish the best specimen of the genius of Aristophanes. In the year 414 B. C. , Aristophanes produced two Comedies ; the Amphiaraus, which appeared at the Lenæa, under the name of Philonides ; and the Birds, which came out at the great Dionysia, under the name of Callistratus. The objects of these two plays appear to have been the same. The former was named after one of the seven chiefs who led the Argive army against Thebes, and was always foretelling the misfortunes which attended that expedition. In this he corresponded to Nicias, who in the same manner foretold the disastrous termination of the expedition which had sailed for Syracuse the year before ; and Aristophanes no doubt took this opportunity of warning his countrymen against the dangers into which their compliance with the wishes of Alcibiades would lead them¹. The Birds, which is certainly one of the most wonderful compositions in any language, was designed, we think, in conjunction with the Amphiaraus, to parody and ridicule the Euripidean Trilogy, which came out the year before . The Athenians are represented as a set of gaping foolish birds, persuaded by the extravagant promises of a couple of designing adventurers to set up a city in the clouds, and to declare war against the gods. In this caricature we easily recognize a ridicule of the extravagant schemes of universal rule which Alcibiades had formed, and which might well be called castle-building in the air ; and the termination of the play, in which the chief adventurer is represented as making a supper off his subjects, points clearly to what the Athenians had to expect from the success of an ambitious plan, conceived by an uncompromising aspirant after sovran power. According to Süvern's ingenious explanation of the play, the names of the two heroes of the piece, Peisthetarus and Euelpides, whom we have elsewhere anglicized as Messrs. Agitator and Hopegood, point at once to the objects of this satirical delineation . The former is a combination of the two great moving causes of the expedition to Syracuse, Gor1 Süvern's Essay on the Birds, p. 77, Engl. Tr. 2 See above, p. 147. 188 ARISTOPHANES. .. gias, and Alcibiades¹ : the age of Master Agitator, his eloquence, his being a stranger, and his sophistical harangues, may remind us of Gorgias, and Callistratus may have worn a mask which was a portrait of the Leontine ambassador ; at the same time, the prominent part which Alcibiades took in the affair, and the notorious fact that he was the head of an extensive club (êraɩpía) at Athens, would point to him as also represented by Peisthetærus² ; and Euelpides may have personified those confident citizens, who, full of hope for the future (evéπides³) , willingly undertook the expedition*. This allegorical interpretation of the Comedy will hardly bear the test of a critical examination5 ; but there can be little doubt that it contains a great deal of truth, and the general reference of the Birds to the unfortunate Sicilian expedition may be regarded as more or less an admitted fact. In the Comedies, which have been considered up to this point, the genius of Aristophanes appears under all the advantages which it was certain to derive from the support of a vigorous democracy, and from the unimpaired opulence and prosperity of Athens. But the Sicilian expedition, which the Birds had taken for its theme, came to a disastrous issue in B.C. 413, and speedily produced its effect both on the democratic government and on the political power of the great Attic republic. Here we commence the second period in the literary history of Aristophanes, when his poetical powers were unimpaired, but when he had neither the same materials to work upon, nor the same external support, on which he could rely. In this period he exhibited three plays, the Lysistrata, the Thesmophoriazusæ, and the Frogs. The first two were represented in B.C. 411 , when the democracy had been obliged to accept certain modifications in the form of póẞovλot, and a council of 400. The third play of this period was acted in B. C. 405, in the interval between the battles of Arginusæ and Ægos- Potami. The Lysistrata, which appeared in the name of Callistratus, is a coarse and laughable recommendation of peace. The women of the 1 Süvern, pp. 31 fol . Engl. Tr. 2 Thucyd. VI. 13 : comp. Göller's notes upon III. 82 ; VIII. 54 ; and Arnold's Thucyd. Vol. III. p. 414. 3 Thucyd. VI. 24 : εὐέλπιδες ὄντες σωθήσεσθαι. 4 In addition to Süvern's Essay, we must refer the curious reader to Droysen's Essay on the Birds, in the Rhein. Mus. for 1835, pp. 161. fol. 5 The theory of Süvern is combated by Mr W. G. Clark, now Public Orator at Cambridge, in a very able paper which appeared in the Journal of Philology, Vol. 1. pp. 1-20. ARISTOPHANES. 189 belligerent nations, worn out by the miseries of the protracted warfare, combine against the men, seize the acropolis of Athens, and starve the nobler sex into mutual reconciliation by cutting them off from domestic life and connubial felicity. The play is full of talent, and is replete with wit and humour. But its grossness is offensive. The political ingredient is greatly diminished in extent and importance. And the parabasis, or direct appeal to the audience, is for the first time omitted. If the men of Athens had any reason to be offended by the prominent part which the Lysistrata had assigned to their help-mates, they were avenged in the Thesmophoriazusa, which appeared in the same year. This play, which begins with a satirical caricature of the effeminate Agathon and the woman-hater Euripides , and exhibits throughout an extravagant humour worthy of the best Comedies of the first period, is mainly occupied with an exposure of the moral corruption and depravity of the Athenian women. The chorus has very little to do, and there is no parabasis. Politics are almost excluded, and with the exception of the ridicule thrown on Euripides and Agathon, there is no personal satire. There was a second version of the Thesmophoriazusa (Θεσμοφοριάζουσαι δεύτεραι) , which appears from the fragments to have had much the same subject as the extant play. The Frogs was exhibited at the Lenæa in B.C. 405, under the name of Philonides, and won the first prize from the Muses of Phrynichus, and the Cleophon of Plato. The leading object of this admirable play is dramatic criticism, but the political element is by no means excluded . The demagogue Cleophon, who gave his name to the rival Comedy of Plato, and who was then in great power at Athens, is directly and violently attacked¹ ; the play has a parabasis, in which the poet recommends his audience to make peace with the discarded faction of the Four Hundred² ; and he even goes so far as to hint the propriety of their recalling Alcibiades, and submitting to his capricious genius³. The plot of the Comedy is very striking. Dionysus, the god of the Athenian drama, being 1 vv. 679-685, 1504, 532 . 2689: 3 V. 1432: κεἴ τις ἥμαρτε σφαλείς τι Φρυνίχου παλαίσμασιν ἐγγενέσθαι φημὶ χρῆναι τοῖς ὀλισθοῦσιν τότε αἰτίαν ἐκθεῖσι λῦσαι τὰς πρότερον ἁμαρτίας. μάλιστα μὲν λέοντα μὴ 'ν πόλει τρέφειν, ἢν δ' ἐκτρέφῃ τις, τοῖς τρόποις ὑπηρετεῖν. 190 ARISTOPHANES. much vexed by the dearth of good tragic poets since the death of Sophocles and Euripides, is resolved to go down to Hades and bring up one of the great departed, if possible Euripides, for whom, as a representative of the popular taste, he professes a warm admiration. Accordingly he equips himself for the adventure in the costume of Hercules, and, after a brief interview with his heroic brother, he and his servant Xanthias proceed on their journey to the other world; the god has to take an oar in Charon's boat, while the slave runs round the Stygian pool and meets him on the other side. The chorus, which had performed the croaking of the invisible Frogs during the short voyage, appears as a band of happy souls duly initiated into sacred mysteries. After many ludicrous and entertaining incidents, Bacchus and his attendant are admitted into the halls of Pluto, and the God of the drama is appointed judge in the contest, which has arisen between Eschylus, the occupant of the tragic throne in the lower world, and Euripides, who, as a new-comer, had laid claim to it, although the good- natured Sophocles had accepted the existing state of things. The God of the drama makes this contest work into his own scheme for resuscitating one of the great tragedians, and he promises to take back with him to Athens whichever of the two competitors shall gain the victory. The unfavourable opinion, which Aristophanes everywhere expresses respecting the dramatic merits of Euripides, could not have left his audience in any doubt as to the results of a comparison, which he undertook to make, between the great founder of Greek Tragedy, and the rhetorical poet, who had so entirely altered its character. Accordingly, Eschylus is carried back to the city, where his Tragedies were still alive ; for he is made to say, with considerable humour, that his poetry had not died with him, and that Euripides, who had brought his works down to Hades, was better prepared for the literary contest¹ . The exhibition of the Frogs was speedily followed by the battle of Ægis-Potami, the fall of Athens, and the subversion of the democracy. For some years there was no possibility for any display of the literary genius of such a poet as Aristophanes, and we do not ἐβουλόμην μὲν οὐκ ἐρίζειν ἐνθάδε· οὐκ ἐξ ἴσου γάρ ἐστιν ἁγὼν τῶν. 1 vv. 866 sqq.: Αἰ. Δι. τί δαί ; Αἰ. ὅτι ἡ ποίησις οὐχὶ συντέθνηκέ μοι, τούτῳ δὲ συντέθνηκεν, ὥσθ᾽ ἕξει λέγειν. ARISTOPHANES. 191 hear of him until some years after the return of Thrasybulus. From the concluding period of his literary history, only two Comedies have come down to us complete. And both of these present to us a very different state of things from that which had prevailed during the Peloponnesian war. While democracy had revived with some of its worst abuses, and while demagogues, like Agyrrhius, were leading the populace into the most whimsical extravagances, the educated class had learned to express with boldness the feelings of disgust and contempt with which this wild republicanism had inspired them. This anti-democratic tendency was fostered by the writings of some able men attached to the government of the thirty tyrants, among whom the most eminent was Plato. Connected with Critias by the ties of blood, and a near relation of the Charmides, who fell fighting against the party of Thrasybulus, he had but little sympathy with the restored democracy at Athens ; and when his teacher Socrates had been put to death in B. C. 399, after a prosecution instituted by men connected with the popular party, ' Plato retired to Megara, and did not return to Athens till after some four years spent in foreign travel. The feelings of despair with which he regarded all existing forms of government are recorded in an epistle written about this time¹ , and it has been fairly argued that he must have published soon afterwards at least the first sketch of his Republic, in which his object is to maintain by the elaborate picture of an ideal government the thesis laid down in the epistle, namely, that the only remedy for the miseries of mankind must be sought in the establishment of a truly philosophical aristocracy. One of the most offensive features in Plato's ideal Republic is his proposal for a community of property and wives, and the supposition that the original edition, containing the first six books³, was given to the public soon after B.C. 395, is strongly supported by the statement of the old grammarians¹, that this work is ridiculed by Aristophanes in his Ecclesiazusa which appeared in B.C. 392, and in which Plato is mentioned, as he is also in the Plutus, by a diminutive of his original name Aristocles ". 1 Plato, Epist. VII. pp. 324 B, sqq. , especially 326 A, B. 2 By Professor Thompson. See our History of the Literature of Greece, Vol. II . pp. 211 sqq. 3 History ofthe Literature of Greece, II. p. 245. 4 Diog. Laert. III. 23 ; Herodian, apud Etym. M. p. 142 F. 5 Ecclesiaz. 646; Plutus, 313. 192 ARISTOPHANES. In this Comedy the women assume the male attire, steal into the assembly, and by a majority of votes carry a new constitution¹, which realizes, in part at least, the Platonic Utopia ; for there is to be a community of goods and women, and with regard to the latter the rights of the ugly are to be protected by special enactment. The play has a good deal of the old Aristophanic energy, and its indecency is as extravagant as its drollery and humour. It has the literary characteristics as well as the phallic grossness of the oldest Attic Comedy. But it is manifestly deficient in the outward apparatus which had set out the Comedy in its best days. The chorus is poorly equipped, and it has little to do in any respect which would have required careful training. There is no parabasis ; but instead of this a mere plaudite is addressed to the audience before the chorus go to supper². The Plutus, in its extant form, is the second edition of the play, which appeared in B. C. 388. The first edition was performed in B.C. 408. In the play, which has come down to us, we have only here and there a reminiscence of what the Old Comedy had been. The chorus is altogether insignificant. There is no political satire, and the personal attacks are directed against individuals capriciously selected. The plot is the development of a very simple and perfectly general truth of allegorical morality—that if the god of riches were not blind, he would have bestowed his favours with more discrimination. In this play Plutus falls into the hands of Chremylus, a poor but most worthy citizen, who contrives to restore the blind god to the use of his eyes. The natural consequences follow. The good become rich, and the bad are reduced to poverty. There is a slight dash of the old Aristophanic humour in the successive pictures of these alterations in the condition of the different classes of men. But on the whole the play exhibits many symptoms not only of the change, which had come over the whole spirit of Greek comic poetry, but also of the decay of the poet's 1 It is intimated, with a good deal of point, that this transference of the government to the women was the only expedient which had not been tried among the many changes of constitution at Athens (v. 456) : ἐδόκει γὰρ τοῦτο μόνον ἐν τῇ πόλει οὔπω γεγενῆσθαι. 2 vv. 1154 sqq. : σμικρὸν δ᾽ ὑποθέσθαι τοῖς κριταῖσι βούλομαι· τοῖς σοφοῖς μὲν τῶν σοφῶν μεμνημένους κρίνειν ἐμέ· τοῖς γελῶσι δ᾽ ἡδέως διὰ τὸν γέλων κρίνειν ἐμέ, K.T.X. ARISTOPHANES. 193 vigour and vivacity. The Plutus is not yet a play of the Middle Comedy, but it has lost all the characteristic features of the ancient comic drama of Athens. The last two Comedies which Aristophanes wrote were called Eolosicon and Cocalus; they were brought out about the time of the peace of Antalcidas, by Araros , one of the sons of the poet, who had been his principal actor at the representation of the second edition of the Plutus. They both belonged to the second variety of Comedy; namely, the Comedy of Criticism. The Eolosicon was a parody and criticism of the Eolus of Euripides¹ . The Cocalus was, perhaps, a similar criticism of a Tragedy or Epic Poem, the hero of which was Cocalus, the fabulous king of Sicily, who slew Minos² ; it was so near an approach to the third variety of Comedy, that Philemon was able to bring it again on the stage with very few alterations 3. It is altogether unknown in what year Aristophanes died ; it is probable, however, that he did not long survive the commencement of the 100th Olympiad, 380 B. c. He left three sons, Philippus, Araros, and Nicostratus, who were all poets of the Middle Comedy, but do not appear to have inherited any considerable portion of their father's wonderful abilities . Their mother was not a very estimable woman ; at all events, the poet is said to have declared, in one of his Comedies, that he was ashamed of her and his two foolish sons ; meaning, we are told, the two first- mentioned". The number of Comedies brought out by Aristophanes is not known with certainty : the reader will see in the note a list of fortyfour names of Comedies attributed to him®. 1 See Grauert, in the Rhein. Mus. for 1828, pp. 50 fol. The name Aloλoσíkwv is a compound (like ' Нpakλeloĝavolas, &c. ) of the name of Euripides's tragic hero, and Sicon, a celebrated cook. Grauert, p. 60. And for this reason the whole Comedy was full of cookery terms. Grauert, pp. 499 fol. 2 Grauert, p. 507. 3 Clemens Alex. Strom . VI. p. 628 : τὸν μέντοι Κώκαλον τὸν ποιηθέντα Αραρότι τῷ Αριστοφάνους υἱεῖ, Φιλήμων ὁ κωμικὸς ὑπαλλάξας ἐν ὑποβολιμαίῳ ἐκωμώδησεν. 4 Ranke, p. cxcix. 5 Vit. Anonym. p. xvii : (' Αριστοφάνης) μετήλλαξε τὸν βίον παῖδας καταλιπὼν τρεῖς, Φίλιππον ὁμώνυμον τῷ πάππῳ καὶ Νικόστρατον καὶ ᾿Αραρότα. —τινὲς δὲ δύο φασί, Φίλιπ- πον καὶ ᾿Αραρότα, ὧν καὶ αὐτὸς ἐμνήσθη· ἴσως αὐτοὺς λέγων. Τὴν γυναῖκα δὲ αἰσχύνομαι τώ τ᾽ οὐ φρονοῦντε παιδίω· 6 Ι. Δαιταλῆς. II. Βαβυλώνιοι . III . ᾿Αχαρνῆς. IV. Ἱππῆς. v. Νεφέλαι πρότεραι. VI. Προάγων. VII. Σφήκες. VIII. Εἰρήνη προτέρα. ΙΧ . 'Αμφιάραος. Χ. Ὄρνιθες. ΧΙ. Λυσιστράτη. ΣΙΙ. Θεσμοφοριάζουσαι πρότεραι. ΧΙΙΙ. Πλοῦτος πρότερος. xΙν. ΒάD. T. G. 13 194 ARISTOPHANES. In the very brief sketch which we have given of the general objects of Aristophanes' Comedies, we have confined ourselves to their external and political references. It must not, however, be supposed, because Aristophanes was a Pantagruelist, a fabricator of allegorical caricatures, giving vent at times to the wildest buffoonery, and setting no bounds to the coarseness and plain-spokenness of his words, that his writings contain nothing but a political gergo ; on the contrary, we find here and there bursts of lyric poetry, which would have done honour to the sublimest of his Tragical contemporaries. The fact is, that Aristophanes was not merely a wit and a satirist ; he had within himself all the ingredients which are necessary to form a great poet ; the nicest discrimination of harmony, a fervid and active imagination drawing upon the stores of an ever-creating fancy, and a true and enlarged perception of ideal beauty. This was so notorious even in his own time, that Plato , who had little reason to speak favourably of him, declared that the Graces, having sought a temple to dwell in, found it in the bosom of Aristophanes¹ , and it is very likely in consequence of Plato's belief in the real poetical power of Aristophanes, that he makes Socrates convince him in the Banquet, that the real artists of Tragedy and Comedy are one and the same². Ofthe private character of Aristophanes we know little, save that he was, like all other Athenians, fond of pleasure; and it is intimated by Platos that he was not distinguished by his abstinence and sobriety. That coarseness of language was in those times no proof of moral depravity, has already been sufficiently shown by a modern admirer of Aristophanes¹ : the fault was not in the man, but in the manners of the age in which he lived, and to blame the Comedian for it, is VII. τραχοι. Αν. Εκκλησιάζουσαι. XVI. Πλοῦτος δεύτερος. ΧVΙΙ. Αἰολοσίκων πρότερος. XVIII. Αἰολοσίκων δεύτερος. ΧΙΧ . Κώκαλος. These are arranged in the supposed order of their appearance. The remaining names are alphabetically arranged. I. ' Avá- γυρος. ΙΙ. Γεωργοί. III . Γῆρας. IV. Γηρυτάδης. v. Δαίδαλος. VI. Δαναΐδες. Δράματα ἢ Κένταυρος. VIII. Δράματα ἢ Νίοβος. ΙΧ. Εἰρήνη δευτέρα. x. "Hpwes, ΧΙ. Θεσμοφοριάζουσαι δεύτεραι. ΧΙΙ. Λήμνιαι. ΧΙΙΙ. Ναυαγός, or Δις Ναυαγός. Χιν. Νεφέλαι δεύτεραι. xν. Νῆσοι . XVI. Ολκάδες. XVII. Πελαργοί. XVIII. Ποίησις. ΧΙΧ . Πολύειδος. ΧΧ. Σκηνὰς καταλαμβάνουσαι. ΧΧΙ. Ταγηνισταί. ΧΧΙΙ. Τελμισσῆς. ΧΧΙΙΙ. Τριφάλης. ΧΧιν. Φοίνισσαι. XXV. Ωραι. See Dindorf's Collection of the Fragments. Bergk, p. 901. On the Tĥpas, see Süvern's essay on that play ; and on the Tpipáλns, Süvern, über die Wolken, pp. 62-65. 1 Apud Thom. Mag.: Αἱ χάριτες τέμενός τι λαβεῖν ὅπερ οὐχὶ πεσεῖται Ζητοῦσαι, ψυχὴν εὗρον ᾿Αριστοφάνους. 2 Sympos. p. 223 D. 3 For instance, see Symp. 176 B. 4 Porson's Review of Brunck's Aristophanes, Mus. Criticum, II . pp. 114, 115. ARISTOPHANES. 195 to give a very evident proof of that unwillingness to shake off modern associations which we have already deprecated¹ . The object of Aristophanes was one most worthy of a wise and good man ; it was to cry down the pernicious quackery which was forcing its way into Athens, and polluting, or drying up, the springs of public and private virtue ; which had turned religion into impudent hypocrisy, and sobriety of mind into the folly of word- wisdom ; and which was the cause alike of the corruption of Tragedy, and of the downfal of the state. He is not to be blamed for his method of opposing these evils : it was the only course open to him; the demagogues had introduced the comus into the city, and he turned it against them, till it repented them that they had ever used such an instrument. So far, then, from charging Aristophanes with immorality, we would repeat, in the words which a great and a good man of our own days used when speaking of his antitype Rabelais, that the morality of his works is of the most refined and exalted kind, however little worthy of praise their manners may be², and, on the whole, we would fearlessly recommend any student, who is not so imbued with the lisping and drivelling mawkishness of the present day as to shudder at the ingredients with which the necessities of the time have forced the great Comedian to dress up his golden truths, to peruse and re-peruse Aristophanes, if he would know either the full force of the Attic dialect, or the state of men and manners at Athens, in the most glorious days of her history³. ¹ Above, pp. 7, 8. 2 Coleridge's Table Talk, I. p. 178 . 3 The admiration which all true scholars have felt and expressed for Aristophanes, will survive the attacks of certain modern detractors. Among these, Hartung, in his Euripides restitutus, has endeavoured to exalt that tragedian at the expense of the great author of the Frogs, whom he assails in the most abusive language (1. 380, 476) . The disapprobation of the poetry and politics of Euripides, which Aristophanes so strongly avowed, is not incompatible with the imitation of his style, which he frankly admitted in his Σкnvàs кaтaλaµßávovσaι (above, p. 169) . And with regard to another charge, it is quite impossible, with the fragmentary evidence before us, to strike the balance of mutual obligation between Eupolis and Aristophanes. See Bernhardy, Grundriss, II. p. 973. 13-2 CHAPTER II. SECTION III. THE COMEDIANS WHO SUCCEEDED ARISTOPHANES. I coltivatori della commedia seguirono l'esempio di questi primi, come essi aveano pur seguito quello degli antichi, senza che nè gli uni nè gli altri, impediti da una servile imitazione, avessero soffocato il proprio genio o negletto i costumi del paese e del tempo loro. SALFI. A LTHOUGH, as we have already remarked¹, the writers of the Old and Middle Comedy are not easily distinguished , and although we have been obliged to indicate several of the old comedians as having tended rather to the middle form of Comedy, writers on the subject have always attempted a distinct classification of the comedians rather than of their plays ; and perhaps it may be said with truth that those who never wrote in the flourishing period of Athenian democracy, and whose earliest plays exhibit the characteristics of the final efforts of Aristophanes, may be regarded as belonging distinctively to the Middle Comedy. According to this distinction, the Middle Comedy is represented by a list of thirty- seven writers, -nearly as many as those of the Old Comedy, —and by more than double the number of the plays attributed to the former school-Eubulus, Antiphanes, and Alexis having among them contributed more than 600 plays to the catalogue ! The following are the names of the Middle Comedians : 1. ANTIPHANES. 2. EUBULUS. 3. ANAXANDRIDES. 4. Alexis. 5. ARAROS, son of Aristophanes. 6. PHILIPPUS, brother of the 1 On these authors and their works, see Meineke, Quæstiones Scenica Spec. III. and his Historia Critica, pp. 303 sqq. and 445 sqq.; also Müller, Hist. Lit. Gr. II. ch. xxix . THE COMEDIANS WHO SUCCEEDED ARISTOPHANES. 197 preceding. 7. NICOSTRATUS. 8. PHILETÆRUS. 9. AMPHIS. 10. ANAXILAS. 11. EPHIPPUS. 12. CRATINUS, the younger. 13. EPIGENES. 14. ARISTOPHON. 15. OPHELION. 16. ANTIDOTUS. 17. DIODORUS of Sinope. 18. DIONYSIUS, a countryman of the preceding. 19. HENIOCHUS. 20. ERIPHUS. 21. SIMYLUS. 22. SOPHILUS. 23. SOTADES. 24. PHILISCUS. 25. TIMOTHEUS. 26. THEOPHILUS. 27. AUGEAS. 28. DROMON. 29. EUBULIDES, the philosopher. 30. HERACLEIDES. 31. CALLICRATES. 32. STRA33. EPICRATES, of Ambracia. 34. AXIONICUS. 35. MNESIMACHUS. 36. TIMOCLES. 37. XENARCHUS. TON. The anonymous grammarian, who is our oldest authority for the history of the Greek comic stage, says that there were sixty-four writers of New Comedy¹. But we have only the following twenty-seven names which we can with certainty assign to this age of the drama. They are given in alphabetical order : ANAXIPPUS, APOLLODORUS of Carystus, APOLLODORUS of Gela, ARCHEDICUS, BATHO, CRITO, Damoxenus, DeMETRIUS, DIPHILUS, EPINICUS, EUDOXUS, EUPHRON, HEGESIPPUS, HIPPARCHUS, LYNCEUS, MACHON, MENANDER, PHILEMON and his son, PHILIPPIDES, PHOENICIDES, POSEIDIPPUS, SOSIPATER, SOSIPPUS, STEPHANUS, THEOGNETUS. Other names are occasionally mentioned, though it cannot be determined whether they belonged to the Middle Comedy or not. Thus we have DEMOPHILUS, from whom Plautus derived some of his plots ; CLEARCHUS and CROTYLUS, to each of whom three Comedies are assigned ; CHARICLEIDES, CALLIPPUS, DEMONICUS, DEXICRATES, EVANGELUS, LAON, MENECRATES, NAUSICRATES, who has two comedies assigned to him, NICON, NICOLAUS, NICOMACHUS, PHILOSTEPHANUS, POLIOCHUS, SOSICRATES, two of whose plays are mentioned, THUGENIDES, TIMOSTRATUS, to whom four comedies are attributed, and XENON. In these lists of writers of the Middle and New Comedy there are only a few who deserve or require any special notice. Of the authors of the Middle Comedy we may mention the following : It appears from the words of Suidas2, that EUBULUS, the son of Euphranor, who was an Athenian, and flourished about the year 1 Teρi kwμwdlas, XXX. 20, p. 537, Meineke.

  • Εὔβουλος—ἐδίδαξε δράματα ρδ' ἦν δὲ κατὰ ρα ' ὀλυμπιάδα, μεθόριος τῆς μέσης κωμῳδίας καὶ τῆς νέας.

198 THE COMEDIANS 375 B.C. , stood on the debateable ground between the middle and new Comedy, and to judge from the fragments in Athenæus, who quotes more than fifty of his comedies by name, he must have written plays of both sorts. He composed in the whole 104 comedies. ANTIPHANES was born in Rhodes in B. C. 404, began to exhibit about B. C. 383, and died in Chios in B. c. 330. He composed 260 or 280 Comedies, and the titles of 130 of these have come down to us. It appears from these names and from the numerous fragments, that the Comedies of Antiphanes were generally of the critical kind, but sometimes approximated to the Comedy of Manners¹. ANAXANDRIDES, of Camirus in Rhodes, flourished about the year 376 B.C.2 He wrote sixty-five Comedies. To judge from the twenty-eight titles which have come down to us, we should infer that they were all of the second class ; as, however, we are told that he introduced intrigues and love-affairs on the stage, we must presume that, like his countryman Antiphanes, he made an advance towards the third class of Comedy. Chamæleon tells us³, that he was a tall handsome man, and fond of fine dresses ; he gives as a proof of his want of temper, that he used to destroy, or sell for waste paper, all his unsuccessful comedies. He lived to a good old age. ALEXIS, of Thurium, wrote 245 Comedies ; the titles of 113 of them are known to us. The Parasite, one of his Comedies, seems from the name to belong to the New Comedy. He flourished from the year 356 to the year 306, and was more than one hundred years old when he died . We know nothing of him, except that he was an epicure , and the uncle and instructor of Menander . TIMOCLES, to whom twenty-seven Comedies are attributed, was a writer of very considerable vigour, and occasionally recurred to the political invective of the older Comedy. Demosthenes was some1 On Antiphanes and his fragments, see Clinton , 2 Parian Marble, No. 71, and Suidas. 4 Clinton, F. H. II. p. 175 . 6 Phil. Mus. I. pp. 558 fol. 3 Athenæus, IX. p. 374 A. 5 Athenæus, VIII. p. 334 C. Prolegom. Aristoph. p . xxx, and Suidas, where we must read ráтρws. WHO SUCCEEDED ARISTOPHANES. 199 times the object of his attacks. He was still exhibiting in 324 B. C.1 Of the authors of the New Comedy it will be sufficient to mention the following : PHILIPPIDES, the son of Philocles of Athens, is one of the six poets generally selected as specimens of the New Comedy2. He flourished about the year 335 B.C., and wrote forty-five Comedies ; of the twelve titles preserved, one at least, the Amphiaraus³, seems to belong to the Middle or Old Comedy. The intimacy which existed between him and Lysimachus was of great service to Athens . As that prince did not assume the title of king till 306 B.C., and as it appears from the words of Plutarch , that Lysimachus was king at the time of his acquaintance with Philippides, the poet must have lived after that year ; besides we know that he ridiculed the honours paid by the Athenians to Demetrius, in 301 B.C. There is, therefore , every reason to believe the statement of Aulus Gellius, that he lived to a very advanced age” , though perhaps the cause assigned for his death, excessive joy on account of an unexpected victory, is , like the similar story respecting Sophocles, a mere invention. PHILEMON was, according to Strabo , a native of Soli, though Suidas makes him a Syracusan, probably because he resided some time in Sicily. He began to exhibit about the year 330 B.C. , and died at the age of ninety-seven, some time in the reign of Antigonus the second⁹. According to Diodorus 10 , he lived ninety-nine years, and wrote ninety-seven Comedies. Various accounts are given of the manner of his death¹¹. Lucian tells us, he died in a paroxysm 1 See the passages in Clinton, F. H. 11. p. 161 . 2 Prol. Aristoph. p . xxx : ἀξιολογώτατοι Φιλήμων, Μένανδρος, Δίφιλος, Φιλιππίδης, Ποσείδιππος, ᾿Απολλόδωρος. 3 Quoted by Athenæus, III . p. 90. 4 Plutarch, Demetr. c. XII. 5 Φιλοφρονουμένου δέ ποτε τοῦ Λυσιμάχου πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ εἰπόντος, “ Ω Φιλιππίδη, τίνος σοι τῶν ἐμῶν μεταδῶ ;” “ Μόνον, ” ἔφη, “ ὦ βασιλεῦ, μὴ τῶν ἀποῤῥήτων. ” 6 Clinton, F. H. 1. p. 177. 7 III. 15 : Philippides comoediarum poëta haud ignobilis, ætate jam editâ, cum in certamine poëtarum præter spem vicisset, inter illud gaudium repente mortuus est. 8 XIV. p. 671. 10 Eclog. Lib. XXIII. p . 318. 9 Clinton, F. H. II. p. 157. 11 Plutarch, An seni, &c. p. 785 ; Lucian, Macrob. c. xxv. (Vol. VIII. p. 123, Lehm. ) ; Apuleius, Florid. xvi. Suidas says he was ninety-four when he died, and gives nearly the same description of his death as Lucian. 1 200 THE COMEDIANS of laughter at seeing an ass devouring some figs intended for his own eating. The names of fifty-three of his Comedies have come down to us¹. Philemon was considered as superior to Menander²; and Quintilian, while he denies the correctness of this judgment³, is nevertheless willing to allow Philemon the second place. We may see a favourable specimen of his construction of plots, in the Trinummus of Plautus, which is a translation from his Onσaupós¹. His plays, like those of Menander, contained many imitations of Euripides ; and he was so ardent an admirer of that poet, that he declared he would have hanged himself for the prospect of meeting Euripides in the other world, if he could have convinced himself that the departed spirits were really capable of recognizing one another5. MENANDER, the son of Diopeithes, the well-known general, and Hegesistrata , and the nephew of the comedian Alexis7 , was born at Athens in B. C. 3428, while his father was absent on the Hellespont station . He spent his youth in the house of his uncle, and received from him and from Theophrastus instructions in poetry and philosophy 10 : he may have derived from the latter, in some measure, the knowledge of character for which he was so eminent. In 321 B. C. his first Comedy came out¹¹ ; it was called 'Opyý 12. He wrote in the whole 10513 or 10814 Comedies, and gained 1 Fabricius, II. p. 476, Harles. 3 2 Aul. Gell. XVII. 4 ; Quintil. III . 7, 18. X. 1, 72 : Philemon, qui ut pravis sui temporis judiciis Menandro sæpe præ- latus est, ita consensu tamen omnium meruit credi secundus. 4 Prol. Trinummi, 18 : Huic nomen Græce est Thesauro fabulæ ; Philemo scripsit ; Plautus vortit barbare, Nomen Trinummo fecit. 5 Fragm. 40 A, p. 48, Meineke ; Anthol. Pal. Vol. II . p. 161 : 6 Suidas, Mévavôpos. Εἰ ταῖς ἀληθείαισιν οἱ τεθνηκότες Αἴσθησιν εἶχον, ἄνδρες, ως φασίν τινες, ᾿Απηγξάμην ἂν ὡς ἰδεῖν Εὐριπίδην. 8 Clinton, F. H. II. p. 143 . 7 Suidas, "Aλeğis. 9 Comp. Ulpian and Demosth. p. 54, 3, with Dionys. Dinarch. P. 666. 10 Proleg. Aristoph. p. xxx ; Diogen. Laërt. v. 36. 11 Proleg. Aristoph. p. xxx. 13 Apollod. ap. Aul. Gell . XVII. 4 : 12 Euseb. ad Olyn. 114, 4. Κηφισιεὺς ὢν ἐκ Διοπείθεος πατρός, Πρὸς τοῖσιν ἑκατὸν πέντε γράψας δράματα Ἐξέλιπε, πεντήκοντα καὶ δυοῖν ἐτῶν. 14 Suidas, γέγραφε κωμῳδίας ρή . WHO SUCCEEDED ARISTOPHANES. 201 the prize eight times : 115 titles of Comedies ascribed to him have come down to us ; it is not certain, however, that all these are correctly attributed to him¹. He died at Athens in the year 291 B. C.2 According to one account, he was drowned while bathing in the harbour of the Peiræus³. It appears from the encomiums which are heaped upon him¹, that he was by far the best writer of the Comedy of Manners among the Greeks. We have a few specimens of the ingenuity of his plots in some of the plays of Terence, whom Julius Cæsar used to call a demi-Menander5. He was an imitator of Euripides , and we may infer from what Quintilian says of him", that his Comedies differed from the Tragi- comedies of that poet only in the absence of mythical subjects and a chorus. Like Euripides, he was a good rhetorician, and Quintilian is inclined to attribute to him some orations published in the name of Charisius . The every-day life of his countrymen, and manners and characters of ordinary occurrence, were the objects of his imitation . His plots, though skilfully contrived , are somewhat monotonous ; there are few of his Comedies which do not bring on the stage a harsh father, a profligate son, and a roguish slave¹º. In his 1 Fabricius, II. pp. 460, 468, Harles. 2 Clinton, F. H. II. p. 18г. 3 A line in the Ibis attributed to Ovid, is supposed by some to allude to this (591) : Comicus ut mediis periit dum nabat in undis. 4 Quintil. X. 1 , 69 ; Plutarch, Tom. IX. pp. 387 sqq. Reiske ; and Dio Chrysost. XVIII. p. 255. 5 Donatus, Vit . Terentii. 6 See the passages compared by Meineke, Fragm. Com. Gr. Vol. IV. pp. 705 foll. It is interesting to know that it is still doubtful whether the Senarius quoted by St. Paul in Corinth. xv. 33 , was not borrowed by Menander, in his Thais, from some lost play of Euripides. It is quoted in Latin by Tertullian, ad Uxor. 1. 8. 7 x. 1, 69. 8 X. I , 70. 9 Aristoph. Byz. ap. Schol. Hermogenis, p. 38 : Manilius, V. 472 : 10 “Ω Μένανδρε καὶ βίε, Πότερος ἄρ᾽ ὑμῶν πότερον ἐμίμησατο ; Ardentes juvenes, raptasque in amore puellas, Elusosque senes, agilesque per omnia servos, Quis in cuncta suam produxit sæcula vitam Doctor in urbe sua linguæ sub flore Menander, Qui vitæ ostendit vitam, chartisque sacravit. Dum fallax servus, durus pater, improba læna, Vivent, dum meretrix blanda, Menandrus erit. Ovid, 1. Amorum, xv. 18. 202 THE COMEDIANS person Menander was foppish and effeminate¹. He wrote several prose works². A statue was erected to his memory in the theatre at Athens³. The date of the birth of DIPHILUS is unknown ; it is stated that he exhibited at the same time with Menander¹. He was born at Sinopes, and died at Smyrna. Of one hundred Comedies, which he is said to have written , the names of forty-eight are preserved . The Casina of Plautus is borrowed from his Kanpoúμevoɩ” , and the Rudens from some other play ; and Terence tells us, that he introduced into the Adelphi a literal translation of part of the Evvаπо@výσкоvтеs of Diphilus ". It appears from the Casina and Rudens and from a fragment of Machon , that he 1 In quis Menander, nobilis comœdiis, Unguento delibutus, vestitu affluens, Veniebat gressu delicato et languido. • Quisnam cinædus ille in conspectu meo Audet venire? Responderunt proximi : Hic est Menander scriptor. Phædrus, V. I. 9. Prorsus si quis Menandrico fluxu delicatam vestem humi protrahat. Tertullian, c. IV. de Pallio. 2 Suidas, Mévavôpos. 3 Pausan. I. 21 , I. 4 Δίφιλος Σινωπεύς, κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον ἐδίδαξε Μενάνδρῳ, τελευτᾷ δὲ ἐν Σμύρνῃ, Sрáµата dè avтоû p' . Proleg. Arist. p . xxxi. 5 Strabo, XII. p. 546. 6 Fabricius, II . p. 438, Harles. 7 Clerumence vocatur hæc comœdia Græce ; Latine Sortientes. Diphilus Hanc Græce scripsit, post id rursum denuo Latine Plautus cum latranti nomine. 8 Prolog. Rud. 32 : Prolog. Casina, 30-32. 9 Primum dum huic esse nomen urbi Diphilus Cyrenas voluit. Synapothnescontes Diphili comoedia ' st : Eam Conmorientes Plautus fecit fabulam. In Græca adolescens est, qui lenoni eripit Meretricem in primâ fabulâ : eum Plautus locum Reliquit integrum, eum hic locum sumpsit sibi In Adelphos, verbum de verbo expressum extulit. Prol. Adelph. 6—11 . 10 Athen. XIII. p. 580 A : • ὁ Δίφιλος, “ νὴ τὴν ᾿Αθηνᾶν καὶ θεοὺς ψυχρόν γ', ” ἔφη, 66‘ Γναθαῖν , ἔχεις τὸν λάκκον ὁμολογουμένως. ἡ δ᾽ εἶπε, “ τῶν σῶν δραμάτων γὰρ ἐπιμελῶς εἰς αὐτὸν ἀεὶ τοὺς προλόγους ἐμβάλλομεν. ” WHO SUCCEEDED ARISTOPHANES. 203 wrote prologues to his dramas, which were probably very like the prologues of the Latin comedians, though they were, we think, originally borrowed (like all the New Comedy) from the tragedies of Euripides. APOLLODORUS, of Gela in Sicily¹ , is also called a contemporary of Menander. He is often confused with APOLLODORUS of Carystus in Euboea, whom Suidas calls an Athenian, probably because he had the Athenian franchise, but who flourished between B.C. 300 and 260. For he is said to have been a contemporary of MACHON, who was a Corinthian or Sicyonian by birth, who resided at Alexandria, and gave instructions in Comedy to Aristophanes of Byzantium, and whose Comedies obtained for him a place among the Alexandrian poets immediately after those of the Pleiad². Of twenty-four Comedies, which are mentioned under the name of Apollodorus, four are ascribed to the earlier poet, six to the latter, and four to both. The remaining ten are quoted under the name of Apollodorus without any ethnic distinction . The later Apollodorus was much the more distinguished writer of the two, and there can be little doubt that it is he, and not the Geloan, who is mentioned as one of the six chief poets ofthe New Comedy . The Phormio of Terence is a translation from his ' Eidikatóμevos, and the Hecyra, which is said in the didascalia to have been taken from Menander, was, according to a recently discovered fragment, also borrowed from this poet5. POSIDIPPUS, the son of Cyniscus of Cassandreia, wrote thirty Comedies ; the titles of fifteen of these are known, and some of them were Latinized like those of the three last mentioned poets ". He began to exhibit in 289 B.C., two years after the death of Menander". 1 On the two comedians of this name see Clinton , F. H. III . pp. 521 , 2 ; Meineke, Hist. Crit. Com. pp. 459 sqq.

  • Athenæus, p. 664 A ( cf. vi. p . 241 F) : ἦν δ᾽ ἀγαθὸς ποιητὴς εἴ τις ἄλλος τῶν

METÀ TOÙS ÉTTά. The author of the article on Apollodorus of Carystus, in Smith's Dictionary ofBiography, applies to Apollodorus what Athenæus says of Machon. 3 Clinton's F. H. III. pp. 521, 2 . 4 Meineke, p. 462. 5 Mai, Fragm. Plaut. et Terent. p. 38 : “ Fabula ejus [ Terentii] exstant quatuor e Menandro translata, Andria, Eunuchus, Adelphæ et Heautontimorumenos ; duæ ex Apollodoro Caricio [ sic ] Hecyra et Phormio. " 6 Aul. Gell. II. 23. 7 Suidas, Ποσείδιππος, 204 THE COMEDIANS WHO SUCCEEDED ARISTOPHANES. The Greek Comedy properly ends with Posidippus, but there are some writers of a later date called comedians. RHINTHON, of Tarentum, is called a comedian by Suidas, but his plays seem to have been rather phlyacographies, or Tragi- comedies, and of those he left thirty-eight. He flourished in the reign of the first Ptolemy'. The titles of six of his plays are known². SOPATER, of Paphos, was a writer of the same kind ; and also SOTADES, of Crete, who flourished under Ptolemy Philadelphus, and wrote in the Ionic dialects , and in the so-called Ionic a minore metre. From the extravagant indecency of the Sotadean poems the name has become a by-word of reproach¹ . 1 Suidas : Ρίνθων, Ταραντίνος, κωμικός, ἀρχηγὸς τῆς καλουμένης Ιλαροτραγῳδίας 8 ἐστι Φλυακογραφία. υἱὸς δὲ ἦν κεραμέως καὶ γέγονεν ἐπὶ τοῦ πρώτου Πτολεμαίου. Δράματα δὲ αὐτοῦ κωμικὰ τραγικὰ λή. 2 Clinton, F. H. III. p. 486. 4 See History of Greek Literature, II. p. 464. 3 Ibid. p. 500. B. C. Olympiad. CHRONOLOGY OF THE GREEK DRAMA. The Drama. Contemporary Persons and Events. Gyges of Lydia. 708 XVIII. I. Archilochus. 693 XXI. 4. Simonides of Amorgus. 610 XLII. 3. Arion and Stesichorus fl. Pisander of Corinth. 594 XLVI. 3. Solon fl. 562 LIV. 3. Susarion. 549 LVII. 4. 544 LIX. I. Theognis. 535 LXI. 2. Usurpation of Pisistratus, B.C. 560. -The accession of Cyrus, B.C. 559. Death of Phalaris. Thespis first exhibits. Anacreon, Tbycus, Hipponax, — Pythagoras. 525 Cambyses conquers Egypt. LXIII. 4. Eschylus born. 524 LXIV. I. Charilus first exhibits. 519 LXV. 2. Cratinus born. 518 3. 511 LXVII. 2. Phrynichus first exhibits. 508 LXVIII. I. 500 499 495 490 LXX. I. 2. LXXI. 2. Institution of the Χορὸς ἀνδρῶν. Lasus of Hermione, the dithy- rambic poet. Epicharmus perfects Comedy. Eschylus first exhibits, and con- tends with Charilus and Pratinas. Birth of Sophocles. LXXII. 3. Eschylus at Marathon. Pindar born . Expulsion of the Pisistratida, B. C. 510 of the Tarquins, B. C. 509. Heraclitus and Parmenides, the philosophers. -Hecatœus, the historian. Birth of Anaxagoras. Ionian war commences, and Sardis is burnt. Miletus taken, B.C. 494. Miltiades. 206 CHRONOLOGY OF THE GREEK DRAMA. B. C. Olympiad. The Drama. Contemporary Persons and Events. Eschylus gains his first tragic Birth of Herodotus. 487 LXXIII. 2. Chionides first exhibits. 484 LXXIV. I. prize. 480 LXXV. I. Euripides born. 477 476 472 3. LXXVI. I. Epicharmi Νᾶσοι. Phrynichus victor with his pol- vioral. Themistocles choragus. LXXVII. 1. Eschyli Népoaι, Þíveús , гaukos Ποτνιεύς, Προμηθεὺς Πυρφόρος. 468 LXXVIII. I. Sophocles gains his first tragic prize. Eschylus goes to Sicily. 458 456 455 LXXX. 3. LXXXI. I. 2 . 454 3. 451 LXXXII. 2. 450 3. Eschyli Ορεστεία. Eschylus again retires to Sicily. Eschylus dies. Euripides exhibits the Peliades. Aristarchus, of Tegea, the trage- dian, and Cratinus, the comic poet, flourish. Ion of Chios begins to exhibit. Crates exhibits. 448 LXXXIII. I. Cratini ' Apxíxoxo . 447 441 440 2. AchæusEretriensis, the tragedian. LXXXIV. 4. Euripides gains the first tragic prize. Thermopyla, Salamis. Leonidas, Aristides, Themistocles.- Pherecydes, the historian. Gelon of Syracuse. Hiero succeeds Gelon, B.C. 478. Simonides gains the prize ' Avdpŵv Χορῷ. Birth of Thucydides, B.C. 471 . Socrates born. -Mycena destroy- ed by the Argives. -Death of Simonides, B.C. 467. Anaxagoras. Birth of Lysias. Herodotus at Olympia. End of the Messenian and Egyp- tian wars. Empedocles and Zeno. -Pericles. Bacchylides, the lyric poet. -Ar- chelaus, the philosopher. Death of Cimon, B.C. 449. Battle of Coronea. Herodotus and Lysias go with the colonists to Thurium, B.C. 443. LXXXV. I. Comedy prohibited by a public The Samian war, in which Sopho- decree. cles is colleague with Pericles. 437 3. The prohibition of comedy re- pealed. Isocrates born, B. C. 436. 435 LXXXVI. 2. Phrynichus, the comic poet, first Sea-fight between the Corinthians exhibits. and Corcyræans. 434 3. Lysippus, the comic poet, is vic- Andocides, Meton, Aspasia. torious. CHRONOLOGY OF THE GREEK DRAMA. 207 B.C. Olympiad. The Drama. 431 LXXXVII. 2. Euripidis Mndela, PiλOKTÝTηs, Δίκτυς, Θερισταί. Aristomenes, the comic poet. 430 3. Hermippus, the comic poet. 429 4. Eupolis exhibits. 428 LXXXVIII. 1. Euripidis ' ITTÓλUTOS. Plato, the comic poet. 427 2. Aristophanis Δαιταλεῖς. 426 3. 425 424 423 Aristophanis Βαβυλώνιοι. Aristophanes first with the ' Axap- veis: Cratinus second with the Χειμαζόμενοι : Eupolis third with the Νουμηνίαι. LXXXIX. I. Aristophanes first with the IT2. 422 3. TEIS: Cratinus second with the Zárupo : Aristomenes third with the Ολοφυρμοί. Cratinus first with the IIurivn : Ameipsias second with the Κόννος : Aristophanes third with the Νεφέλαι. Aristophanis Zoĥkes et ai deú- τεραι Νεφέλαι. (Sed vide supra. ) Cratinus dies. Contemporary Persons and Events. Attempt of the Thebans on Pla- tæa. Hippocrates. Plague at Athens, Siege of Platea. -Birth of Plato. Anaxagoras dies. Surrender of Platea. -Gorgias of Leontium. Tanagra. Cleon at Sphacteria. Xenophon at Delium.-Amphi- polis taken from Thucydides by Brasidas. The year's truce with Lacedæ- mon.-Alcibiades begins to act in public affairs. Brasidas and Cleon killed at Amphipolis. 421 420 XG. I. Eupolidis Μαρικᾶς et Κόλακες, Truce for fifty years with Lace- dæmon. Eupolidis Αὐτόλυκος et 'Αστρά- Treaty with the Argives. τευτοι. 419 Aristophanis Εἰρήνη. 2. 416 XCI. I. Agathon gains the tragic prize. 415 2. Capture of Melos. Xenocles first ; Euripides second | Expedition to Sicily. with the Τρωάδες, ᾿Αλέξανδρος, Παλαμήδης, and Σίσυφος. Archippus, the comic poet, gains the prize. 414 3. Aristophanis Αμφιάραος (eis Λήναια) . 208 CHRONOLOGY OF THE GREEK DRAMA. B. C. Olympiad. The Drama. Contemporary Persons and Events. Ameipsias first with the Κωμασ Tal: Aristophanes second with the " Opvibes : Phrynichus third with the Μονότροπος (εἰς ἄστυ) . 413 XCI. 4. Hegemonis Γιγαντομαχία. 412 XCII. 1 . Euripidis 'Ανδρομέδα. 411 2. Destruction of the Athenian army before Syracuse. Lesbos, Chios, and Erythræ re- volt. Aristophanis Λυσιστράτη εt Θεσ- The 400 at Athens. μοφοριάζουσαι. Sophocles first with the iλo- 409 κτήτης. 408 XCIII. I. Euripidis Ορέστης. 406 3. Euripides dies. 405 4. 404 401 XCIV. I. 3. XCVII. I. XCVIII. I. Death of Sophocles. Aristophanis Bárpaxol, first ; Phrynichi Moûoal, second ; Platonis Kleopŵv, third. Antiphanes born. Sophoclis Oldinovs Eπi Koλwvw exhibited by the younger Sophocles ; who first represented in his own name, B.C. 396. Aristophanis Εκκλησιάζουσαι. Aristophanis Πλοῦτος β' . Arginusa. -Dionysius becomes master of Syracuse. -Philis- tus, the Sicilian historian. Egospotami. -Conon. The Thirty at Athens. Xenophon, with Cyrus. —Ctesias, the historian. -Plato. Agesilaus. 392 388 387 2. 386 3. 383 376 368 356 348 XCIX. 2. CI. I. CIII. I. CVI. I. CVIII. I. Theopompus, the last poet of the Old Comedy. Antiphanes begins to exhibit. Eubulus, Araros, and Anaxandrides, the comic poets, flou- rished. Aphareus, the tragedian. Alexis, the comic poet. Heraclides, the comic poet. Peace of Antalcidas. Alexander born. -Expulsion of Dionysius. -Death of Timo- theus, the musician. Demosthenes against Midias.- Philip and the Olynthian war. CHRONOLOGY OF THE GREEK DRAMA. 209 B. C. Olympiad. The Drama. 342 CIX. 3. Birth of Menander. Contemporary Persons and Events. Timoleon at Syracuse. - Isocrates. -Aristotle. 336 CXI. I. Amphis, the comic poet, still Philip assassinated. exhibits. 335 2. Philippides, the comedian. 332 CXII. I. Stephanus, the comic poet. Siege of Tyre. 330 3. Philemon begins to exhibit. Darius slain. 324 CXIV. I. Timocles still exhibits. Alexander dies. dies, B.C. 322. Demosthenes 321 4. Menandri ' Opyń. Diphilus. 307 CXVIII. I. Demetrius, the comic poet. 304 CXIX . I. Epicurus.-Agathocles. Archedippus, Philippides, and Demetrius Poliorcetes. Anaxippus, the comic poets, flourish. 291 CXXII. 2. Death of Menander. Arcesilaus. 289 4. Posidippus begins to exhibit Rhinthon flourishes. 280 CXXV. I. Sotades. War with Pyrrhus. 230 CXXXVII. 3. Macho, the comedian. 200 CXLV. I. Apollodorus, the Carystian. Plautus dies. 14 D. T. G. BOOK III. EXHIBITION OF THE GREEK DRAMA. CHAPTER I. ON THE REPRESENTATION OF GREEK PLAYS IN GENERAL. Dass man auf das ganze Verhältniss der Orchestra zur Bühne keine vom heutigen Theater entnommenen Vorstellungen übertragen, und die alte Tragödie nicht MODERNISIREN dürfe, ist ja wohl eine der ersten Regeln, die man bei der Beurtheilung dieser Dinge zu beobachten hat.-K. O. MUELLER. IF the Greek plays themselves differed essentially from those of our own times, they were even more dissimilar in respect of the mode and circumstances of their representation. We have theatrical exhibitions of some kind every evening throughout the greater part of the year, and in capital cities many are going on at the same time in different theatres. In Greece the dramatic performances were carried on for a few days in the Spring ; the theatre was large enough to contain the whole population, and every citizen was there, as a matter of course, from daybreak to sunset¹. With us a successful play is repeated night after night, for months together : in Greece the most admired dramas were seldom repeated, and never in the same year. The theatre with us is merely a place of public entertainment ; in Greece it was the temple of the god, whose altar was the central point of the semicircle of seats or steps , 1 Asch. κατὰ Κτησ. p. 488, Bekker : καὶ ἅμα τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ἡγεῖτο τοῖς πρέσβεσιν εἰς τὸ θέατρον. The torch-races in the last plays of a trilogia (above, p. 102) seem to show that the exhibitions were not over till dark. REPRESENTATION OF GREEK PLAYS IN GENERAL. 211 from which some 30,000¹ of his worshippers gazed upon a spectacle instituted in his honour. Our theatrical costumes are intended to convey an idea of the dresses actually worn by the persons represented, while those of the Greeks were nothing but modifications of the festal robes worn in the Dionysian processions . Finally, the modern playwright has only the approbation or disapprobation of his audience to look to ; whereas no Greek play was represented until it had been approved by a board appointed to decide between the rival dramatists. It will be worth our while, then, to consider separately the distinguishing peculiarities of a Greek dramatic exhibition. We shall discuss the points of difference successively, as they relate to the time, the means, the place, and the manner of performance ; to which we shall add a few remarks on the audience and the actors. And first with regard to the time. Theatrical exhibitions formed a part of certain festivals of Bacchus ; in order, then, to ascertain at what time of the year they took place, we must inquire how many festivals were held in Attica in honour of that God, and then determine at which of them theatrical representations were given. There have been great diversities of opinion in regard to the number of the Attic Dionysia³ : it appears, however, to be now pretty generally agreed among scholars that there were four Bacchic feasts ; in the sixth, seventh, eighth, and ninth months respectively of the Attic year. I. The " country Dionysia, " (тà Kaт' ȧyρoùs Aiovúσia,) were celebrated all over Attica, in the month Poseideon, which included the latter part of December and the beginning of January. This 1 Plato, Sympos. p. 175 E. 2 Müller, Eumeniden, § 32, and Hist. Gr. Lit. 1. p. 393 new ed. 3 The reader who wishes to investigate the question fully is referred to Scaliger (Emendat. Temp. I. p. 29), Paulmier (Exercitat. in Auctores Græcos, pp. 617-619), Petit (Legg. Atticæ, pp. 112-117) , Spanheim (Argum. ad Arist. Ran. Tom. III . pp. 122 sqq. ed. Beck) , Oderici ( Dissert. de Didasc. Marmorea, Rom. 1777, and in Marini, Iscriz. Albane, Rom. 1785, pp. 161-170) , Kanngiesser (Kom. Bühne, pp. 161-170), and Hermann (Beck's Aristoph. Tom. v. pp. 11-28) , who infer from the Scholiast, on Aristoph. Ach, 201 and 503, that the Lenæa were identical with the rural Diony- sia ; to Selden (ad Marm. Oxon. pp. 35—39), Corsini (F. A. II . 325—329), Ruhnken (in Alberti's Hesych. Auctar. to Vol. I. p. 1000), Barthélemy (Mém. de l'Acad. des Inscr. XXXIX. pp. 172 sqq. ), Wyttenbach (Biblioth. Crit. II. 3 , pp. 41 sqq. ) , Spalding (Abhandl. d. Berl. Academie, 1804-1811, pp. 70-82), Blomfield (in Mus. Crit. II. pp. 75 sqq.), and Clinton (F. H. II. p. 332), who identify the Lenæa and Anthesteria ; finally, to Böckh (Abhandl. d. Berlin. Acad. 1816, pp. 47-124), Buttmann (ad Dem. Mid. p. 119), and Dr Thirlwall (in the Phil. Mus. II. pp. 273 fol. ) , who adopt the opinion stated in the text. Some arguments in favour of the second hypothesis have been brought forward by a writer in the Classical Museum, No. XI. pp. 70 sqq. 14-2 212 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF was the festival of the vintage, which is still in some places postponed to December¹. II. The festival of the wine-press (тà Anvaia) was held in Gamelion, which corresponded to the Ionian month Lenæon, and to part of January and February. It was, like the rural Dionysia, a vintage festival, but differed from them in being confined to a particular spot in the city of Athens, called the Lenæon, where the first wine-press (Aŋvós) was erected. . III. The “ Anthesteria ” (τὰ ᾿Ανθεστήρια, τὰ ἐν Λιμναῖς) were held on the eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth days of the month Anthesterion. This was not a vintage festival, like the former two. The new wine was drawn from the cask on the first day of the feast ( IIi0oiyia), and tasted on the second day (Xóes) : the third day was called Xúτpoi, on account of the banqueting which went on then 2. At the Choës each of the citizens had a separate cup, a custom which arose, according to the tradition, from the presence of Orestes at the feast, before he had been duly purified³ ; it has been thought, however, to refer to a difference of castes among the worshippers at the time of the adoption of the Dionysian rites in the city . The " Anthesteria " are called by Thucydides the more ancient festival of Bacchus 5. IV. The “ great Dionysia ” (τὰ ἐν ἄστει, τὰ κατ᾽ ἄστυ, τὰ ȧσTIKά) were celebrated between the eighth and eighteenth of Elaphebolion . This festival is always to be understood when the Dionysia are mentioned without any qualifying epithet. At the first, second, and fourth of these festivals, it is known that theatrical exhibitions took place. The exhibitions at the country Dionysia were generally of old pieces ; indeed, there is no instance of a play being acted on those occasions for the first time, at least after the Greek Drama had arrived at perfection. 1 Philol. Mus. II. p. 296. 2 See the end of the Acharnians, and Aul. Gell. VIII. 24. 3 See Müller's Eumeniden, § 50. 4 See above, p. 55. 5 II. 15. 6 Æschin. περὶ παραπρεσβ. p . 36 : μετὰ τὰ Διονύσια ἐν ἄστει καὶ τὴν ἐν Διονύσου ἐκκλησίαν προγράψαι δύο ἐκκλησίας, τὴν μὲν τῇ ὀγδόῃ ἐπὶ δέκα, τὴν δὲ τῇ ἐνάτῃ ἐπὶ δέκα : and κατὰ Κτησ. p. 63 : εὐθὺς μετὰ τὰ Διονύσια τὰ ἐν ἄστει, τῇ ὀγδόῃ καὶ ἐνάτῃ ἐπὶ δέκα. 7 Thus Demosthenes twits Æschines with his wretched performances in some of the characters of Sophocles and Euripides at the deme Cotyttus. De Coronâ, p. 288. Comp. Eschin. c . Timarch. p. 158. There appear to have been dramatic exhibitions at Phlyæ, in the time of Isæus : καὶ οὐ μόνον εἰς τὰ τοιαῦτα παρεκαλούμεθα, ἀλλὰ καὶ εἰς Διονύσια εἰς ἀγρὸν ἦγεν ἀεὶ ἡμᾶς, καὶ μετ᾿ ἐκείνου τε ἐθεωροῦμεν καθήμενοι παρ' αὐτόν, &c. -Isæus, de Ciron. Hæred. Vol. 1. p. 114, Orator. Attic. Oxford. GREEK PLAYS IN GENERAL. 213 At the Lenea and the great Dionysia, both Tragedies and Comedies were performed¹ ; at the latter the Tragedies at least were always new pieces ; the instances in the didascalia, which have come down to us, of representations at the Lenæa are indeed always of new pieces2, but from the manner in which the exhibition of new Tragedies is mentioned in connexion with the city festival³, we must conclude that repetitions were allowed at the Lenæa, as well as at the country Dionysia. The month Elaphebolion may have been selected for the representation of new Tragedies, because Athens was then full of the dependent allies, who came at that time to pay the tributes , whereas the Athenians alone were present at the Lenæa. It does not clearly appear that there were any theatrical exhibitions at the Anthesteria ; it is, however, at least probable that the Tragedians read to a select audience at the Anthesteria the Tragedies which they had composed for the festival in the following month, or, perhaps , the contests took place then, and the intervening month was employed in perfecting the actors and chorus in their parts 5 . In considering the means of performance, we must recal to mind the different origins of the two constituent parts of a Greek drama-the chorus and the dialogue. Choruses were, as we have 1 Law in Demosth. Mid. p. 517. ἡ ἐπὶ Ληναίῳ πομπὴ καὶ οἱ τραγῳδοὶ καὶ οἱ κωμῳδοί, καὶ τοῖς ἐν ἄστει Διονυσίοις ἡ πομπὴ καὶ οἱ παῖδες καὶ ὁ κῶμος καὶ οἱ κωμῳδοὶ καὶ οἱ τραγῳδοί. 2 See above, pp. 160, 182, 187, 189. 3 See the decree, Demosthenes Tepi σtepávov, p. 264, Bekker : åvayopeûσai tòv στέφανον ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ Διονυσίοις τραγῳδοῖς καινοῖς. Lexicon Sangerm . p. 309, Bekker : τραγωδοῖσι ; τῶν τραγῳδῶν οἱ μὲν ἦσαν παλαιοὶ οἱ παλαιὰ δράματα εἰσάγοντες· οἱ δὲ καινοὶ, οἱ καινὰ καὶ μηδέποτε εἰσαχθέντα. See Hemsterhuis on Lucian's Timon, Vol. I. p. 463, Lehmann. This custom continued down to the times of Julius Cæsar, when a similar decree was passed in favour of Hyrcanus the high-priest and Ethnarch of the Jews. See Josephus, Antiq. Jud. XIV. 8. Οὐ γάρ με καὶ νῦν διαβαλεῖ Κλέων, ὅτι Ξένων παρόντων τὴν πόλιν κακῶς λέγω. Αὐτοὶ γὰρ ἐσμέν, οἱπὶ Ληναίῳ τ᾿ ἀγών, Κοὔπω ξένοι πάρεισιν· οὔτε γὰρ φόροι Ἥκουσιν, οὔτ᾽ ἐκ τῶν πόλεων οἱ ξύμμαχοι ᾿Αλλ᾿ ἐσμὲν αὐτοὶ νῦν γε περιεπτισμένοι Τοὺς γὰρ μετοίκους ἄχυρα τῶν ἀστῶν λέγω. Aristoph. Acharn. 477 : see the Scholiast. Hence Eschines takes occasion to reproach Demosthenes with being too vain to be content with the applause of his own fellow- citizens, since he must needs have the crown decreed him proclaimed at the great Dionysia, when all Greece was present : οὐδὲ ἐκκλησιαζόντων 'Αθηναίων ἀλλὰ τραγῳδῶν ἀγωνιζομένων καινῶν, οὐδ᾽ ἐναντίον τοῦ δήμου, ἀλλ' ἐναντίον τῶν Ελλήνων ἵν᾿ ἡμῖν συνειδῶσιν οἷον ἄνδρα τιμῶμεν. — Contra Ctesiph. Vol. II . p. 469, Orat. Att. Oxford. 5 Philol. Mus. II . pp. 292 fol. 214 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF seen¹ , originally composed of the whole population. When, however, in process of time, the fine arts became more cultivated, the duties of this branch of worship devolved upon a few, and ultimately upon one, who bore the whole expense, when paid dancers were employed . This person, who was called the Choragus, was considered as the religious representative of the whole people³, and was said to do the state's work for it (λeɩтovρyeîv¹) . The Choragia, the Gymnasiarchy, the Feasting of the Tribes, and the Architheoria, belonged to the class of regularly recurring state burthens (Šykúkλioi Meiтoupyiai) , to which all persons whose property exceeded three talents were liable. It was the choragus' business 5 to provide the chorus in all plays, whether Tragic or Comic, and also for the lyric choruses of men and boys, Pyrrhichists, Cyclian dancers, and others ; he was selected by the managers of his tribe (èπiµeλntaì þvλns) for the choragy which had come round to it. His first duty, after collecting his chorus, was to provide and pay a teacher (xopodidáσkaλos) , who instructed them in the songs and dances which they had to perform, and it appears that the choragi drew lots for the first choice of teachers. The choragus had also to pay the musicians and singers who composed the chorus, and was allowed to press children, if their parents did not give them up of their own accord. He was obliged to lodge and maintain the chorus till the time of performance, and to supply the singers with such aliments as conduce to strengthen the voice. In the laws of Solon the age prescribed for the choragus was forty years ; but this rule does not appear to have been long in force. The relative expense of the different choruses, in the time of Lysias, is given in a speech of that orator ". We learn from this that the 1 Above, p. 27. 2 See Buttmann on Dem. Mid. p. 37. 3 Hence his person and the ornaments which he procured for the occasion were sacred. See Demosth. Mid. p. 519, et passim. • 4 On this word, see Valckenaer on Ammon. II. 16 ; Ruhnken, Epist. Crit. I. p. 54 ; Hesychius, s. v. p. 463, Vol. II. It is formed from λέως, λειτον, λήϊτον ( see Herod. VII. 197 : λήϊτον καλέουσι τὸ πρυτανήϊον οἱ ᾿Αχαιοί). The best notion of the meaning of a liturgy may be derived from Eschyl. Eumen. 340 : Σπευδόμενος δ᾽ ἀφελεῖν τινα τάσδε μερίμνας Θεῶν δ᾽ ἀτέλειαν ἐμαῖς λεΐταις ἐπικραίνειν, if the emendations which we have introduced, or adopted from Müller, are to be received. 5 On the choragia, see Böckh's Public Economy, Vol. II. pp. 207 foll. Engl. Transl. , or Stuart's Athens. Lysias, ' Aro . dwpod . p. 698. Translated by Bentley (Phalaris, p. 360). GREEK PLAYS IN GENERAL. 215 tragic chorus cost nearly twice as much as the comic, though neither of the dramatic choruses was so expensive as the chorus of men, or the chorus of flute-players¹. The actors were the representatives not of the people, but of the poet ; consequently the choragus had nothing to do with them². If he had paid for them, the dramatic choruses would surely have exceeded in expensiveness all the others ; besides, the actors were not allotted to the choragi, but to the poets ; and were therefore paid either by these, or, as we rather think, by the state. When a dramatist had made up his mind to bring out a play, he applied, if he intended to represent at the Lenæa, to the kingarchon, and, if at the great Dionysia, to the chief archon³ for a chorus, which was given to him if his piece was deemed worthy of it . Along with this chorus he received three actors by lots, and these he taught independently of the choragus, who confined his attention to the chorus. The most important personage in the formation of every chorus was the actual leader, precentor, or fugleman, whose voice and movements the choreutæ followed in all the songs and evolutions of the orchestra". This functionary was called κορυφαῖος, χοροῦ ἡγεμών, χοροποίος , also χοροστάτης , and corresponded no doubt to the égápxwv of the old choruses. It is probable that there were two other fuglemen to take charge of the subordinate divisions of the chorus, when it was broken up into sections¹º, and perhaps the passage in the Eumenides, which 1 Demosth. Mid. p. 565. 2 This is shown by Böckh, after Heraldus (Public Economy, III. ch. 22, p. 455, Engl. Tr. ). Notwithstanding, however, what Böckh has said about the passage in Plutarch, Phocion, 19 , it seems that the choragus had something to do with the costume of the actors, or at least of the supernumeraries who appeared on the stage or in the orchestra. 3 See above, p. 114, note ( 1) . 4 There is some difference of opinion as to the person "" who gave the chorus." Some think it was the choragus who was applied to (see Küster on Aristoph. Eq. 510 ; Ducker on Aristoph. Ran. 94) ; others that it was the archon : this opinion is in itself the most likely to be true, and appears to be confirmed by the words of Aristotle quoted above, p. 70, note (2) . 5 Hence Xopòv didóval signifies generally to approve or praise a poet. See Plato, Resp. II. p. 383 c, and Aristoph. Ran. in p. 159 supra. 6 This practice subsisted to the last ; see Plotinus, III. 2, p. 484, Creuzer. 7 Aristot. de Mundo, c . 6 : καθάπερ ἐν χορῷ κορυφαίου κατάρξαντος συνεπηχεῖ πᾶς ὁ χορός. 8 J. Pollux, IV. § 106. 9 Himerius, p. 558 ; Theodor. Prodr. Rhod. IV. p. 170. 10 Buttmann, Index in Dem. Mid. s . v. кopvpaîos, p. 178. 216 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF led to the absurd supposition that the chorus in that play consisted of three only, refers to the coryphæus and his two immediate subalterns¹. When the whole chorus was drawn up in three lines, these two subalterns stood immediately behind the coryphæus in the second and third ranks respectively, and were called Tapaστárηs and TρITOOTάTηs with reference to their leader². It is clear that the three actors , who were termed πрwτaуwνιστής, δευτεραγωνιστής, and τριταγωνιστής respectively , were always regarded as a distinct troop or company, and that each retained his relative rank. Thus Ischander was regularly a devTEραγωνιστής of the πρωταγωνιστής Neoptolemus , and Æschines never rose to a higher rank than that of a тpiray@vioτns . The first actor was regarded as the representative and manager of his troop; he carried the inferior actors with him, received for himself the prize of victory, and, though he may have given a share of this and of the other honours of the performance to his second performer, it is probable that the tritagonist was obliged to be contented with his pay . Before a troop could be regarded as generally entitled to perform it must have gained a prize. Otherwise it was obliged to encounter some previous scrutiny, which was waived in the case of any actor who had succeeded in a competition". It is reasonable also to conclude that the protagonist of a successful troop was free from the risk of drawing lots for his poet. At least we hear that the eminent actors Cleander and Myniscus attached themselves almost exclusively to Eschylus ; that Sophocles almost monopolized the services of Tlepolemus 1 ν. 135 : ἔγειρ᾽ ἔγειρε καὶ σὺ τήνδ' ἐγὼ δὲ σέ. 2 Aristot. Polit. III. 4 , 6 : ἀνάγκη μὴ μίαν εἶναι τὴν τῶν πολιτῶν πάντων ἀρετήν, ὥσπερ οὐδὲ τῶν χορευτῶν κορυφαίου καὶ παραστάτου. Metaph. IV. 11 , p. 1018 b. 28 : οἷον παραστάτης τριτοστάτου πρότερον καὶ παρανήτη νήτης· ἔνθα μὲν γὰρ ὁ κορυφαῖος, evoɑ dè ǹ μóvn åpxý. Jul. Pollux, IV. § 106, seems to call the Tapaσтárns deute- ροστάτης . 3 Above, p. 54, note 4. 4 Dem. de Fals. Legat. p. 344, 7. 5 See the passage quoted at the end of this chapter. 6 Dem. de Coron. p. 314 ; Lucian, Navig. ad fin. , Icaromen. 29 ; Plutarch, Præcept. Polit. p. 816 ad fin. 7 Hesychius and Suidas, s. v. : νεμήσεις ὑποκριτῶν· οἱ ποιηταὶ ἐλάμβανον τρεῖς ὑπο- κριτὰς κλήρῳ νεμηθέντας· ὧν ὁ νικήσας εἰς τοὐπιὸν ἀκρίτως (-τος Suid. ) παρελαμβάνετο. Where Hemsterhius conjectures Tapeλáµßave and renders the passage (ad Luciani Tim. c. 51) : "quorum poetarum qui superior discessit, in posterum sine discrimine suos sibi actores legebat. " But the context shows that the relative refers to the actors and not to the poets. 8 Hermann in Aristot. Poet. p. 193. GREEK PLAYS IN GENERAL. 217 and Cleidemides¹ ; and that the latter poet sometimes composed his plays with a special reference to the qualities of the actors who had to perform in them2, just as modern composers will sometimes write an opera for a particular singer. The control which the protagonist exercised over his coadjutors is shown in many ways. If the inferior actors had finer voices than their chief, they were sometimes obliged to do themselves imperfect justice in order that he might shine the more³. And though the protagonist had sometimes to appear in a humble character by the side of his crowned and sceptred hireling, the tritagonist , the great actor Theodorus always took care to sustain any part, even that which belonged to the tritagonist, if this involved the first entry on the stage, in order to make sure of the first impression on the audience . That the poet would undertake to teach a protagonist how to act his play seems very improbable, and the phrase didáσkeiv Spâμa must refer only to the general superintendance, which the poet, in conjunction with the choragus, exercised during the rehearsals of the play. When the day appointed for the trial came on, all parties united their efforts® , and endeavoured to gain the prize by a combination of the best-taught actors with the most sumptuously dressed and most diligently exercised chorus ". That the exertions of the choragus and the actors were often as influential with the judges as the beauty of the poem cannot be doubted³, when we have so many instances of the ill-success of the best dramatists. The 1 Bernhardy, Grundriss, p. 642. 2 Vit. Sophocl. p. x . : καὶ πρὸς τὰς φύσεις αὐτῶν τῶν ὑποκριτῶν) γράψαι τὰ δράματα. 3 Cic. div. in Cæcil. 15 , 48 : "ut in actoribus Græcis fieri videmus, sæpe illum qui est secundarum vel tertiarum partium, quum possit aliquoties clarius dicere quam ipse primarum, multum submittere ut ille princeps quam maxime excellat." 4 Plut. Præcept. Polit. p . 816 F : ἄτοπον μὲν γάρ ἐστιν τὸν μὲν ἐν τραγῳδίᾳ πρωτο αγωνιστὴν Θεόδωρον ἢ Πῶλον ὄντα μισθωτῷ τῷ τὰ τρία ( τρίτα ? ) λέγοντι πολλάκις ἕπεσθαι ἢ προσδιαλέγεσθαι ταπεινῶς ἂν ἐκεῖνος ἔχῃ τὸ διάδημα καὶ τὸ σκῆπτρον. 5 Aristot. Polit. IV. (VII . ) 17, p. 1336 : ἴσως γὰρ οὐ κακῶς ἔλεγε τὸ τοιοῦτον Θεόδωρος ὁ τῆς τραγῳδίας ὑποκριτής· οὐθένι γὰρ πώποτε παρῆκεν ἑαυτοῦ προεισάγειν οὐδὲ τῶν εὐτελῶν ὑποκριτῶν, ὡς οἰκειουμένων τῶν θεατῶν ταῖς πρώταις ἀκοαῖς. 6 The contending choragi were called avrixópnyol ( Demosth. Mid. p. 595, Bekker), the rival dramatists ȧvrididáσкaλo (Aristoph. Vesp. 1410), and their performers άVTÍTEXVOL (Alciphron, III . 48), a name which is also given to Euripides as the rival of Eschylus in the dramatic contest between them in the Rana, 815. 7 For the harmony and equality of voice required in the chorus see Aristotle, Polit. III. 113, § 21 : οὐδὲ δὴ χοροδιδάσκαλος τὸν μεῖζον καὶ κάλλιον τοῦ παντὸς χοροῦ φθεγγόμενον ἐάσει συγχορεύειν.. 8 It is expressly stated by Aristotle, Rhet. III . 1 , § 4 . Prolog. vv. 9, 10. Cf. Terence, Phormio, 218 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF judges were appointed by lot, and were generally¹ , but, as we have seen, not always2, five in number. The archon administered an oath to them ; and, in the case of the cyclian chorus, partiality or injustice was punishable by fine³. The successful poet was crowned with ivy (with which his choragus and performers were also adorned¹) , and his name was proclaimed before the audience. The choragus who had exhibited the best musical or theatrical entertainment generally received a tripod as a reward or price. This he was at the expense of consecrating, and in some cases built the monument on which it was placed . Thus the beautiful choragic monument of Lysicrates, which is still standing at Athens, was undoubtedly surmounted by a tripod ; and the statue of Bacchus, in a sitting posture, which was on the top of the choragic monument of Thrasyllus, probably supported the tripod on its knees. Such, at least, seems to have been the intention of the holes drilled Fig. 1. 1 See Maussac, Diss . Crit. p. 204 ; Hermann, de quinque judicibus poetarum, Opusc. VII. p. 88. 2 Above, p. 114. 3 Æschin. κατὰ Κτησιφ. § 85. 4 See the passages quoted by Blomfield (Mus. Crit. II. p. 88), and the lines of Simmias, in p. 113, supra. 5 Lysias ubi supra, p. 202. Comp. Wordsworth's Athens and Attica, pp. 153, 4. GREEK PLAYS IN GENERAL. 219 in the lap of the figure. From the inscriptions on these monuments, the didascalia of Aristotle, Carystius Pergamenus, Dicæarchus, and Callimachus, were probably compiled¹. The choragus in Comedy consecrated the equipments of his chorus2 , and was expected to provide his choreuta with a handsome entertainment, an expectation which, to judge from the complaints of the comic poets themselves, he did not always fulfil in a satisfactory manner³. It is probable that the tragic chorus also looked for a similar conclusion of their labours . The successful poet, as we see from Plato's Banquet, commemorated his victory with a feast. As, however, no prize-drama was permitted to be represented for a second time (with an exception in favour of the three great dramatists, which was not long in operation¹ ) , the poet's glory was very transient ; so much so, that when Thucydides wished to predict the immortality of his work, he sought for an apt antithesis in the once-heard dramas of the contemporary poets5. The time allowed for the representation was portioned out by the clepsydra, and seems to have been dependent upon the number of pieces represented . What this number was is not known. It is probable, however, that about three trilogies might have been represented on one day". 1 Böckh's Corpus Inscript. I. p. 350. 2 Lysias ubi supra. Comp. Theophrastus, Charact. XXII. 3 See Eupolis, ap. Jul. Poll. III . § 115, ( p. 551 Meineke) : ἤδη χορηγὸν πώποτε ῥυπαρώτερον τοῦδ᾽ εἶδες ; Aristoph. Acharn. 1120 : ὅς γ' ἐμὲ τὸν τλήμονα Λήναια χορηγῶν ἀπέκλεισε ἄδειπνον. Cf. Arist. Αv. 88 and the Scholiast : τοῦτο εἰς διαβολὴν τοῦ χορηγοῦ ὅτι μικρὸν δέδω- κεν ἱερεῖον. 4 Above, p. 99 ; Aul. Gell . VII. 5 ; Plutarch, Rhetorum Vitæ. 5 Ι. 22 : κτῆμα δὲ ἐς ἀεὶ μᾶλλον ἢ ἀγώνισμα ἐς τὸ παραχρῆμα ἀκούειν ξύγκειται. 6 Τοῦ δὲ μήκους ὅρος, πρὸς μὲν τοὺς ἀγῶνας καὶ τὴν αἴσθησιν, οὐ τῆς τέχνης ἐστίν. Εἰ γὰρ ἔδει ἑκατὸν τραγῳδίας ἀγωνίζεσθαι, πρὸς κλεψύδρας ἂν ἠγωνίζοντο, ὥσπερ ποτὲ καὶ &λλoré paow. Aristot. Poet. c. VII . 7 " Yet that number seems to have been a fixed thing : so Aristotle speaks of it : εἴη δ᾽ ἂν τοῦτο, εἰ τῶν μὲν ἀρχαίων ἐλάττους αἱ συστάσεις είεν, πρός τε τὸ πλῆθος τῶν τραγῳδιῶν τῶν εἰς μίαν ἀκρόασιν τιθεμένων παρήκοιεν. Poet. § 40. See Tyrwhitt's note. If each tribe furnished but one choragus, and not, as some appear to have supposed, one for each different kind of contest, the number of tragic candi- dates could scarcely have exceeded three. For there seem never to have been less than three or four distinct kinds of choruses at the great Dionysian festivals ; which, when portioned out amongst the ten choragi, could not by any chance allow of more than three or four choragi to the tragic competitors ; which agrees very well with all that is elsewhere mentioned on this head, for we seldom meet with more than three candidates recorded, and probably this was in general the whole number of exhibitors. 220 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF The place of exhibition was, in the days of the perfect Greek drama, the great stone theatre erected within the Lenæon, or inclosure sacred to Bacchus. The building was commenced in the year 500 B.C., but not finished till about 381 B. C. , when Lycurgus was manager of the treasury. In the earlier days of the drama the theatre was of wood, but an accident having occurred at the representation of some plays of Eschylus and Pratinas, the stone theatre was commenced in its stead¹. The student who wishes to entertain an adequate notion of the Greek Theatre must not forget that it was only an improvement upon the mode of representation adopted by Thespis, which it resembled in its general features. The two original elements were the Ovμén, or altar of Bacchus, round which the cyclian chorus danced², and the Xoyeîov or stage from which the actor or exarchus spoke³ ; it was the representative of the wooden table from which the earliest actor addressed his chorus , and was also called oκpíßas. But in the great stone theatres, in which the perfect Greek dramas were represented, these two simple materials for the exhibition of a play were surrounded by a mass of buildings, and subordinated to other details of a very artificial and complicated description. That part of the structure, which was set apart for the audience, and was more properly called the Oéaтpov, may be discussed without any doubt or difficulty ; for not only are the authorities explicit in their accounts, but we have many remains which are sufficiently complete to serve as a safe basis for architectural restorations ; and the theatre at Aspendus in Pamphylia, which has come down to us without a single defect of any consequence in the stone work, enables us to restore, with very slight risk of error, all the details of Aristophanes, indeed, had on one occasion four rival comedians to oppose (Argum. III. in Plut. ) ; but this was, in all likelihood, at the Lenca, when, perhaps, not a single tragedy had been offered for representation, and, consequently, a large proportion of choruses would be left disengaged for comic candidates. " If the custom of contending with tetralogies was still retained, Aristotle, in the passage above, most probably intended by τῶν τραγῳδιῶν τῶν εἰς μίαν ἀκρόασιν τεθεμέ- vw the exhibition of one such tetralogy. This supposition is in some measure supported by the fact, that there were three or four separate hearings in the day; since four tetralogies would occupy from twelve to sixteen hours : and if, as is natural, each competitor took up a whole hearing, this will confirm our former induction with regard to the number of candidates. " Former Editor. 1 Libanius' Argument. Demosth. Olynth. 1. and Suidas, Пparivas. 2 See Müller, Anhang zum Buch, Æsch. Eumeniden, p . 35 . 3 Above, p. 100, note 5. 4 Above, p. 6o ; Pollux, IV. 123 : ἐλεὸς δὲ ἦν τράπεζα ἀρχαία, ἐφ᾽ ἣν πρὸ Θέσπιδος εἰς τις ἀναβὰς τοῖς χορευταῖς ἀπεκρίνετο. GREEK PLAYS IN GENERAL. 221 the proscenium and orchestra which were presented to the eyes of a Greek audience. With regard, however, to the minor arrangements of the stage, such as the painted scenes and the other machinery of exhibition, we are left in a great measure to an interpretation of the ancient descriptions ; for the more fragile materials of which these parts of the theatre were constructed have yielded to the stress of time, and so left us without any tangible evidence to support the scattered statements of ancient writers. It will be desirable, therefore, before we proceed to give a general description of a Greek theatre, .based on an examination of all the authorities, and including all the particulars for which we have any evidence, either monumental or literary, to present to the student the actual form of the best preserved of the ancient theatres, and to make this ocular demonstration the basis and starting-point of the more theoretical reconstructions. The theatre at Aspendus belongs unquestionably to the times of the Roman domination in Asia Minor. An inscription over the eastern door informs us that two brothers, A. Curtius Crispinus Arruntianus and A. Curtius Auspicatus Titinnianus, in accordance with their father's will, had contributed to the repairs or adornment of the theatre in honour of their ancestral gods and the imperial house¹ ; and it has been conjectured from an inscription at Præneste, which one of the two brothers had set up to P. Ælius Pius Curtianus, that these persons lived in the time of M. Antoninus. Be that as it may, other inscriptions, placed on a pedestal in the interior, and over the door leading to the seats, inform us that the architect was a Greek, Zeno the son of Theodorus³. And we may infer that the theatre at Aspendus, though it belongs in its present state to the time of the Roman Cæsars, was probably built on the foundations, and perhaps to a certain extent according to the model of a previously existing Greek theatre. In its general features it corresponds to the restorations which have been made, with the aid 1 Böckh, C. I. III . p. 1163 : Dis patriis et domui Augustorum ex testamento A. Curtii Crispini A. Curtius Crispinus Arrun- tianus et A. Curtius Auspicatus Titinnianus fecerunt. Θεοῖς πατρίοις καὶ δόμῳ Σεβαστῶν ἐκ διαθήκης Α. Κουρτίου Κρεισπείνου Α. Κούρτιος Κρεισπεῖνος ᾿Αῤῥουν- τιανὸς καὶ Α. Κούρτιος Αὐσπικᾶτος Τιτιννιανὸς ἐποίησαν. 2 Henzen, Annali dell' Instituto di Corr. Arch. 1852, p. 165. 3 Böckh, III . pp. 172, 1161 . 222 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF of the fragments, of the cavea of the theatre at Catana as seen from the stage¹, and of the stage of the theatre at Tauromenium, as seen from the cavea2 . It contains all that was required for the representation of a Greek play in the best period of the drama ; and though, as we shall see, Vitruvius makes certain distinctions between the Greek and Roman theatres, it does not follow that all theatres built in Greek cities during the Roman period departed from the ancient model, which, after all, was the point of departure for the Roman architects themselves. It will be observed that the theatre at Aspendus, as represented in the accompanying ground-plan ( Plate 1) , elevation of the lower front (fig. 2) , and view of the interior ( see Frontispiece) ³, is externally Fig. 2. a plain building, with three complete rows of windows, besides sixteen other openings of the same kind. In the interior, the theatrum , or part allotted to the spectators, is a hemicycle composed of two 1 Serradifalco, Antich. della Sicilia, Vol. v. Taf. III.; Wieseler, Theatergebaüde, Taf. III. 12. 2 Serradifalco, Vol. v. Tav. XXII .; Wieseler, Taf. III. 6. 3 These illustrations are taken from Texier, Description de l'Asie Mineure, Paris, 1849, Vol. III. Pl. 232 sqq. The description is due to Schönborn ( Scene der Hellenen, pp. 26-28, 83-94), who saw the theatre about the same time as Texier. Adlard Isc dddddddddddddd bbbbbbbbbbbbp 10 6INCHES =65F.20METRES 2000 ASPENDUS ATTHEATRE STRUCTURE AND FLAN -GROUND onfor Longman &

GREEK PLAYS IN GENERAL. 223 præcinctiones or divisions separated by a diazoma or lobby, and there are nineteen tiers of seats in each of these separate halves of the theatre. The whole is crowned by a portico or gallery with fifty-eight arches. The great majority of the audience must have got to their places through the parodi of the orchestra, from which there are steps leading to the rows of seats, or through the gallery at the upper end,. which had doors behind it. It was, however, possible to reach the upper seats by a door at the north end of the seats leading to the diazoma. The scene-front is connected with the spectators ' seats by walls on either side rising to the full height of the theatre, and there can be no doubt that this part of the building was covered in by a roof. There are three stories in the scene. In the first story there are five doors. A cubical basement of stone appears in each angle of the scene, and these are continued by the sides of the doors, so that there are twenty of them in all. Those in the corners have each of them an unfluted column reaching to the second story, and these columns are still found in the Greek theatre at Myra in Lycia. The other basements by the doors were probably the distances from the proscenium at which the movable scenery hung from the balconies above. Besides the five doors the first story has nine windows, of which the four larger stand between the doors, and the other five over the doors . These windows, like those in the upper story, are merely ornamental, as they do not go through the wall. In the second story, immediately over the cubical basements of the podium, there is a corresponding number of little balconies, each consisting of a slab resting on two supports projecting at right angles from the wall. The faces of the latter are ornamented, like the frieze of a building, with the skulls of victims connected by garlands. On each of the balconies there is a low pedestal, and they are all connected by a narrow ledge, which may have served as the support of the planks laid across from one balcony to the other, when the exigencies of the performance required that the whole should be used as a continuous upper stage. It is to be remarked that Vitruvius, as we shall see, speaks of the pluteum in the singular ; and there is no reason why these little balconies should not be regarded as really connected by the ledge to which reference has been made. There are no traces of balustrades. But the upper part of the scene served, no doubt, as a sufficient protection for the actors, when they had to appear on the second story. There are three little doors in the second story, leading to " 224 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF the gallery formed by the series of balconies ; also eight windows corresponding to those of the lower story, the place of the ninth being occupied by one of the doors. The third story has no doors or windows, and instead of a practicable gallery, it has a series of ornamental pediments, triangular or semicircular, standing over the projections below and similarly supported. That in the centre, which is much the largest, is adorned with a female figure surrounded by ramifications of foliage. There are traces in the third story both of the supports of the roof, and of the orifices, in which stage machinery rested. The two wings of the theatre are divided by a party wall in continuation of the proscenium, and the outer half of each, i.e. that which is bounded by the front wall of the theatre, constitutes in each case a staircase to the upper stories of the building. We now proceed to show how exactly this well-preserved theatre corresponds in all essential features to the general descriptions which have come down to us. A formal description of an ancient theatre necessarily rests on the geometrical rules of Vitruvius. The Roman theatre was arranged, he tells us¹, according to the following scheme : describe a b m e at fox Fig. A. circle (abcdefghiklm) with a radius corresponding to the intended size of the orchestra, and in this inscribe four equilateral triangles, aei, bfk, cgl, dhm, the angles of which shall touch the circumference 1 Vitruvius, v. 6, 7. GREEK PLAYS IN GENERAL. 225 at equal distances. Let any side, mh, of an included triangle be taken to represent the direction of the scena, and parallel to this draw the line ag through the centre of the circle. The line mh produced to o on one side and to n on the other so as to make it double the diameter, or four times the radius of the circle, gives the front of the scene ; and the line ag marks the limits of the pulpitum on the side of the orchestra. The five angles, which fall within the scene, indicate the positions of the five doors opening on the stage ; and the other seven angles define the directions of the steps leading to the seats of the spectators. From this it appears that the orchestra in a Roman theatre formed a semicircle, of which the furthest point was one radius from the front of the stage, and one radius and a halffrom the front of the scene ; the scene was four radii in length, and the stage half a radius in breadth. The Greek theatre was arranged according to the following scheme¹. Taking a circle agy, inscribe in it three squares nkfc, mieb, lgdy, so that the angles touching the circumference may be equidistant from one another. As before, let any side, nk, of an included square be taken to represent the boundary of the proscenium on the side of the spectators ; then a tangent pr, drawn parallel to this side, will represent the front of the scene. Let o be the centre of the circle, and q the centre of the orchestra thus defined ; through a draw ah parallel to nk ; and from a and h, with the radius of the original circle, draw the arcs st, uv, cutting the proq d e P w b a y W D. T. G. Fig. B. 1 Vitruvius, V. 8. 9 h Ꮖ 15 226 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF duced line nk in the points w and x. The length of the scene shall be equal to the line wx. From this it appears that the orchestra in a Greek theatre was more than a semicircle, the furthest point being one radius and fivesevenths from the front of the stage, and a whole diameter from the front of the scene. The breadth of the stage is therefore of the radius. These proportions, though differing in special cases, correspond in the main to those of the existing theatres, and may be assumed as the basis of the following description , and of the plan (Plate 2) by which it is illustrated¹. In building a theatre, the Greeks always availed themselves of the slope of a hill, which enabled them to give the necessary elevation to the back-rows of seats , without those enormous substructions which we find in the Roman theatres. If the hill- side was rocky, semicircles of steps, rising tier above tier, were hewn out of the living material. If the ground was soft, a semicircular excavation of certain dimensions was made in the slope of the hill, and afterwards lined with rows of stone benches. Even when the former plan was practicable, the steps were frequently faced with copings of marble. This was the case with the theatre of Bacchus at Athens, which stood on the south-eastern side of the rocky Acropolis. This semicircular pit, surrounded by seats on all sides but one, and in part filled by them, was called the κoîλov or cavea (A A A) , and was assigned to the audience. At the top it was enclosed by a lofty portico and balustraded terrace (c) . Concentric with this circular arc, and at the foot of the lowest range of seats, was the boundary line of the orchestra, opxnoτpa, or " dancingplace " (B) , which was given up to the chorus. If we complete the circle of the orchestra (compare fig. B.) , and draw a tangent to it at the point most removed from the audience, this line will give the position of the scene, okŋvý, or " covered building2 " ( D D) , which presented to the view of the spectators a lofty façade of hewn stone, susceptible of such modifications as the different 1 This plan, with the exception of the stage, is derived from that which was published by Mr. T. L. Donaldson in the supplemental volume to Stuart's Antiquities of Athens, 1830, p. 33. It has also appeared in The Library of Entertaining Know- ledge, " Pompeii, " Vol. I. p. 232, where the wood- cut preserves the engraver's error of ΟΡΚΗΣΤΡΑ for ΟΡΧΗΣΤΡΑ, by way of identification ; for the author of the plan is not mentioned. 2 " Scene properly means a tent or hut, and such was doubtless erected of wood by the earliest beginners of dramatic performances, to mark the dwelling of the principal person represented by the actor. " Müller, Hist. Lit. Gr. I. p. 301. N.E. W F 1000014001 14400 n @ Scale 10of50 www m N.W. n n m The n T T T Of 20 20 30 50 TI 09 - LD O b D 6 B E F S.E. 70 83 T E bbbbbbbbbb m 000001 m dddddddddddam T объ 2007 90 Feet F の H.Adlard sc. S.W.

GREEK PLAYS IN GENERAL. 227 plays rendered suitable. In front of this scene was a narrow stage, called, therefore, the πроσкývιov (c), which was indicated by the parallel side of a square¹ , inscribed in the orchestral circle, but extended to the full length of the scene on both sides ( i . e. to D D) . Another parallel at a certain distance behind the scene gave the portico ( F F) , which formed the lower front of the whole building. We are not to suppose that a Greek theatre exhibited in its architecture any elaborate or superfluous ornamentation . It was constructed for a special purpose-the adequate representation of dramatic entertainments of a certain kind before a very considerable multitude of spectators, -and if it effected this purpose, the architect and his employers were quite satisfied . He was not inspired with the unprofitable ambition of an eminent and successful member of the same profession in our own time, of whom it has been said at once pointedly and truly, that being employed to build a house of Parliament, which was to accommodate a certain number of members and to admit of the speakers being well heard, he contrived it so that the persons, for whom it was intended, could not all be present, while those who spoke were, except under very favourable circumstances, inaudible to the reporters and their proper audiences ; and who being also employed to build a picture-gallery for a nobleman, so contrived it that scarcely one of the paintings could be seen in a good light ; though in both cases he erected stately buildings very pleasing to the eye when seen from without. Very different was the performance of the architect who constructed a Greek theatre. If the seats of the spectators did not run on the side of a hill they were surrounded by a wall without ornaments or windows, and resembling the tower of a fortress rather than a splendid edifice. And the front of the theatre was so devoid of all decorations that it would have suggested to a modern spectator the idea of a barrack or a manufactory, rather than of a place consecrated to the Muses2. The koîλov or cavea ( A) was divided into two or more flights of steps by the dialóμata or præcinctiones (b bb) , which were broad belts, concentric with the upper terrace and with the boundary line 1 The angles of this square, and of two others inscribed in the orchestral circle as indicated in the accompanying plan, point out the divisions of the cunei, the com- mencements of the iter (at hh), and the width of the eccyclema (at i). 2 Schönborn, Scene der Hellenen, p. 22, and compare the elevation of the theatre at Aspendus (Fig. 2). 15-2 228 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF of the orchestra, and served both as lobbies and landings¹. The steps of the Koλov were again subdivided transversely into masses called Keρkides, cunei, or " wedges" (a a a) , by stairs, xλíμakes (999) , running from one diawμa to another, and converging to the centre of the orchestra. These stairs were called oeλides, or gangways, from their resemblance, mutatis mutandis, to the passage across the σéλμaтa or Švyά of a trireme², for they were flanked on both sides by spectators seated before and below one another, just as the oexis running fore and aft in a galley passed between the rowers, the highest of the three benches being always behind the middle tier, and this again being behind the lowest. As it seems that there were eleven tiers of seats between each Siawua in the theatre at Athens, the diazoma itself being counted as the twelfth row, we shall understand the allusion in Aristophanes (Equites, 546) : αἴρεσθ᾽ αὐτῷ πολὺ τὸ ῥόθιον, παραπέμψατ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ἕνδεκα κώπαις θόρυβον χρηστὸν ληναΐτην " raise for him a plash of applause in good measure, and waft him a noble Lenæan cheer with eleven oars, " for each κeρris would suggest the idea of eleven benches of rowers, and the applause demanded by the chorus would come like the plash of eleven oars striking the waters at once. Different parts of the theatre received different names from the class of the spectators to whom they were appropriated . Thus, the lower seats , nearest to the orchestra, which were assigned to the members of the council (Bovλn) , and others who had a right to reserved seats (προεδρία) , were called βουλευτικός τόπος, and the young men sat together in the eonßiròs Tóπos¹. The spectators 1 The view which has been given of the theatre at Aspendus shows the correspond- ing parts of these præcinctiones ; but in the theatre at Herculaneum there is no proper diazoma to separate the rows of seats, which run above each other in distinct galleries. 2 There is no doubt that the primary sense is the nautical, as given by Hesychius : σελίδες· τὰ μεταξὺ διαφράγματα τῶν διαστημάτων τῆς νεώς. Eustathius also and Julius Pollux connect σexis with oλua. Phrynichus says (Anecd. Bekk. 62, 27) : σeλis βιβλίου λέγεται δὲ καὶ σελὶς θεάτρου ; but the use of σελίς to denote the intercolumnar space of a manuscript, and hence to signify the page of a book in general, is the latest use of the three, and is probably derived from the resemblance between the lines of seats in the theatre divided by gangways, and the lines of writing separated by inter- columnar spaces of blank paper. 3 See our paper Vol. x. Part I. " On the Structure of the Athenian Trireme, " Camb. Phil. Soc. 4 'καθ᾽ ὁρᾷ τὸν ἄνδρα τῆς γυναικὸς ἐν βουλευτικῷ . Aristoph. Aves, 794. On which the Scholiast remarks : ουτος τόπος τοῦ θεάτρου, ὁ ἀνειμένος τοῖς βουλευταῖς, ὡς καὶ ὁ τοῖς ἐφήβοις Εφηβικός. GREEK PLAYS IN GENERAL. 229 entered either from the hill above by doorways in the upper portico (uuu), or by staircases in the wings of the lower façade (ss) ¹. The orchestra (B) was a levelled space twelve feet lower than the front seats of the koinov, by which it was bounded. Six feet above this was a boarded stage ( E) , which did not cover the whole area of the orchestra, but terminated where the line of view from the central cunei was intercepted by the boundary line. It ran, however, to the right and left of the spectators ' benches (e t, e t) , till it reached the sides of the scene. The main part of this platform, as well as an altar of Bacchus in the centre of the orchestral circle ( d) , was called the Ouμéλn². The segment of the orchestra not covered by this platform was termed the Kovíorpa, arena, or " place of sand. " In front of the elevated scene, and six feet higher than the platform in the orchestra (i . e. on the same level with the lowest range of seats) , was the Tρоσкηvov, mentioned above (c), and called also the λoyeîov, or " speaking-stage. " There was a double flight of steps ( λμaктηpes) from the arena (Kovíoтpa) to the platform in the orchestra (p) , and another of a similar description from this orchestral platform to the πрookηvov or real stage (q). There were also two other flights of steps leading to the orchestral platform from the chambers below the stage (fh, fh). These were called the xaρávioi kλíμakes , or " Charon's stairs, " and were used for the entrance of spectres from the lower world, and for the ghostly apparitions of the departed. There was another entrance to the thymelic platform, which led to the outer Allusion is made to these reserved seats, in the Equites, 669: Κλέων. ᾿Απολῶ σε νὴ τὴν προεδρίαν τὴν ἐκ Πύλου. Αλλαντοπώλης. Ἰδοὺ προεδρίαν· οἷον ὄψομαί σ᾽ ἐγὼ Ἐκ τῆς προεδρίας ἔσχατον θεώμενον. From whence and elsewhere we may infer, that eminent public services were rewarded by this highly- prized poedpía. It is a great matter with the vain-glorious man in Theophrastus : τοῦ θεάτρου καθῆσθαι, ὅταν ᾖ θέα, πλησίον τῶν στρατηγῶν. Char. II. ¹ Kolster maintains (Sophokleische Studien, p. 25) that at Athens the only entrances for the spectators were those to the right and left of the orchestra, for that the stage lay to the south ; and to the north, at the back of the theatre, where the rocks of the Acropolis rose, there could have been no entrance. 2 The student should remark the successive extensions of meaning with which this word is used. At first it signified the altar of Bacchus , round which the cyclic chorus danced the dithyramb. Then it signified the platform, on which this altar stood, and which served for the limited evolutions of the chorus . Lastly it denoted any platform for musical or dramatic performances, so that in the later writers the thymele is identi- fied with the proscenium, which extended as far as the centre of the orchestral circle in the Roman theatres (see Jahrb. f. Phil. u. Pädag. LI. 1 , pp. 22-32) . We believe that in the time of Euripides, at all events, the thymele signified the platform for the chorus, and not merely the altar which stood upon it : see Eurip. Electr. 712 sqq. 230 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF portico of the theatre by passing under the seats of the spectators (hbr). This may have been used when there was no regular parodus of the chorus ( of which more presently) , and when the choreutæ made their exit in an unusual manner, as in the last scene of the Eumenides. The regular entrances of the chorus were by the Tápodo (tn, tn) , and along the Spóμos or iter ( te, te) . The scene itself was a façade of masonry consisting regularly of two stories (whence it is called dɩoreyía¹ ) , divided by a pluteum or continuous balcony, either made throughout of a platform of stone, or consisting of a series of projections with balustrades, which might be made continuous by laying a flooring of planks from one to the other. If there was a third story, it was called the episcenus ; but this was not essential. The scene was adorned by columns, and Vitruvius gives their regular dimensions ; namely, those in the lower story, with their pedestals and capitals, were one-fourth of the diameter of the orchestra ; over these the epistyles and entablatures were one-fifth of the columns below; in the second story we have the pluteum with its entablature or balcony half the height of the pulpitum or stage, which Vitruvius designates as " the lower balcony , " and above the pluteum we have the columns of the second story less by one-fourth than those of the lower story, the epistylium with the entablature being as before one-fifth of the columns below. If there is an episcenos, its pluteum is half the pluteum below it, and its columns less by onefourth than the columns of the second story, the epistylium and entablature bearing the same proportion, namely, one-fifth, to the corresponding columns. These measurements of course varied with the tastes of different epochs, and the size of the theatre in the particular case. The distinctive and indispensable features of the scene were the pluteum or balcony, and the five doors by which the actors made their different entrances on the stage. On these particulars it will be necessary to make some remarks. It seems more than probable that in the most flourishing period of the Greek drama, the mere front of the scene was never used to indicate by itself the place of the action, but that this was always depicted on a painted curtain or some similar representation. That these pictures were suspended from the pluteum seems to be 1 Vitruv. v. 7: pluteum insuper cum unda et corona inferioris plutei dimidia parte. See Schönborn, p. 82 ; and below, part II . 2 Pollux, IV. § 130. GREEK PLAYS IN GENERAL. 231 the most natural supposition, and if the scene represented a mountain, as in the Prometheus, a watch-tower, as in the Supplices, or a palace, as in the Agamemnon, on the top of which an actor had to appear, it is obvious that the pluteum would furnish him with the necessary footing ; and there can be no doubt that there were approaches to it by doors in the scene, as, in fact, we see in the theatre at Aspendus. It is also evident that the pluteum must have furnished a basis for certain machines, which were worked above the stage. For example, the coλoyeîov¹ , which was apparently a platform surrounded by clouds, and contrived for the introduction of divine personages, was of course moved from the side of the scene along the pluteum. The whole of the action in the Peace of Aristophanes from v. 178, when Trygæus is raised on his monster beetle to the second story of the scene, by means of a machine (v. 174) , to v. 728, when he returns to the stage, -having lost his beetle, by means of the staircase behind the scene, must have taken place in sight of the spectators on the upper balcony of the pluteum. Every one ofthe five doors in the scene had its appropriate destination. The centre door ( ), or valva regia of Vitruvius , was the regular entrance of the protagonist, and represented, according to the scenery hung before it, a palace, a cavern, or other abode of the chief actor for the time being ; the door to the spectators ' right of this (k) was the abode of the deuteragonist, and the door to the spectators ' left (7) was appropriated to the tritagonist. Pollux says, perhaps referring to a particular play, the Baccha of Euripides, that the right door indicated the strangers ' apartment (§evov) , and the left a prison (eiρKтý) . Vitruvius terms both of the doors near the centre hospitalia. In Comedy Pollux calls the adjacent space to the centre λíolov, " the out-buildings, " with reference of course to some particular Comedy ; and the scenery represented wide entrances called λioiádes Oúpai, adapted for the ingress of cattle and wagons. Towards either side of the scene were two other doors , which Vitruvius calls itinera and aditus, and these, with the TeρiakтOL, or triangular prisms moving on pivots, which were fixed beside or in them (m, m) , indicated to the spectators whether the actors entering by these doors were to be supposed as coming from 1 Pollux, IV. § 130 : ἀπὸ δὲ θεολογείου ὄντος ὑπὲρ τὴν σκηνὴν ἐν ὕψει ἐπιφαίνονται θεοί, ὡς ὁ Ζεὺς καὶ οἱ περὶ αὐτὸν ἐν Ψυχοστασίᾳ. 232 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF the city or the harbour in the immediate neighbourhood of the locality represented, or from a distance. The student will remember that these five entrances led to the stage, and belonged to the actors only. And the distinction between the two elements in the ancient drama, on which we have so often insisted, must be borne in mind here. For in addition to these five elσodo for the entrances of the actors, there were two Táρodo , one on each side, for the chorus. These Táρodo did not lead to the stage, but either opened at once from the wings into the orchestra, as we see in the theatre at Aspendus, or, to favour the idea that the side-entrances of the chorus and actors corresponded, the chorus passed under the stage, and came out by doors (t, t) on a line with the periacti (m, m) , which are often mentioned in connexion with the parodi. If any one, who so entered the orchestra, had afterwards to mount the stage, as Agamemnon in the play of that name, he was obliged to ascend by a flight of steps¹ . Now we are told that while, with regard to the side-doors on the stage, the right door indicated that the actor so entering came from a distance, but the left that he came from the city or the harbour, and that if the right-hand wepíakтos was turned, it indicated that the road leading to the distant object was different, but that if both Teρíaктоι were turned, with of course a change in the decorations of the scene itself, the place of action was different, or there was a total change of scene. But, on the other hand, it is said that, with regard to the Tápodo or entrances of the chorus, that on the right was supposed to lead from the market-place (if we read ảyopîlev for åypó¤ev) or from the harbour or from the city, but that those who came on foot (i.e. not floating in the air like the chorus of Oceanides in the Prometheus) from any other quarter entered by the left rápodos . As it is quite 1 It is clear that the doors on the stage were always used for the entrances and exits of the actors, except in the few cases in which they made their first appearance on horseback or in a chariot, like Ismene in the Edipus Coloneus, and Agamemnon and Cassandra in the first play of the Orestea. See Schönborn, Scene der Hellenen, pp. 17 sqq.; Kolster, Sophokleische Studien, Pref. p. xii. 2 This is Schönborn's explanation of the difficulty (Scene der Hellenen, pp. 72 sqq. ). Kolster, on the contrary (Sophokleische Studien, pp. 24 sqq. ), understands the words of Pollux (IV. 126) of the actors, and reads them as follows: Tŵv µévтol пapódwv ʼn pèv δεξιὰ ἀγρόθεν ἢ ἐκ λιμένος ἢ ἐκ πόλεως ἄγει, οἱ δ᾽ ἀλλαχόθεν πέζοι ἀφικνούμενοι κατὰ τὴν ἑτέραν εἰσίασιν· εἰσελθόντες δὲ [ ἐφ᾽ ἵππου ἢ ἐφ᾽ ἁμαξῶν] εἰς τὴν ὀρχήστραν ἐπὶ τὴν σκηνὴν διὰ κλιμάκων ἀναβαίνουσι. He supposes that, as the theatre at Athens was on the south slope of the Acropolis, the city and the harbour would lie on the right and the country of Attica on the left ; consequently, the spectators would imagine that the right-hand door, by which they had entered the theatre along with their foreign visitors, led to distant parts, and that the left -hand door, by which the countrymen GREEK PLAYS IN GENERAL. 233 impossible that the entrances of the chorus and the actors should not have had the same reference to the quarters from which they were supposed to enter, this apparent inconsistency must be explained by the fact that the scene and the Oéaтpov, properly so called, were regarded as distinct buildings, the orchestra belonging to the latter ; and while the entrances on the stage were designated according to the right and left hands of the actors , the entrances of the chorus, which faced the stage, were denoted according to the right and left hands of the spectators. Consequently, the spectators looked to their right when they expected a new entrance, whether of actor or chorus, from the neighbourhood of the scene of action, but to their left when they expected to see an arrival from a distance. Thus in the Agamemnon, the chorus enters by the right parodos ; the herald, and the king with Cassandra come from the left of the audience ; and Ægisthus, on the other hand, from the right side-door. It seems clear, from the original meaning of the word σkŋvý, i . e. covered building, that the scene had a roof of some kind, There are but few traces of this in the existing monuments. But as far as the evidence is available it may be concluded that the roof was flat, and that it had a coping with battlements. The stage (λογεῖον, ἀκρίβας, ἴκρια, pulpitum) was a long narrow platform extending to the whole length of the scene, and elevated to a height of ten or twelve feet above the orchestra' . Its breadth, according to Vitruvius, was one seventh of the diameter of the orchestra, but its length was nearly double the orchestral diameter. It was therefore a mere ledge at the foot of the scene, and was appropriately called the podium, according to the original application of that term. As we have already mentioned , the stage was a representative of the wooden table from which the exarchon spoke to his chorus, and to the end it seems to have a movable wooden from Rhamnus, Marathon, &c. , had made their way to the seats, led to the home. district. In order to reconcile this view with the text of Pollux, Kolster understands ȧypóle as meaning peregre, though he owns that he cannot produce any example of such a meaning. He supports his view by the statement that the evov was on the right and the prison on the left of the centre door ; for he argues that the prisoner was originally also the slave, who was connected with the labours of the field, and must therefore have his ergastulum on the home- side, on which also, as Kolster thinks, the Kλiolov, or stall for the cattle, was placed . It does not appear to us that this interpre- tation is in accordance with the principles of sound criticism. 1 In the Roman theatre the stage was at most five feet higher than the level of the orchestra. 2 Above, p. 60. 234 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF structure, sometimes, however, resting on supports of masonry. In several of the ancient theatres, especially in that at Aspendus, we still see flights of steps leading from the stage-doors to the level of the orchestra; and this alone is sufficient to indicate the fact that the Moyeîov was taken down, whenever, as was frequently the case, the theatre was required for public meetings or other purposes not strictly theatrical¹. In its original meaning the word πроσкývιov was no doubt synonymous with Xoyeîov, for it signified that which was before the scene, and it is used in this sense by Virgil and other writers². It is equally clear, however, that the word was used improperly to denote the scene itself, or rather the face of the scene, which was turned towards the spectators³ ; and with a stricter reference to the form of the word, it denoted the curtain or hanging before the scene¹. There are two other derivatives from σkηvý, which have occasioned no little difficulty and misconception. These are πараσкnνιον and ὑποσκήνιον. In the singular number, Tapaσkývιov denotes what was sung by a member of the chorus instead of a fourth actors. But in the plural, πaρaσkývia undoubtedly means the lateral projections of the scene, by the sides of the Spóμos with the apartments which they contained, and the doors or openings by which the chorus entered the orchestra. Modern writers on the subject, with the exception 1 Schönborn, p. 29. 2 Virg. Georg. II . 382 : veteres ineunt proscenia ludi. Where Servius says : pro- scenia...sunt pulpita ante scenam, in quibus ludicra exercentur. Plut. Moral. p. 1096 B: χαλκοῦν ᾿Αλέξανδρον ἐν Πέλλῃ βουλόμενον ποιῆσαι τὸ προσκήνιον οὐκ εἴασεν ὁ τεχνίτης ὡς διαφθεροῦν τῶν ὑποκριτῶν τὴν φωνήν. Polybius ( ?) apud Suid. s. v.: ἡ τύχη παρελ- κομένη τὴν πρόφασιν κάθαπερ ἐπὶ προσκήνιον, παρεγύμνωσε τὰς ἀληθεῖς ἐπινοίας. 3 Thе πроσкýνov and λoyeîov are mentioned separately in the inscriptions at Patara (Böckh, C. I. No. 4283, Vol. III . p . 151 ) : καθιέρωσεν τό τε προσκήνιον, ὃ κατεσκεύασεν ἐκ θεμελίων ὁ πατὴρ αὐτῆς ... καὶ τὴν τοῦ λογείου κατασκευὴν καὶ πλάκωσιν ἃ ἐποίησεν αὐτή (where πλάκωσις means " pargetting ” or "rough- casting ") . And the gram- marian published by Cramer (Anecd. Paris. 1. p. 19) must have meant the scene itself when he attributed to Eschylus the πроσкvia kai dioteɣías. Hence Vitruvius (v. 6) speaks of the proscenii pulpitum, and Suetonius (Nero, cc. 12, 26) of the proscenii fastigium and pars proscenii superior. 4 Suidas s. v.: Tò πρò TĤs σkηvĤs таρаπéтασμа. Duris, ap. Athen. XII . p. 536 A : ἐγράφετο ἐπὶ τοῦ προσκηνίου ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκουμένης ὀχούμενος. Id. XIII. p. 587, et Harpo- crat. s . v. Νάννιον : προσκήνιον ἐκαλεῖτο ἡ Νάννιον, ὅτι πρόσωπόν τε ἀστεῖον εἶχε καὶ ἐχρῆτο χρυσίοις καὶ ἱματίοις πολυτέλεσι, ἐκδῦσα δὲ ἦν αἰσχροτάτη. Cf. Synesius, p. 128 c. 5 Pollux, IV. § roy : ὁπότε μὲν ἀντὶ τετάρτου ὑποκριτοῦ δέοι τινὰ τῶν χορευτῶν εἰπεῖν ἐν ᾠδῇ, παρασκήνιον καλεῖται τὸ πρᾶγμα, ὡς ἐν ᾿Αγαμέμνονι Αἰσχύλου. GREEK PLAYS IN GENERAL. 235 of C. O. Müller and Sommerbrodt¹, have allowed themselves to be misled by the confused descriptions of the grammarians, who suppose that the parascenia were entrances to the stage rather than to the orchestra, and buildings behind the scene itself, and not those behind the lateral projections only 2. That the πapaσkýνia were separate from the scene and beside it , is clear from the form of the word³, from the definition given by Theophrastus , and from the phraseology of Aristeides . And that the doors from them led to the orchestra and not to the stage, and were used by the chorus and not by the actors , is proved by the passage in Demosthenes, where he charges Meidias with barricading and nailing up the аρaσкývιa® ; in order, as Ulpian justly remarks, that the chorus might be obliged to go round by the outer entrance, instead of passing at once through the Tápodos to the orchestra . • The Vπоσkývιov has generally been understood as indicating the front of the stage itself, and the chambers below the stages. 1 Müller (Handb. d. Arch. § 289, 5) understands the rapaσkýva as the versuræ procurrentes; and Sommerbrodt (de Esch. re Scen. p. 23) says distinctly : " Demosthenis ætate Tараσкýα ædificia fuisse in utroque scenæ latere exstructa, per quæ chorus posset in orchestram intrare. " 2 See the passages quoted by Meineke, Fragm. Com. Gr. Vol. IV. Epimetrum VII. pp. 722 sqq.; Schönborn, Scene d. Hellenen, pp. 98, 99. 3 This may be inferred from the proper sense of the preposition rapά, which we also find in the word wápodos, and with a like signification . For the actors were said eloiéval, and their entrances were called elσodo ; but the entrance of the chorus was a πάροδος (Jul. Poll. IV. 1o8 : καὶ ἡ μὲν εἴσοδος τοῦ χοροῦ πάροδος καλεῖται, ἡ δὲ κατὰ χρείαν ἔξοδος, ὡς πάλιν εἰσιόντων μετάστασις· ἡ δὲ μετ᾿ αὐτὴν εἴσοδος ἐπιπάροδος ἡ δὲ τελεία ἔξοδος ἄφοδος), and Ulpian calls the παρασκήνια—τὰς ἐπὶ τῆς σκηνῆς (not èπì tǹv oknvǹv) eloódous, which indicates that they were not on the stage, but only towards the stage (Donalds. Gr. Gr. 483). 4 Harpocrat. s. V.: ἔοικε παρασκήνια καλεῖσθαι, ὡς ὁ Θεόφραστος ἐν εἰκοστῷ νόμων ὑποσημαίνει, ὁ περὶ τὴν σκηνὴν ἀποδεδειγμένος τόπος ταῖς ἐν τὸν ἀγῶνα παρασκευαῖς. ὁ δὲ Δίδυμος τὰς ἑκατέρωθεν τῆς ὀρχήστρας εἰσόδους οὕτω φησὶ καλεῖσθαι. 5 II. p. 397, 3 : σὺ τὴν σκηνὴν θαυμάζων τὰ παρασκήνια ᾐτιάσω καὶ τοὺς λόγους ἀφεὶς ἐτήρεις τὰ παραφθέγματα· οὕτω πόῤῥω τοῦ νόμου βαίνεις. 6 Mid. p. 520, 18 : τὰ παρασκήνια φράττων, προσηλῶν. 7 Schol. ad Dem. Tom. Ix. p. 547, Dind.: TоÚTEσTW ȧTоÓρÁTTWV Tàs ẻπÌ TÔS σκηνῆς εἰσόδους, ἵνα ὁ χορὸς ἀναγκάζηται περιιέναι διὰ τῆς ἔξωθον εἰσόδου, καὶ οὕτω βραδύνοντος ἐκείνου συμβαίνῃ καταγελᾶσθαι τὸν Δημοσθένην. Kolster supposes that Meidias nailed up the periacti, and barricaded what remained of the space after the withdrawal of the height of the right-angled triangle in the circle, i.e. a quarter of the diameter (Sophokleische Studien, p. 37). This presumes, with Overbeck (Pompeii, pp. 119-130) , that the periacti were the versurce of Vitruvius. But he says distinctly, V. 7, after having mentioned the three middle doors : " Secundum autem ea (i.e. hospitalia) (sunt) spatia ad ornatus comparata (quæ loca Græci Teрiάктovs vocant ;" and then follows an explanation of the replaктoi), " secundum ea loca versuræ sunt pro- currentes, quæ efficiens una a foro, altera a peregre aditus in scenam." From which it is quite clear that the versura were the rapaσкýva and not the πEρíαктOL. "" 8 This view is taken by Sommerbrodt, de Esch. re Scen. p. 25 ; Geppert, Altgr. Bühne, p. 100 ; Strack, Altgr. Theat. p. 4 ; Streglitz, Beitr. zur Gesch. d. Bank. I. 236 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF This opinion has been derived from the words of Pollux ' . But if this had been the case, the name would surely have been vπoλoyelov, not ὑποσκήνιον, and the analogy of ἐπισκήνιον, which denotes the third story of the scene, when there was one, would lead at once to the conclusion that vπоσkývlov must denote the lower story of the scene itself. Besides, Pollux is here speaking of the scene, for he immediately afterwards mentions the three doors ; and, as he says that the Tоσкývιov was adorned with columns and images, he could hardly have been speaking of the temporary substructure of the λογεῖον. In the monuments which represent the λογεῖον during the performance of a piece, it seems to be ornamented with candelabra and fillets of wool, or such other decorations as might be painted on the wood ( see Fig. 3) 2. That the lower part of the שששש שששששש Y 0 0 10000 9000 0000 0 0 0 8200 שש Fig. 3. scene itself was adorned with images and columns we know from Vitruvius and from the inscription at Patara³. It is also clear that p. 178 ; Genelli, Theat. z. Ath. p. 47. The right view is taken by Schönborn, p. 101. 1 IV. § 124 : τὸ δὲ ὑποσκήνιον κίοσι καὶ ἀγαλματίοις κεκόσμητο πρὸς τὸ θέατρον τετραμμένον, ὑπὸ δὲ λογεῖον κειμένον. 2 Wieseler, Theatergeb. Taf. III. 18, IX. 14. 3 Vitruv. v. 6 ; Böckh, C. I. No. 4283 : τὴν τῶν ἀνδριάντων καὶ ἀγαλμάτων ἀνά- στασιν . GREEK PLAYS IN GENERAL. 237 Pollux uses vπó with the accusative to signify " behind " rather than " under¹," so that vπò λoyeîov keiμevov means " lying behind the stage." And for the same reason we must understand a chamber in the lower story of the scene, where we read that Asopodorus heard the applause given to one of the flute- players, being himself in the vπÒσкývιov², or that Phocion used to walk behind the scene when the audience was assembling³. scene. (πρoσêývɩov), As a general rule the action in a Greek drama was supposed to take place in the open air. In the earliest and rudest exhibitions the hero came forth from a wooden tent or hut (σkηvý) to the stage before it, which was originally and properly termed " the space before the tent " (πроσкýνov), and there narrated his adventures or conversed with the chorus. This condition was imposed on the dramatist in the most perfect state of his art, and all the dialogue, in the regular development of an ancient play, is supposed to be carried on in some place more or less public. It might however be necessary to display to the eyes of the spectators some action which belonged to the interior or had just taken place behind the For example, in the Agamemnon of Eschylus, the chorus on hearing the death-cry of the king proposes to rush in at once, and bring the matter to the proof while the sword is still wet (v. 1318) . And immediately afterwards we see Clytemnestra standing where she had slain her husband (v. 1346). This change of scene to the interior was not effected , as it is with us, and as other changes of scene were effected by the Greeks, namely, by substituting a fresh pictorial background, but by pushing forward the chamber itself to the stage. Had they merely removed the curtain and shown a recess , such as seems to have been constructed in the smaller Roman theatres , the interior would have appeared dark in comparison with the day-light of the stage, and the spectators in the great theatres, especially those seated at the side, could not have seen what was going on. To obviate this difficulty 1 IV. § 128 : δείκνυσι τὰ ὑπὸ τὴν σκηνὴν ἐν ταῖς οἰκίαις ἀπόῤῥητα πραχθέντα. Cf. Schol. Esch. Eumen. 47 : Tà ÚπÒ TηV OKNVÝv, "what is going on behind the scene. "

  • Athen. χιν. p . 531 F : διατρίβων αὐτὸς ἐν τῷ ὑποσκηνίῳ.

3 Plutarch, V. Phoc. v.: τὸν Φωκίωνά φασι πληρουμένου τοῦ θεάτρου περιπατεῖν ὑπὸ σκηνήν. This recess is clearly indicated in the remains of the theatre at Pompeii, as given in the subjoined illustration ( Fig. 4 ) . 238 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF Eschylus contrived a movable chamber, corresponding to the size of the door in the scene which was opened to exhibit the interior, and this chamber, according as it was merely pushed out or rolled out on wheels, was called the ἐξώστρα οι ἐκκύκλημα . These words are often used as synonyms³. But as the word écoтpa, in its military sense, denoted one of those boardingbridges, which were thrust forth from the besiegers' tower to the battlements of the enemy , and as the same word in later Greek denoted a balcony projecting from the upper story of a house , it may be inferred that, as distinguished from the KкÚKλnμa, the écoтpa was generally used in those cases when the interior of an upper chamber was exhibited. It may however have been used also on the level of the stage, when a complete development of the interior was not required. With regard to the KкÚKλnua in particular, it is clear from the description in the grammarians, that it was a machine which moved on wheels , and which might be rolled out through any one of the three principal doors on the NG Fig. 4. 1 Cramer, Anecd. Paris. I. p. 19 : εἰ μὲν δὴ πάντα τις Αἰσχύλῳ βούλεται τὰ περὶ τὴν σκηνὴν εὑρήματα προσνέμειν, ἐκκυκλήματα καὶ περιάκτους καὶ μηχανάς, ἐξώστρας τε καὶ προσκήνια καὶ διστεγίας. 2 The most complete essay on these contrivances is that by C. O. Müller, Ersch u. Gruber's Encyclop. s. v. Ekkyklema, Kleine Schriften, I. p. 524. 3 Pollux, IV. § 122 : τὴν δὲ ἐξώστραν ταὐτὸν τῷ ἐκκυκλήματι νομίζουσιν. Hesych. : ἐξώστρα ἐπὶ τῆς σκήνης τὸ ἐκκύκλημα. Schol. Aristoph. Thesm. 276: ἱερὸν ὠθεῖται . Schol. Ravenn. ibid.: ἐκκυκλεῖται ἐπὶ τὸ ἔξω τὸ Θεσμοφόριον. 4 Vegetius, de re Militari, IV. 21. 66 5 "'Eğσrpa et ' Eğworns, Moniorum Projectio. " Vide Ducange and Schleusner. • Schol. Aristoph. Acharn. 415 : ἐκκύκλημα λέγεται μηχάνημα ξύλινον τρόχους ἔχον. Schol. Clem. Αlex. p. 11 , Potter : ἐκκύκλημα ἐκάλουν σκεῦός τι ὑπότροχον ἐκτὸς τῆς σκηνῆς, οὗ στρεφομένου ἐδόκει τὰ ἔσω τὰ ἔξω φανερὰ γίγνεσθαι. GREEK PLAYS IN GENERAL. 239 stage, according to the interior which it was intended to display¹. It is said to have been lofty, i . e. as high as the doorway through which it moved, and to have had a seat upon it, in order, of course, that the actor, who was thus produced, might ride safely during the evolution2. It was probably a semicircular stage, the diameter being equal to the breadth of the door through which it moved, i. e. about sixteen feet in the case of the middle door, and it moved on hinges like that door, to which for the moment it corresponded . From various allusions, in which the action of the exкúкλnua or èστpa is metaphorically applied to the revelation or unveiling of those things which generally are or ought to be hidden behind a curtain³, it may be inferred that the TараTéтaσμа or hanging scene was always removed before this evolution was performed. The change of scene to the interior was supposed to affect the chorus as well as the actors, as we see from the passage in the Agamemnon, to which reference has been already made¹. With regard to the exterior, the changes of scene were effected, as we have already mentioned, by the περίακτοι ( scil . θύραι) or revolving doors in the form of a triangular prism, which stood before the side-doors on the stage, and by turning round on a pivot (m, m), not only indicated the different regions supposed to lie in the neighbourhood of the scene, but were also made use of as ma1 Pollux, IV. § 128 : χρὴ τοῦτο νοεῖσθαι καθ' ἑκάστην θύραν, οἱονεὶ καθ᾿ ἑκάστην οἰκίαν. 2 Id. ibid .: καὶ τὸ μὲν ἐκκύκλημα ἐπὶ ξύλων ὑψηλὸν βαθρόν, ᾧ ἐπίκειται θρόνος δείκνυσι δὲ τὰ ὑπὸ σκηνὴν ἐν ταῖς οἰκίαις ἀπόῤῥητα πραχθέντα. 3 Cicero, de Provinciis Consularibus, 6, § 14 : quibuscum jam in exostra heluatur, antea post siparium solebat. Polyb. XI . 16, 18 : τῆς τύχης ὥσπερ ἐπίτηδες ἐπὶ τὴν ¿¿wστρav ávaßißašovons tǹv vµetéρav åyvolav. Clem. Alex. Protrept. p. 11, Potter : τὴν γοητείαν τὴν ἐγκεκρυμμένην αὐτοῖς οἷον ἐπὶ σκηνῆς τοῦ βίου τοῖς τῆς ἀληθείας ἐκκυκλήσω θεαταῖς . Id. Strom. VII. p. 886 : οὐ γὰρ ἐκκυκλεῖν χρὴ τὸ μυστήριον. Cf. Æsch. Agam. 1145 : ὁ χρησμὸς οὐκετ᾽ ἐκ καλυμμάτων ἔσται δεδορκώς, where we have the same thought, with a different allusion . 4 The Scholiast on Aristophanes, Nubes, 218, where Socrates is introduced as sitting or walking (225 : deроßатŵ) on a креµálра, or shelf, says in explanation : παρεγκύκλημα· δεῖ γὰρ κρεμᾶσθαι τὸν Σωκράτην ἐπὶ κρεμάθρας καθημένον καὶ τούτον εἰσελθόντα καὶ θεασάμενον αὐτὸν οὕτω πυθέσθαι. κρεμάθρα δὲ λέγεται, διὰ τὸ οὕτως αὐτὴν ἀεὶ μετέωρον είναι κρεμαμένην. νῦν μέντοι τὰ περιττεύοντα [ὄψα] εἰς αὐτὴν εἰώθαμεν ȧπоTílεσ0αι (i.e. such as cheeses and other stores). And on v. 132, on the words ¿\\' οὐχὶ κόπτω τὴν θύραν, he remarks : τοῦτο δὲ παρεγκύκλημα· δεῖ γὰρ αὐτὸν ἐλθεῖν καὶ KóŸαι THν Oúρaν TOû Zwkpáтovs. From these passages it is concluded, and reasonably, as we think, by Schönborn (Scene der Hellenen, p. 347) , that the πарeукúkλŋμа was a practicable projection at the side of the stage. In a secondary application it meant any thing inserted in a play, as a mimic gesticulation between the speeches (Schol. Nub. 18, 22), or a person arbitrarily introduced ( Heliodorus, Ethiop. p. 265, 5 : ETEρOV ἐγίγνετο παρεγκύκλημα τοῦ δράματος ἡ Χαρίκλεια) . But it cannot have denoted a simple ékкúkλnua, as Müller contends (Kleine Schriften, 1. p . 538) . 240 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF chines for introducing suddenly sea and river-gods, and other incidental apparitions ' . As the right-hand Spópos represented the country road, and the left-hand that which led to the city, the changes of scene effected by the revolutions of the right-hand epiakтos were distant views painted in perspective ; while those on the left were pictures of single objects supposed to be close at hand. The scenery, which was regularly placed before the main scene, was apparently painted on canvas, the framework being of solid wood. In the Edipus Coloneus, the grove of the Eumenides was thus represented, and perhaps some evergreens were actually placed on the stage. If the scene had to be changed, which was rarely the case in Tragedy, the operation was concealed by a curtain (avλaía) , which was drawn up through a slit between the stage and the scene, and not, like ours, allowed to drop from above. This receptacle for the curtain and the cylinder, round which it was rolled, is plainly seen in the small theatre at Pompeii, as represented in the annexed illustration. This difference between the ancient practice Fig. 5. and our own must be remembered by the student, who would 1 The following are authorities respecting the TeplaкTOL. Vitruv. v. 7: secun- dum ea spatia ad ornatus comparata (quæ loca Græci TepláкTOUS dicunt) ab eo, quod machinæ sunt in iis locis, versatiles trigonos habentes. " Jul. Pollux, IV. 126: Tap ἑκάτερα δὲ τῶν δύο θυρῶν τῶν περὶ τὴν μέσην, ἄλλαι δύο εἶεν ἄν, μία ἑκατέρωθεν, πρὸς ἃς αἱ περίακτοι συμπεπήγασιν· ἡ μὲν δεξιὰ τὰ ἔξω πόλεως δηλοῦσα, ἡ δ᾽ ἀριστερὰ τὰ ἐκ πόλεως· μάλιστα τὰ ἐκ λιμένος· καὶ θεούς τε θαλαττίους ἐπάγει καὶ πάνθ᾽ ὅσα ἐπαχθέσε τερα ὄντα ἡ μηχανὴ φέρειν ἀδυνατεῖ· εἰ δὲ ἐπιστρέφοιεν αἱ περίακτοι ἡ δεξιὰ μὲν ἀμείβει τόπον· ἀμφότεραι δὲ χώραν ὑπαλλάττουσι. ἐπὶ τὴν σκηνὴν διὰ κλιμάκων ἀναβαίνουσι, From the use of the periacti as side-scenes, it seems most probable that they were not let into the wall (for it is πpòs as, not πpòs als or ev aîs) , and from the analogy between the employments of the περίακτος and the μηχανή, which was placed in the left πάρο- dos, it may be inferred that these triangular prisms stood as represented in the plan, between the side- entrances to the stage and the orchestra. Kolster suggests (Sopho- kleische Studien, Pref. p. viii) that the axis of the cylinder was fixed in the lintel and threshold of the side-door, so that the apex of the triangle stood within the wall. This would have prevented the audience from seeing the whole of the side- scene. GREEK PLAYS IN GENERAL. 241 understand such passages as the following (Ovid, Metamorphoses, III. 111-114) : Sic, ubi tolluntur festis aulæa theatris, Surgere signa solent, primumque ostendere vultum, Cetera paullatim, placidoque educta tenore Tota patent, imoque pedes in margine ponunt. Here the reference is to the drawing up of the curtain at the end of an act, when the figures, which were embroidered on it (Virgil, Georg. III. 25) , were gradually displayed to the audience, the head rising first, just as the armed men rose from the ground when Cadmus sowed the serpent's teeth. Conversely, Horace says (2 Epist. I. 189) : Quattuor aut plures aulæa premuntur in horas, Dum fugiunt equitum turmæ peditumque catervæ : that is, the curtain was down, as the play was going on for four hours or more, while the spectacle, as in one of Mr Charles Kean's revivals, went on as an episode in the play. Scene-painting (σênvoypapíα, okιaypapía) in the days of Agatharchus became a distinct and highly-cultivated branch of art. When the scene exhibited its most usual representation, -that of a house, —the altar of Apollo Agyieus was invariably placed on the stage near the main entrance. There are many allusions to this both in Tragedy and Comedy¹. The theatre at Athens was well supplied with machinery calculated to produce startling effects. Besides the periacti, which were used occasionally to introduce a sea-deity on his fish- tailed steed, or a river-god with his urn, there was the coλoyeîov, a platform surrounded by clouds, and suspended from the top of the central scene, whence the deities conversed with the actors or chorus. Sometimes they were introduced near the left parodus, close to the periactos, by means of a crane turning on a pivot, which was called the μηχανή . The γέρανος was a contrivance for snatching up an actor from the stage and raising him to the coλoyeîov ; and by the alopat, an arrangement of ropes and pullies, Bellerophon or Trygæus could fly across the stage. Then there was the ẞpovтetov, a contrivance for imitating the sound of thunder. It seems to have consisted of bladders full of 1 See e.g. Eschyl. Agam. 1051 , 6.

  • Jul. Poll. IV. 128 : ἡ μηχανὴ δὲ θεοὺς δείκνυσι καὶ Ἥρωας τοὺς ἐν ἀέρι, Βελλερο- φόντας, ἢ Περσεῖς· καὶ κεῖται κατὰ τὴν ἀριστέραν πάροδον ὑπὲρ τὴν σκηνὴν τὸ yos. Hence the phrase Deus ex Machina.

D. T. G. 16 242 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF pebbles, which were rolled over sheets of copper laid out in the VπоOKÝνa. Again, the appearance of lightning was produced by means of a periactos or triangular prism of mirrors placed in the θεολογεῖον. This was called the κεραυνοσκοπείον . It may be inferred too that either the orchestra or the stage was occasionally supposed to represent water. Thus in the Frogs, Bacchus rows either on or in front of the λoyeîov to the melodious croakings of the chorus which swims around his boat. From the enormous size of the theatre at Athens, which is said to have contained 30,000 spectators¹ , it became necessary to employ the principles of acoustics to a considerable extent. All round the κοίλον were placed bell- shaped vessels of bronze, called ἠχεία, placed in an inverted position, and resting on pedestals, which received and distributed the vibrations of sound. The influence of the situation and peculiar construction of the Greek theatre upon the imagination of the dramatists has been fully shown by an accomplished scholar who visited Athens some years since2. upon Our conceptions of the manner of representation also depend the twofold division of the Attic drama. We must recollect the military origin of the chorus³, its employment in the worship of Bacchus , the successive adoption of the lyre and the flute as accompaniments5, the nature of the cyclic chorus , and the improvements of Stesichorus ' , in order to understand fully the peculiar and otherwise unaccountable evolutions of the dramatic chorus. We must remember also that the actor was originally a rhapsode who succeeded the Exarchus of the dithyramb³, that he was the representative of the poet , who was the original Exarchus, that he acted in a huge theatre at a great distance from the spectators, and that he often had to sustain more than one part in the same piece; all this we must recollect, if we would not confound the functions of Polus with those of Macready. sqq. The first remark with regard to the chorus will explain to us 1 Plato, Sympos. 175 E. See, however, Wordsworth's Athens and Attica, pp. 92 2 See Wordsworth's Athens and Attica, pp. 94 foll. 3 Above, pp. 27 foll . 5 Above, p. 34. 7 Above, p. 37, note (5) . 8 Above, p. 60, and elsewhere. 4 Above, p. 35. 6 Above, p. 36. 9 Above, p. 59. GREEK PLAYS IN GENERAL. 243 the order and manner in which the choreutæ made their entry. The chorus was supposed to be a lochus of soldiers in battle-array¹. In the dithyrambic or cyclic chorus of fifty, this military arrangement was not practicable ; but when the original choral elements had become more deeply inrooted in the worship of Bacchus, and the three principal Apollonian dances were transferred to the worship of that god2, the dramatic choruses became like them quadrangular, and were arranged in military rank and files. The number of the tragic chorus for the whole Trilogy appears to have been fifty ; the comic chorus consisted of twenty-four. The chorus of the Tetralogy was broken into four sub-choruses, two of fifteen, one of twelve, and a satyric chorus of eight, as appears from the distribution in the remaining Trilogy . When the chorus of fifteen entered in ranks three abreast, it was said to be divided Kaτà Çʊyá : when it was distributed into three files of five, it was said to be kаTÀ OTOίXOUS. The same military origin explains the fact that the anapæstic metre was generally, if not always, adopted for the opening choral song ; for this metre was also used in the Greek marching songs". The muster of the chorus round the Thymele, shows that the chorus was Bacchic as well as military ; the mixture of lyric and flute music points to the same union of two worships ; and in the strophic and antistrophic form of most of the choral odes, we discern the traces of the choral improvements of Stesichorus. Again, with regard to the actor, when we remember that he was but the successor of the Exarchus, who in the improvements of Thespis spoke a πρóλoуos before the chorus came on the stage, and held a pñois, or dialogue, with them after they had sung their choral song , we shall see why there was always a soliloquy or a dialogue, in the first pieces of the more perfect Tragedies, before the chorus came on . The actor's connexion with the rhapsode is also a reason for the narrative character of the speeches and dialogues, and for the general absence of the abrupt and vehement conversations which are so common in our own plays. 1 Müller, Eumeniden, § 12. 3 Müller, Eumeniden, § 5. 5 Id. ibid. § 16. 7 See above, p. 60, and p. 101. 2 Above, p. 28. 4 Id. ibid. § 1 foll. 6 Id. ibid. § 18. 8 The Supplices and Persa of Eschylus, which are the only two plays that begin with an anapæstic march, were not the first plays of the Trilogies to which they belonged. 16-2 244 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF But, independently of any peculiarities of a literary nature, the great size of the theatre¹ , and the religious character of the festival, gave occasion for some very remarkable differences between the outward appearance and costume of the ancient actors, and those who sustain parts in the performances of the modern drama. These differences consisted mainly in the two following particulars : ( a) the tragic actor was always raised on soles of enormous thickness, which gave additional height to his person, while his body and limbs were also stuffed and padded to a corresponding size, and his head was surmounted by a colossal mask suited to the character which he bore ; and (b) every performer, whatever his character might be, was uniformly arrayed in the gay and gaudy attire of the Dionysian festival. We will consider these peculiarities separately, because they spring from distinct causes ; for the thick soles and the mask were due to the size of the theatre, and the festal dress to the religious nature of the solemnities. With regard to both of these peculiarities we have abundant authorities in ancient works of art. Masks of every description are repeated in. pictures and sculptures, and figures arrayed in the theatrical dress are to be met with everywhere. We have also representations of complete scenes from the different kinds of dramas, especially, however, from Comedies ; and, by great good fortune, we have rescued from the ruins of time, in all the brightness of the original colouring, not only a series of twenty-two pairs of figures representing performers in Tragedies, followed by a similar pair from a Satyric Drama, but also the three actors accompanied by the chorus. The former are given in a number of hexagonal Mosaics, which were found at Lorium in Etruria, where Antoninus Pius was brought up and where he died, and which are now let into the modern Mosaic pavement of an octagonal room of the Pio-Clementine Museum at Rome called the Saloon of the Muses . The latter representation was discovered in a grotto, on one side of the Necropolis of Cyrene, the four walls of which are covered with well-preserved paintings representing the dramatic and other entertainments, which the deceased had exhibited in his 1 See Dr Wordsworth's remarks, Athens and Attica, p. 92. 2 This mosaic is fully described by Millin, Description d'une Mosaique Antique du Musée Pio- Clementine à Rome representant des Scènes de Tragédies, Paris, 1829. See also Müller, Gött. Gell. Anz. 1831 , pp. 1234 sqq .; Wieseler, Theatergeb. pp. 48 sqq . Some specimens of the figures are given in the accompanying plate (3) . Millin.VI . Wieseler VII.2 ( Sep 254. Millia I. Wieseler VII . 6. See p.255.) Millin IX , Wieceler VII 心 4. (See p.254. ) 菜 Milli XVIII .Wieseler VIII , 麵 1. ( See p. 247.) Millin XV. Wieseler VII . 10. (See p.255) Note 4. FIGURES FROM THE romolith Millin XIX. Wieseler VIII . 2. (See p . 257) PIO - CLEMENTINE MOSAIC . face p 244

ZOICAN FONCON KOINC ENE KION INAKAI CYRENAIC THE PICTURE Hanhart .Chromoth mePace p.245 GREEK PLAYS IN GENERAL. 245 life-time, or which had been given on occasion of his funeral¹. By the aid of these ancient authorities we can describe the attire of a Greek actor as accurately as if we were detailing the costume of a performer on the modern stage. We shall first discuss (a) those peculiarities of the theatrical costume, which were designed to increase the stature of the actor and to give greater distinctness to his features when seen from a distance, and then (b) illustrate the festal attire in which he walked the stage. (a) The thick-soled boot, worn by hunters, and others who had to walk over rough and tangled ground, was called the cothurnus (kóloрvos), and does not appear to have been different from the apẞún or pero. At least Agamemnon, who enters the orchestra in a mule-car, has his apßúλaι taken off before he mounts the stage by the πορφυρόστρωτος πόρος, laid for him by Clytæmnestra², and Hippolytus is said to have stept into his chariot all booted as he was (avтaîow apßuxaiow ) . The adoption of this form of boot was not primarily occasioned by the necessity of giving the actor a more elevated stature. The incident mentioned by Herodotus shows that the cothurnus was an effeminate chaussure, and it is clear that it formed a part of the costume of the worshippers of Bacchus, who imitated the half-womanly character of their divinity. The upper leather was highly ornamented and laced 4 Fig. 6. 1 See J. R. Pacho, Relation d'un Voyage dans la Marmorique, la Cyrenaique, &c. Paris, 1827, Pl. XLIX. and L. cf. Müller, Handbuch d. Arch. § 425, 2 ; Creuzer, Deutsch. Schrift. zur Archäol. Vol. III . 499 ; Wieseler, Theatergeb. pp. 99 sqq. The figures are given with the colouring in the accompanying plate (4). 2 Esch. Agam. 917 : ἀλλ᾽ εἰ δοκεῖ σοι ταῦθ᾽ ὑπαί τις ἀρβύλας λύοι τάχος πρόδουλον ἔμβασιν ποδός. 3 Eurip. Hippol. 1188 : 4 μάρπτει δὲ χερσὶν ἡνίας ἀπ᾽ ἄντυγος, αὐταῖσιν ἀρβύλαισιν ἁρμόσας πόδας. I. 125. Hence Aristoph. Ran. 47 : τί κόθορνος καὶ ῥόπαλον ξυνηλθέτην ; 5 See fig. 6 ; and compare fig. 15, p. 253. 246 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF down the front, but the thickness of the sole seems to have required that for ordinary purposes the buskin should not fit closely to the foot¹, so that the name koopvos was adopted as a designation of Theramenes, who was regarded as a turn-coat or trimmer in in politics . But although the ordinary κόθορνος or ἀρβύλη had a very thick sole against which stones and other obstacles struck with a ringing sound as the passenger stumped along the road³, it bore no comparison in this respect to the tragic buskins. Their enormous and extravagant height may be seen in the accompanying figure of the Tragic Muse, and is singularly shown 43 Fig. 7. in the two monuments which are our principal authorities for the costume of the Greek drama. In the Pio-Clementine Mosaic, as Millin well remarks , the figures seem at first sight to have no 1 See the story of Alcmeon, who made his cothurni, like the jackboots of Hudi- bras, serve as an additional pocket for his gold. Herod. VI. 125.

  • Xen. Hell. II. 3, § 31 : ὅθεν δήπου καὶ κόθορνος ἐπικαλεῖται καὶ γὰρ ὁ κόθορνος ἁρμόττειν μὲν τοῖς ποσὶν ἀμφοτέροις δοκεῖ, ἀποβλέπει δ' ἐπ᾽ ἀμφότερον.

3 Theocrit. VII. 25, 26 : ὡς τοῦ ποσὶ νεισσομένοιο πᾶσα λίθος πταίοισα ποτ᾽ ἀρβυλίδεσσιν ἀείδει. 4 P. 16: " On diroit qu'ils n'ont pas de pieds ; ils ont l'air de ces marionettes que l'on promène à travers les fentes des planches d'un théâtre, et dont les fils qui les font mouvoir sont dessous, au lien d'être dessus." GREEK PLAYS IN GENERAL. 247 feet, but resemble the marionettes which are worked from below. On a closer examination, however, we observe that the feet of the actors are covered by their long robes, and that we only see the high soles on which they are elevated . For in one of the figures (No. XVIII. See the accompanying plate, No. 3) , where a woman in a state of great agitation is rushing in to announce some dreadful intelligence, one of her feet is lifted from the stage, so that we see the bottom of the sole : and in two others (also given in the accompanying plate) , the toe of the buskin projects beyond the bottom of the robe. In the Cyrenaic picture the three figures of the actors are raised on little pedestals, if Pacho's copy is correctly drawn, and Müller has supposed¹ that the picture represents statues of actors and not the actors themselves, a supposition which is set aside by the whole composition. There can be little doubt that these basements merely depict the soles of their buskins, the square space in the middle being perhaps intended to indicate the division between the two soles in each case². In a painting on a wall at Pompeii³, the peculiar shape of the soles conveyed to Sir W. Gell the idea that the figures were Scythian Hippopoda ! but a more exact copy, which has subsequently been made by Wieseler , shows that the figures merely wear a sort of sabot or wooden shoe. That these soles of the cothurnus, which seem to have been called ἐμβάται or ἔμβατα , were made of wood, probably of some very light wood, if not occasionally of cork, is distinctly stated by the Scholiast on Lucian ; and the Pio-Clementine Mosaic shows us that they were generally painted so as to harmonize with the robe of the actor. On account, both of its connexion with the Dionysiac attire and of its special use in giving height and dignity to the tragic actor, the cothurnus was an emblem of Tragedy, as the soccus was of Comedy" ; the Tragic Muse is 1 Handb. d. Arch. § 425, 2. 2 This is Wieseler's opinion, Theatergeb. p. 100. 3 Gell, Pompeii, Vol. II . Pl. LXXV. 4 Wieseler, Theatergeb. p. 51, and Taf. ▲, No. 23. 5 See Valckenaer, Ammon. p. 49. 6 Ad Jov. Trag. p . 13 : ἐμβάτας μὲν τὰ ξύλα ἃ βάλλουσιν ὑπὸ τοὺς πόδας οἱ τραγῳδοί, ἵνα φανῶσι μακρότεροι . 7 Horace, Ars Poetica, 80: Hunc socci cepere pedem grandesque cothurni. 248 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF equipped with this clumsy buskin ' ; and the word itself is used by the Latin poets as a synonym for tragedia². In addition to the cothurnus, and the padded figure , the tragedian was increased to a colossal stature by his mask ( poowTeĉov) , which not only represented a set of features much larger than those of any ordinary man, but was raised to a great height above the brow by a sort of elevated frontlet or foretop (öykos, superficies ) , rising in the shape of the letter A5, which formed the frame of a tire or periwig (πnvíkn, pevákn ), attached to the mask. 30K Fig. 8. Fig. 9. When this head-piece was fitted on, there was only one outlet for the voice, sometimes represented as a square, but more generally as a round opening (os rotundum ") , so that the voice might be said to sound through it-hence the Latin name for a mask 1 Wieseler, Theatergeb. p. 52, Taf. IX. 2. See fig. 7, p. 246. 2 Horace, 2 Carm. 1. 13 : Virgil, Eclog. VIII. 10 : grande munus Cecropio repetes cothurno. Sola Sophocleo tua carmina digna cothurno. 3 Lucian, Jupiter Tragœdus, II . 44; de Gymnas. 23 ; de Saltat. II. 27. 4 The word ykos (cf. dyx , dyкos, ayкuρа, &c. ) refers to the curve at the top ; the Latin superficies, which also means a roof, indicates that it was over the face. 5 Pollux, IV. § 133 : λαβδοειδὲς τῷ σχήματι. 6 Hence pevaкiew, " to deceive. " See Hemsterhuis on Julius Pollux, x. § 170. 7 The mouth is square in the figures on the Pio- Clementine Mosaic, Nos. 1, 3, 4, 5, Plates II. III. IV. The size of the mouth is alluded to by Persius, v. 3 : fabula seu mosto ponatur hianda tragoedo ; and Juvenal, III. 175 : personæ pallentis hiatum. GREEK PLAYS IN GENERAL. 249 (persona a personando¹) ; hence also the strong expressions (Boμβῶν, περιβομβῶν) used by the grammarians in speaking of the voice of the tragic actor. As the holes for the eyes must have been opposite to those of the actor, the mouth would fall below his chin, and some contrivance must have been adopted, after the manner of a speaking-trumpet, to produce this striking effect. The persona muta, or dumb actor, was furnished with a mask in which the lips were closed, as in the accompanying illustration from a painting at Pompeii. Fig. 10. The greatest possible care was bestowed on the fabrication of masks ; and the manufacturer of stage costume got his name from this part of the actor's equipment . It is not certainly known of what material the mask was composed. The oуkos in the Cyrenaic picture seems, in the case of all the three actors, to be a metal plate, and it is not improbable that this connexion of the mask and wig, on which they both depended, was of some stiff and solid substance. Bötticher has supposed³, on the strength of a passage in Lucretius*, that the masks were made of clay ; but a mask of terracotta would have been much too heavy, and it is more reasonable to infer that the poet refers to the coating of chalk with which the 1 Gabius Bassus, apud Aul. Gell . v. 7. Barth derives the word from πepì oŵµa, Voss from Tрbowπov, Döderlein from rapaσalvw, Mr Talbot from Persephone, and an English theologian from περιζώνιον ! 2 Pollux, IV. 115 : καὶ σκευὴ μὲν ἡ τῶν ὑποκριτῶν στολή (ἡ δ᾽ αὐτὴ καὶ σωμάτιον ἐκαλεῖτο) , σκευοποιὸς δὲ ὁ προσωποποιός. 3 Funemaske, p. 12. 4 IV. 296 sqq.: Ut si quis, prius arida quam sit Cretea persona, adlidat pilæve trabive, Atque ea continuo rectam si fronte figuram Servet, et elisam retro sese exprimat ipsa, Fiet ita, ante oculos fuerit qui dexter, ut idem Nunc sit lævus, et e lævo sit mutua dexter. It is quite clear from this that the mask was made of some substance fitted by maceration for receiving an impression and capable of being turned inside out, which would hardly be possible with a clay mould. 250 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF surface was overlaid in order to receive the colouring, or perhaps to the colours themselves '. The lighter the mask the more convenient it would be for the performer, and though the description in Lucretius seems to be inconsistent with Millin's conjecture that it was made of cork , there is no reason why it should not have been moulded from the bark of some other trees moistened in water, and then modelled in a bust. The oscilla, or heads of Bacchus, which were imitations of the tragic mask, and which were suspended from the pine-trees near a vineyard , in order that the district might become fruitful, whereon the face of the god was directed by the wind , were most probably made of bronze or copper ; for the lighter substance would not have stood the effects of the weather. One of the oscilla preserved in the British Museum is of marble, and has a ring on the top for the purpose Fig. 11. of suspension. The masks in the Pio-Clementine Mosaic are mostly of a swarthy colour ; those in the Cyrenaic picture are quite natural ; and it is probable that a resemblance to nature was 1 As in Petronius : Dum sumit creteam faciem Sestoria, cretam Perdidit illa simul, perdidit et faciem. 2 Descr. d'un Mos. p. 6. 3 Virgil, Georg. II. 387: 4 Id. ibid. 389: 5 Id. ibid. 390 : Oraque corticibus sumunt horrenda cavatis. Oscilla ex alta suspendunt mollia pinu. Hinc omnis largo pubescit vinea fetu Complentur vallesque cave saltusque profundi, Et quocunque Deus circum caput egit honestum. Creuzer supposes (Symbol. IV. 93) that this practice referred to the purifying influence of the wind, indicated by the worship of Bacchus Lichnites. GREEK PLAYS IN GENERAL. 251 preserved, though of course the colours were strongly pronounced and exaggerated. It is obvious, as Müller says¹ , that the masks were sometimes changed between the acts, and that a difference of complexion was introduced to mark the change in the condition of the character, as when Edipus or Polymnestor returns to the stage after the loss of his eyes . The masks of female characters were furnished with the oyxos, as in the figure of the Tragic Muse (fig. 7) , in the parody of the Antigone (fig. 17) , and in the Pompeian picture already cited³, but the features were less exaggerated, and they had sometimes caps of a peculiar colour, with hanging ribands kept down by a knob or tassel of gilded metal called potokos, i . e. " a little pomegranate¹. " There was a different kind of mask for almost every character. Julius Pollux divides the tragic masks alone into twenty-six classes ; and while he informs us that the comic masks were much more numerous , he specifies only four kinds of satyric masks, two portraying satyrs with grey hair or a long beard, and two representing Sileni, as youthful or aged respectively . The last of these is depicted in the Pio-Clementine Mosaic, as a bald- headed, greybearded mask, crowned with ivy (Pl. v. No. vII. ) , and the last group on that Mosaic (Pl. XXVIII. ) represents the Silenus in full costume, bald-headed and crowned with ivy, though dressed in the tragic 1 Hist. of Gr. Lit. I. p. 395. 2 These were called ěкσкevα πρóσwra. Pollux, IV. § 141 . 3 Gell, Pompeii, Vol. II . Pl. LXXV. , of which the following is a copy, as far as con- cerns the female head in question : 4 Millin, Mosaique, Pl. v. No. vIII.; Monum. Antiq. inéd. II. 249 . 5 IV. § 133 899. 6 Jul. Poll. IV. §§ 143–154. 7 Id. § 142. 252 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF robe like the other figures. The accompanying groups show the tragic, comic, and satyric masks in contrast with one another. Fig. 12. AAR Fig. 14. Fig 13. (b) It has been already remarked that the dress of the tragic actors was derived from the gay festal costume of the worshippers of Bacchus. The performers, says Müller¹, wore " long striped garments reaching to the ground (χιτώνες ποδήρεις, στολαί) , over which were thrown upper robes ( ἱμάτια, χλαμύδες) of purple or some other brilliant colour, with all sorts of gay trimmings and gold ornaments, the ordinary dress of Bacchic festal processions and choral dances. Nor was the Hercules of the stage represented as the sturdy athletic hero whose huge limbs were only concealed by a lion's hide ; he appeared in the rich and gaudy dress we have described, 1 Müller, Hist. Lit. Gr. 1. p. 296. For the details and minutiae of the Greek theatrical costume, see also Müller's Eumeniden, § 32 ; Schön, De Personarum in Euripidis Bacchabus Habitu scenico Commentatio, Lips. 1831 ; and Millin's Descrip- tion of the Pio- Clementine Mosaic. On the different styles of dress adopted by the different characters, see Jul. Pollux, IV. 18, and for examples, compare the Introduc- tion to the Antigone, pp. xxxii sqq. GREEK PLAYS IN GENERAL. 253 to which his distinctive attributes, the club and the bow, were merely added." • The accompaning illustration contains all the elements of this Dionysiac costume¹ . It represents an actor dressed in the Fig. 15. character of Bacchus. He does not wear the mask with its lofty fore-top, but he is shod with the cothurnus, which has the usual high sole, and the upper leather, which is visible, is adorned with the most elaborate lacing. He wears on his head a chaplet of ivy. The mutilated staff in his hand is undoubtedly a fragment of the thyrsus2. Over a syrma, with sleeves reaching to his wrists, he wears the usual upper robe of Bacchus fastened by a girdle. The long garland of flowers, which hangs round his neck, is one of the regular Bacchic adornments. By his left side is a statuette, unfortunately mutilated, which probably represents Melpomene ; and the female figure, also imperfect, to which he turns his head, 1 It is taken from Buonarroti, Osservazioni sopra alcuni Medagli Antichi, p. 447; Bellori, Pictur. Ant. Crypt. Rom. T. xv.; Panofka, Cabinet de Pourtales- Gorgier, Pl. XXXVIII. 2 Pollux, IV. [ 17 : ὁ δὲ κροκωτὸς ἱμάτιον Διόνυσος δὲ αὐτῷ ἐχρῆτο καὶ μασχαλιστῆρι ἀνθίνῳ καὶ θύρσῳ. 254 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF is probably a representation of Victory, who is about to place a crown on the head of the successful actor'. On the other side is a boy playing the enivíkov, and probably the same as the performer who accompanied him on the stage. The curtain in the background seems to indicate that the actor is receiving this public recognition as he sits enthroned on the proscenium. As the general costume of the tragic performers was thus fixed by the conventions of the Bacchic festival, the discrimination of the character represented depended on the expression of the mask, on certain adjuncts, and partly on the colour of the dress. It was only Euripides who ventured to allow his tragic heroes to appear in rags, and he incurred, by this departure from Bacchic magnificence, the keenest ridicule of his comic contemporaries. The other dramatists contrived that every character should be consistent with the dignity and splendour of the festal occasion, with which the exhibition was connected. The adjuncts, which marked the different characters, were very simple, and might be recognized at once. Of the attributes of Hercules we have already spoken. He has both the club and the bow in the Pio-Clementine Mosaic (Pl. vi. Wieseler, VII. 2) , but the club alone in the same Mosaic ( Pl. viii. Wieseler, No. 3) , in the Cyrenaic picture, and in the following illustration from a bas-relief in the Villa Albani. Fig. 16. Mercury has simply a caduceus in the Pio-Clementine Mosaic (Pl. x.) and in the Cyrenaic picture. The figure in the act of shooting with a bow and arrow at a man bearing an unsheathed poignard (Millin, Pl. Ix. Wieseler, VII. 4) probably represents 1 Müller, Handb. d. Arch. § 425, 2. GREEK PLAYS IN GENERAL. 255 3 5 Hercules in the act of slaying Lycus ' . The royal tragic costume is marked by the long sceptre borne in the left hand , and by a sword with its μúns at the end of the scabbard (Millin, p. 21, Pl. xi. Wieseler, IV. 12) . It is difficult to say what is the distinguishing object in some of the figures in the Mosaic¹, but the first is obviously a young female figure with a torch in each hand ; and may fairly be identified with the Cassandra of the Troades. In one group (Millin, Pl. xxv. Wieseler, VIII. 3) a figure is introduced bearing a branch of olive as a suppliant, and it is not improbable, as Millin has suggested (p. 28) , that the scene represented is that in the Supplices of Euripides, when Adrastus appeals to Athra the mother of Theseus. In the picture from Pompeii, to which reference has been already made (Wieseler, VIII. 12) , a heroine bearing a child in swaddling clothes, is addressing a female domestic, who carries a water-jug in her right hand. That Antigone, both in the prologue and when she is brought before Creon, carries in her hand the prochus or pitcher, Fig. 17. 1 The drawn dagger indicates the murderous purpose of the person about to be slain. See Eurip. Herc. F. 735 sqq. 2 Ovid, Amorum, III . 1. 11 sqq.: Venit et ingenti violenta Tragoedia passu: Fronte comæ torva ; palla jacebat humi ; Læva manus sceptrum late regale tenebat ; Lydius alta pedum vincla cothurnus erat. 3 Herod. III. 64. 4 In Pl. 15, Wieseler, VII. 10, the male figure seems to carry in his left hand the red sheath of the dagger which he bears in his right ; and the female figure, who is bending her knee in the act of supplication, is perhaps Clytemnestra, at the moment when Orestes threatens her with death. 5 vv. 308 sqq.: ἄνεχε, πάρεχε, φῶς φέρε σέβω, φλέγω, Ιδού, ἰδοὺ λαμπάσι τόδ' ἱερόν, 256 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF with which she poured forth the triple libations round the dead body of her brother¹ , is most probable in itself, and is confirmed by a ludicrous parody of the latter scene, in which an old and bald-headed man, dressed up as Antigone, and bearing an exaggerated hydria, pulls off his female mask at the moment when Creon is about to sentence the supposed culprit to death². ( See fig. 17. ) With regard to the colours of the tragic dress, the three figures in the Cyrenaic painting are mainly attired in blue and yellow. The protagonist, who represents Hercules, has his garments elaborately ornamented, the Mercury has his blue robe adorned with rings of gold and sprigs of olive, and the third figure, besides the admixture of blue and yellow in his dress, has some pink figures embroidered on it. They have all girdles in which pink is the prevailing colour. Both the female characters in the scene with the child ev oπapyάvois have garments of a bluish green³. There is more variety in the colours on the Pio- Clementine Mosaic, but most of them have transversal bars of purple or gold ( called páßdo ῥάβδοι παρυφαί4 πaρvpal¹)) on the sleeves and bodies of their upper garments. This band sometimes appears also as the Teis5 or lower border of the chiton. In one of the groups, where a tyrant, with threatening mien, is addressing a prisoner, who stands before him with drooping head and his hands bound behind his back, the former has a bright red dress without any stripes, bound round his waist with a golden girdle . The attire of mourning, when the character was represented as suffering under some special calamity, was for a woman a black gown with a pale green or quince-yellow upper robe' , and for a man, if he was an exile, soiled white robes, or 1 Introduction to the Antigone, p. xxxii. 2 Gerhard, Ant. Bildwerke, Taf. LXXIII.; Panofka, Annali dell' Inst. Arch. Vol. XIX. pp. 216 sqq.; Welcker, Gerhard's Arch. Ztg. N. F. 1848, pp. 333 sqq .; Wieseler, Theatergeb. p. 55, Pl . Ix. No. 7. 3 Wieseler, Theatergeb. p. 52 : " Beide Personen haben einen blaugrünlichen Chiton." 4 Pollux, VII. § 53 : αἱ μέντοι ἐν τοῖς χιτῶσι πορφυραὶ ῥάβδοι παρυφαὶ καλοῦνται. Hesych. παρυφή· ἡ ἐν τῷ χιτῶνι πορφύρα. 5 Pollux, VII. § 62 : ὤα δὲ τὸ ἐξωτάτω τοῦ χιτῶνος ἑκατέρωθεν, αἱ δὲ παρὰ τὰς ὤας παρυφαὶ καλοῦνται πέζαι καὶ πεξίδες. 6 Like the philosopher Lysias, who being elected crowned priest of Hercules, became è iuariov Túpavvos, i . e. as soon as he laid aside his ordinary upper garment and assumed the tragic chlamys ; for he is described as πορφυροῦν μὲν μεσόλευκον χιτῶνα ἐνδεδυκώς, χλαμύδα δὲ ἐφεστρίδα περιβεβλημένος πολυτελῆ (Athenæus, v. P. 215 B, C). 7 Pollux, IV. § 118 : τῆς ἐν συμφορᾷ ὁ μὲν συρτὸς μέλας, τὸ δὲ ἐπίβλημα γλαυκὸν ἢ μήλινον. GREEK PLAYS IN GENERAL. 257 generally garments of black or dark brown, or quince yellow, or with a shade of olive-green¹. The black or at least a very dark robe is plainly seen in the Mosaic ( Pl. XIX. Wieseler, VIII. 2) , and the pale green upper robe in the figure, which Mercury is conducting to the grave ( Pl. x. Wieseler, vII. 5) . Pollux mentions especially a net-like woollen robe (aypηvóv) as worn by Teiresias and other soothsayers², and a bulging robe (κóλяwμа) as worn by kings over their variegated under-dress³, which from the word used must have been confined by the girdle , and may have been the projections before the breast and the stomach mentioned by Lucian5. The upper garment was not properly an iµáriov thrown over the left shoulder and brought back under the right arm according to the ἡ ἐπὶ δέξια ἀναβολή, but a sort of χλαμύς, ἐφαπτίς, ἐφεστρίς, οι èπιπóρπаµа, fastened with a clasp on the shoulder like a soldier's cloak or wrapper. The general name for it was ἐπίβλημα eπíßλnμa, and Fig. 18. the clasp on the shoulder was one of its special marks®. There are many allusions in the classical Tragedies to this feature in the dramatic attire. When an actor divests himself of his upper 1 § 117 : οἱ δ᾽ ἐν δυστυχίαις ὄντες ἢ λευκὰ δυσπινῆ εἶχον, μάλιστα οἱ φυγάδες, ἢ φαιὰ ἢ μέλανα ἢ μήλινα ἢ γλαύκινα. 2 § 116 : τὸ δ᾽ ἦν πλέγμα ἐξ ἐρίων δικτυῶδες περὶ πᾶν τὸ σῶμα, ὃ Τειρεσίας ἐπεβάλ- λετο ἤ τις ἄλλος μάντις.

  • Ibid.: κόλπωμα δ ὑπὲρ τὰ ποικίλα ἐνεδέδυντο οἱ ᾿Ατρεῖς καὶ οἱ ᾿Αγαμέμνονες καὶ ὅσοι τοιοῦτοι.

4 As in the epithet βαθύκολπος. 5 De Saltat. 27 : ¿ŵ Néɣew πрoσтeрvídia кai πроyασтpidia. The whole of Lucian's description of the tragic actor is worth reading by the student. • Athenaus, XII. p. 535 Ε : ὁ δὲ Σικελίας τύραννος Διονύσιος ξυστίδα καὶ χρυσοῦν στέφανον ἐπὶ περόνῃ μετελάμβανε τραγικό» . D. T G. 17 258 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF garment he is said to throw off his clasped robe '. It is with the tongues of the buckles from his wife's dress that Edipus puts out his own eyes2, and with the same instrument Hecuba and her attendants blind Polymestor³. The dress of the chorus was in accordance with the personages represented ; and although it was different in kind from that of the actors, the choragus took care that it was equally splendid. But as the actors represented heroic characters, whereas the chorus was merely a deputation from the people at large, and in fact stood much nearer to the audience, the mask was omitted, and while the actors wore the cothurnus, the chorus appeared either bare-footed, as in the Cyrenaic picture, or in their usual sandals. The comic actors for the same reason were content with the soccus or thin-soled buskin (Figs. 19, 20) , and their mask had no Fig. 19. Fig. 20. Fig. 21. Fig. 22. ὄγκος (Figs. 21, 22) ; but the προσωποποιός made up for the lack of this exaggeration by an extravagant ugliness in the features of most of the characters, which set nature completely at defiance¹. 1 Eurip. Herc. F. 959 : γυμνὸν σῶμα θεὶς πορπαμάτων. Electr. 820 : ρίψας ἀπ᾿ ὤμων εὐτρεπῆ πορπάματα. 2 Sophocles, Ed. T. 1269. 3 Eurip. Hec. 1170 : ἐμῶν γὰρ ὀμμάτων πόρπας λαβοῦσαι τὰς ταλαιπώρους κόρας κεντοῦσιν, αἱμάσσουσιν. 4 The most accessible specimen of the old comic costume is furnished by the puppet "Punch." It has not been noticed that his name, as well as his form, may be traced to a classical origin. " Punch" and " Punchinello " are corruptions of the Italian Pulcino and Pulcinello, which are representatives of the contemptuous diminu- tive pulchellus. This epithet may be applied to little figures (Cic. Fam. VII. 23), and our own phrase "pretty Poll, " addressed to the parrot, may show how easily such a Tокóρioμа may be suggested by the pleasure which results from petty imitations. In the same way, the Greeks called the ape kaλós, or kaλλías ( Böckh ad Pind. P. II. v. 72), and it is not improbable that the same or a similar epithet was given to the masked and padded actors in the pantomimic shows of ancient Greece and Italy. GREEK PLAYS IN GENERAL. 259 In the Old Comedy, as Pollux tells us¹, the mask was for the most part a caricature of the person represented ; but in the New Comedy there was a regular mask for every conventional character, the old man in particular having no less than ten types of countenance . There is a superabundance of monuments representing the scenes of the New Comedy. Indeed, there is an illustrated manuscript of Terence³, which is probably at least as old as the sixth century, and may have been copied from one still more ancient, and statues, reliefs, and paintings exhibit the comic actors of the later stage in every character and in all varieties of posture. In a marble bas relief, supposed to represent the second scene of the fifth act of Terence's Andria¹, an angry master, who is about to commit his slave to the tender mercies of a lorarius, is pacified by a friend of similar age. The figure of the supposed Simo is given in the annexed illustration . Fig. 23. The slave is always distinguished by a singular deformity in the mouth. The sitting figure, which is here subjoined, is frequently repeated in ancient statues , and exhibits the peculiarity of the slave's mask, to which we refer. From the ring on the finger of one of the repetitions of this comic character, and from 1 IV. § 143 : τὰ δὲ κωμικὰ πρόσωπα, τὰ μὲν τῆς παλαιᾶς κωμῳδίας ὡς τὸ πολὺ τοῖς προσώποις ὧν ἐκωμῳδουν ἀπεικάζετο ἢ ἐπὶ τὸ γελοιότερον ἐσχημάτιστο. 2 Pollux, IV. §§ 143 sqq. 3 See Wieseler, Theatergeb. pp. 63 sqq . Taf. x. Nos 2-7, from a MS. in the Vatican at Rome ; No. 8, from a MS. in the Ambrosian Library at Milan. 4 Mus. Borb. Vol. iv. T. XXIV.; Wieseler, Taf. XI. No. I. 5 See Wieseler, Theaterg. Taf. XI. Nos. 8, 9, 10, 11 , and Taf. XII. No. 5. The figure (24) given in the following page is in the British Museum, and is engraved in Anc. Marb. in the Br. Mus. Part x. Pl. XLIII. 17-2 260 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF the crown on his head, it is inferred that he represents a drunken slave, probably in the AakrúMos of Menander, or in the Condalium Fig. 24. of Plautus¹ , which was borrowed from it ; and this inference is strengthened by the appearance of a similar figure in a scene represented on a terra-cotta relief, which is found in two private collections at Rome. Here a bearded figure, in an attitude like that in the above illustration , is seated on an altar, and two other figures, resembling the conventional old man of the New Comedy, appear to have been in angry altercation with him. It is natural then to conclude that we have some such scene as that in the Mostellaria (v. 1. 45) : and (v. 54) : Ego interim hinc aram occupabo, Sic tamen hinc consilium dedero ; nimio plus sapio sedens; Tum consilia firmiora sunt de divinis locis. And the ring, if it does not refer to the Condalium, on which the 1 Varro, L. L. VII. § 77. Accius says it was not written by Plautus, A. Gell . N. A. III. 3. The condalium seems to have been a kind of ring peculiar to slaves, Plaut. Trin. IV. 3. 7. The word is derived from κόνδυλος. GREEK PLAYS IN GENERAL. 261 play of Menander turned, may have been stolen like that in the Curculio of Plautus (II. 3. 81)'. Of the dresses in the Old Comedy we have no monumental illustrations², but the allusions in Aristophanes tell us how extravagant they must have been, and in what unrestrained obscenity the poet and his patrons indulged. The numerous scenes from the New Comedy, which are still preserved in ancient works of art, show that though the language became more reserved and better regulated, the eyes of the audience were not treated with much respect. The actors often wore harlequinade dresses, with trowsers ` fitting close to the leg, and with protuberances and indecent appendages, indicating clearly enough the phallic origin of Greek Comedy. The most interesting examples of the costume of Comedy are furnished by two pictures representing scenes of a very similar character, one of which has been referred to a pλúağ Tpayikós, or tragic foolery of Rhinthon³; and the other to the Althea of Theopompus, a poet of the Middle Comedy . In the former of these, Jupiter, attended by Mercury, is about to climb to the chamber of Alcmena, who is looking out of a window in full dress as an hetara . Jupiter, who has a bearded mask with a modius on his head like Serapis, is bearing a ladder, with his head between the 1 This interpretation is due to Visconti, Mus. Pio- Clem. Tom. III . p. 37. 2 The representation of the first scene of the Frogs of Aristophanes, on a painted vase ( Gerhard, Denkm. n. Forsch. 1849, Taf. III. No. 1 ; Wieseler, Theatergeb. A, 25), 9 Fig. 25. is hardly an exception, for it does not correspond to the text, and is obviously a later production. 3 Winckelmann, Monum. inéd. P. 1. No. 190 ; Müller, Denkmäler d. alt. Kunst, II. Pl. III. No. 49 ; Wieseler, Taf. IX. II . 4 Panofka, Cab. Pourtalès, Pl. x.; Wieseler, Taf. IX. 12. 5 She wears an ornamented cap or uírpa, which is referred to this character by Pollux, IV. § 154 : ἡ δὲ διάμετρος ( ἑταίρα) μέτρα ποικίλῃ τὴν κεφαλὴν κατείληπται. Cf. Servius ad Verg. Æn. IV. 216 ; Juvenal, Sat. III. 66 : ite quibus grata est picta lupa barbara mitra. 262 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF steps. Mercury has his caduceus in his left hand, and bears a lamp in his right. He is also distinguished by his petasos and his chlamys. All the details of the picture point to circumstances of common occurrence in Greek comedies, with whom the μoixòs Zeus was a favourite character¹. The ladder is expressly mentioned by Xenarchus, a poet of the Middle Comedy2, and the window, which in correct drawing should be at a much greater height from the ground, represents the opening in the upper story of the stage from which the hetera was frequently represented as looking down upon her lover³. It is worthy of remark that both Jupiter and Mercury are represented as bare-footed. In the other picture, which probably represents a similar nocturnal visit paid by Bacchus to Althea in the Comedy of Theopompus , a female dressed like the Alcmena of the other scene, is looking out of a window, while a comic figure with mask, socci, and other appendages, is climbing the ladder to reach her. He wears a chaplet on his head , and while he presents Althea with " the apples of Dionysus "," i . e. quinces, as an offering of love, he carries in his other hand a red band for her hair . His bare-footed attendant has in his left hand a flambeau and a crown of myrtle, and in his right a little box (кadíσkos) , containing some present for the lady. Althea was the wife of Eneus, and the chaplets of vine-leaves, which adorn the wall of the house, are very appropriate to his name as the man of the vineyard. The colours of the pictures are an interesting feature in the costume. The crowns on the heads of the figures are white . The owμáriov of the man on the ladder is a brownish red, his sleeves and leggings are of a bright brown. The other 1 Bergk, de Reliq. Com. Att. p. 287.

  • Meineke, III . p. 617 : μὴ κλίμακα στησάμενον εἰσβῆναι λάθρᾳ.

5 3 Pollux, IV. § 130 : ἐν δὲ κωμῳδίᾳ ἀπὸ τῆς διστεγίας πορνόβοσκοί τι κατοπτεύουσι ἢ γρᾴδια ἢ γύναια καταβλέπει. Cf. Vitruv. v. 6, 9. 4 This Comedy is cited by Athen. XI. p. 501 F ; Pollux, IX. § 180. That Bacchus used to go as comast or reveller to the house of Althea is known from Eurip. Cyclops, 37 sqq.: μῶν κρότος σικιννίδων ὅμοιος ὑμῖν νῦν τε χώτε Βακχίῳ κώμοις συνασπίζοντες ᾿Αλθαίας δόμους προσῇτ᾽ ἀοιδαῖς βαρβίτων σαυλούμενοι ; 5 Theocr. II. 120 : μᾶλα μὲν ἐν κόλποισι Διωνύσοιο φυλάσσων. ΙΙΙ. 10 : ἠνίδε τοι δέκα μᾶλα φέρω. 6 Müller, Handb. d. Arch. § 340, 4 . 7 This was the proper colour for a loving serenader ; Theocr. II. 121 : Kρatì d' ἔχων λεύκαν, Ηρακλέος ἱερὸν ἔρνος. GREEK PLAYS IN GENERAL. 263 man is dressed entirely in yellow, and this is the colour of the robe in the picture, which represents a comic performer in the act of being masked and dressed by Bacchus¹ . The soccus as a general rule seems to have been yellow2. The choruses of Aristophanes were arrayed in fantastic costumes more or less expressive of the allegorical caricature which they represented. Thus the Birds had masks with huge open beaks, and the Wasps flitted about the orchestra protruding enormous stings. That the dresses of the actors in the satyrical drama did not differ in kind from those of the performers of the chief parts in the Tragedies, which they followed, is an obvious inference, and the fact is established by the last group in the Pio-Clementine Mosaic, which represents an actor accompanied by one of the chorus of satyrs, seen at a distance or in a diminutive form . There is also a painting on a vase in the Museo Borbonico at Naples³, which gives us not only the three actors in a satyrical drama, but a chorus of eleven, two musicians, one playing on the flute, the other a citharist, and the leader of the chorus, who is called Demetrius. In the midst Bacchus is reclining on a bed, with Kora-Ariadne in his arms ; and the Muse, with a mask in her hand, is sitting at the end of the bed, attended by Himeros. Of the three actors, one is attired in the full tragic costume ; another, who represents Hercules, has a highly decorated tunic, which, however, is shorter than the usual syrma; the third actor, who represents Silenus, has a closely-fitting, hairy dress, and bears a panther's skin on his left shoulder. The choreutæ, with the exception of one who is handsomely dressed, and another, who has ornamented drawers, like our mountebanks , have goat-skins about their loins with phallic appendages , but are otherwise naked. The same fashion of dressing the choreutæ in nothing except shaggy aprons is observable in a very beautiful Mosaic found at Pompeii, a copy of which is subjoined . This picture in1 Mus. Borbon. Vol. III. Tav. IV.; Wieseler, Taf. x. I. 2 Müller, Handb. d. Arch. § 388, 2. 3 Monum. ined. dell' Inst. di Corrisp. Arch. Vol. III. T. XXI.; Wieseler, Taf. VI. No. 2, p. 47. 4 These drawers are worn bythe satyric choreutæ on Tischbein's vase (Wieseler, VI. 3 ), and by the satyric citharist on Laborde's vase ( Wieseler, VI. 5) . 5 Gell, Pompeii, New Series, Vol. 1. Pl . xLv.; Mus. Borbon. Vol. II . T. LVI.; Wieseler, Taf. VI. I. The accompanying engraving (fig. 26, p. 264), which is taken from the Museo Borbonico, is not quite accurate ; for there are only two masks before the teacher, the third being on the table behind him. 264 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF troduces us to the χορήγιον oι διδασκαλεῖον, which was probably in one of the parascenia or green-rooms of the theatre¹ , just as the Fig. 26. chorodidascalus is giving the last instructions to the choreutæ and actors, before the commencement of the satyric drama for which they are dressing. Seated on a chair he is addressing one of the two choreute before him, and apparently teaching him how to manage his hands. One of these choreute has not yet put on his mask, the other has raised it that he may the better observe his teacher. As the roll of paper, which the chorodidascalus holds in his left hand, is folded up, we infer that he has already gone through the text of the play. Near the center of the picture we have a flute-player tuning his double flute. He is probably the xopaúAns, who accompanied the chorus, and this name was inscribed on the base of the statue (fig. 27) found on the Appian way. This instrumental performer is crowned with green and yellow leaves, and his long gown is white, with blue stripes running from the top to the bottom. Over his breast and shoulders and down to his hips he has a trimming of violet with reddish crosses or stars. This trim1 Pollux, IV. § 106 : χορήγιον ὁ τόπος οὗ ἡ παρασκευὴ τοῦ χορού. Cf. IX . §§ 41, 42. Bekk. Anecd. 72, 17 : χορηγεῖον : ὁ τόπος ἔνθα ὁ χορηγὸς τούς τε χοροὺς καὶ τοὺς VπокρITàя σvvάуwv σUVEкрóтEL. We learn from Antiphon (de Choreut. § 11 , p. 143) that the διδασκαλεῖον was sometimes in the choragus' own house : πρῶτον μὲν διδασκαλεῖον ᾗ ἦν ἐπιτηδειότατον τῆς ἐμῆς οἰκίας κατεσκεύασα. But we are disposed to agree with Magnin ( Revue d. d. Mond. T. XXII. p. 257) : quelque fût d'ailleurs le lieu où l'on commençât des exercices, on les terminait au théâtre, dans une pièce des parascenia ou du postscenium appelée χοραγεῖον. GREEK PLAYS IN GENERAL. 265 ming is probably the ox@oßol mentioned by Photius ' . By the side of the flute-player one of the actors is advancing probably to Fig. 27. take the mask, which the teacher is raising with his right hand. Another actor, who has already received his mask which lies beside him on the table, is fitting on his chiton with the aid of a servant. The mask of the Silen, which lies at the foot of the teacher, indicates a third part ; and unless we suppose that this part is to be undertaken by one of the two actors already present, we must conclude that, as only two of the choreutæ are still in the room, the third actor has not yet made his appearance. The gowns of both the actors are bright blue with stripes of some different colour, which is not very distinct. The red mantle, which is thrown over the chair with gilded legs immediately to the right of the chorodidascalus, is, no doubt, intended to form part of the costume of one of the actors. The wall of the apartment is adorned with Ionian pilasters, between which are suspended garlands and tæniæ. The latter are perhaps indications of success in the dramatic competition. This examination of the details of the costume in the three great classes of the ancient drama will suffice to show how entirely conventional and unreal the performance of a Greek play must have been when contrasted with our modern notions . It is of course an open question, whether it is more in accordance with the principles of dramatic art to let gorgeous Tragedy In sceptred pall come sweeping by, 1 Ρ. 366, 5, Porson : Οχθοιβούς : τὰ λώματα· ἔστι δὲ περὶ τὸ στῆθος τοῦ χιτῶνος ἁλουργὲς πρόσραμμα. 266 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF according to a fixed system of representation, or to ransack the stores of illuminated missals, monumental brasses, and even Assyrian monuments, in order to put on the stage an exact resemblance of the times to be exhibited : whether it is better to let Comedy revel in the grotesque exaggerations of our pantomimes, or to place on the stage a carpeted boudoir with all the details of modern comfort. It is at least certain that the present method of putting plays on the stage, which seems to have reached its ultimate development under the management of Mr Macready and Mr Charles Kean, is quite a modern innovation. It began with Le Kain and Talma in France, and has been fully perfected in this country under the Kembles. But Shakspere was content to apologize for disgracing the name of Agincourt With four or five most vile and ragged foils, Right ill- disposed in brawl ridiculous. Garrick played ancient Romans in bag-wigs and ruffles ; until the last few years Falstaff fought at Shrewsbury with a highlander's target, and a white coat with red and gold facings of the time of George the First; and it was at the beginning of the present century that the French performer, who was arrayed for the first time in an approximation to the classic costume of Agamemnon, demanded of Talma, with much indignation, where he was expected to carry his snuff-box. Aristotle, or the grammarian by whom his treatise on Poetry has been interpolated, informs us¹ that every Greek Tragedy admitted of the following subdivisions ; the prologue, the episodes, the exode, which applied to the performances of the actors, and the parodus and stasima, which belonged to the chorus. The songs from the stage (τὰ ἀπὸ σκηνῆς) and the dirges (κομμοί) are peculiar to some Tragedies only. Besides these, it seems that there was occasionally a dancing song or canzonet of a peculiar nature . The proper entrance of the chorus was from the parascenia by one of the parodi (nte) . The parodus was the song which the choreuta sang as they moved, probably in different parties, along these sideentrances of the orchestra³. It was generally either interspersed with anapasts, as is the case in the Antigone; or preceded by a 1 Chap. XII. below, Part II. 2 Introd. to Antigone, p. xxxi. 3 Ibid. p. xxx. GREEK PLAYS IN GENERAL. 267 long anapæstic march, as in the case of the Supplices and Agamemnon. Sometimes this anapastic march was followed by a system of the cognate¹ Ionics a minore. This we find in the Perse. In some Tragedies there was no parodus, but the opening of the play found the chorus already assembled on the Thymele, and prepared to sing the first stasimon . Such is the case in the Edipus Tyrannus. It seems probable that they then entered by the passage under the seats (rbh). The stasima were always sung by the chorus when it was either stationary or moving on the same limited surface around the altar of Bacchus, and with its front to the stage. The places of the choreute were marked by lines on the stage (diaɣpáµµaтa) . The two circles round the altar, indicated in the plan, give the maximum and minimum range of their evolutions. When those evolutions amounted to a dance2 , it was of the nature of the emmeleia, which, as we have seen, was a staid and solemn form of the gymnopædic gesticulations. The satyric chorus danced the rapid pyrrhic, or some form derived from it, and we may infer that it involved a great deal of tramping backwards and forwards, with high steps and lively movements of the hands, like the morrisdance in England, or the tarantella in Italy. Although the cordax, derived from the hyporcheme, was the original form of dance adopted by the phallic comus, it was so grossly indecent, that Aristophanes claims credit for its omission in The Clouds . The comic chorus sang its parodus and its stasima in the same manner as the tragic ; but they were, as pieces of poetry, much less elaborate, and generally much shorter. The main performance of the chorus in Comedy was the parabasis. It was an address to the audience in the middle of the play, and was the most immediate representative of the old trochaic or anapæstic address by the leader of the phallic song, for which the personal lampoons of Archilochus furnished the model, and to which the Old Comedy of Athens was mainly indebted for its origin. This parabasis, or " countermarch, " was so called, because the chorus, which had previously stood facing the stage, and on the other side of the central altar, wheeled about, and made a movement towards the spectators, who were then addressed by the coryphæus in a short system of anapæsts or trochees, called the Koupáтiov, and this was followed by a 1 Donaldson's Gr. Gr. art. 650, p . 620. 2 Böckh, Antigone, pp. 280 sqq. 3 See vv. 537 sqq. 268 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF long anapæstic system, termed πviyos (" suffocation " ) , or μakρóν (" long" ) , from the effort which its delivery imposed upon the reciter. In the extant remains of Greek lyric poetry, those parts of the epinikia of Pindar, which allude to the professional rivalries and literary pretensions of the poet, are the nearest approximations to this function of the choral comus. The parabasis is often followed by a lyrical song in honour of some divinity, and this by a short system, properly of sixteen trochaic tetrameters, which is called the epirrhema or " supplement. " The French would term it l'envoi. It contains some joking addition to the main purport of the parabasis. The lyric poem generally consisted of strophe and antistrophe; and the epirrhema had its antepirrhema. These divisions confirm the supposition that the lyric poem was derived from the mutual λodopía of the Phallic singers, and the epirrhema from the interchange of ribaldry in which the comus indulged. There were regularly never more than three actors (VπоKρITαí, ȧywviotaí), who, as we have seen, were designated as respectively the first, second, and third actor (πρωταγωνιστής, δευτεραγωνιστής, TρITAYWVIOTŃS¹) . The third actor in Tragedy was first added by Sophocles2 ; and it is said that Cratinus was the first to make this addition in Comedy³. Any number of mutes might appear on the stage. If children were introduced as speaking or singing on the stage , the part was undertaken by one of the chorus, who stood behind the scene, and it was therefore called a Tаρаσκήνιον, from his position, or παραχορήγημα, from its being something beyond the proper functions of the chorus . It has been concluded that a fourth actor was indispensable to the proper performance of the Edipus Coloneus. But we cannot admit that this innovation was necessary in the particular case®, and in all 1 Above, pp. 54, 216. 2 Above, p. 120. 3 Anonym. de Comœdia, p. xxxii. 2 4 Pollux, IV. § 109, says that it was Tapaoкvov if one of the chorus said any- thing in a song instead of a fourth actor (above, p. 234), but rapaxophynμa el Téтap- τος ὑποκριτής τι παραφθέγξαιτο ; and he cites the Agamemnon of Æschylus for the former, and the Memnon of the same poet for the latter. See C. F. Hermann, Disput. de Distribut. Personarum in Trag. Græcis, Marburg, 1840, pp. 39, 40, 64, 66. 5 By Müller, Hist. Lit. Gr. 1. p. 305. 6 The difficulty raised by Müller, namely, that the part of Theseus must have been divided between two actors, if there were only three in all, does not seem to be a very formidable one. The mask and the uniformity of tragic declamation would make it as easy for two actors to represent one part, as for one actor to sustain several characters. GREEK PLAYS IN GENERAL. 269 others it is tolerably easy to see how all the parts might have been sustained without inconvenience by three actors. The protagonist regularly undertook the character in which the interest of the piece was thought to center ; and it was so arranged that he could also give those narratives of what was supposed to have taken place off the stage, which constituted to the last the most epic portion of the Tragedy, and which probably, in the days of Thespis and Phrynichus, comprised all the chief efforts of the original rhapsode or exarchus¹ . By a great stroke of comic humour Aristophanes makes Agoracritus, the hero of The Knights, appear as the narrator of his own adventures2, an office which a tragedian would have assigned to some messenger from the scene of action. The deuteragonist and tritagonist seem to have divided the other characters between them, less according to any fixed rule than in obedience to the directions of the poet, who was guided by the exigencies of his play³. The actors took rank according to their merits, and the tritagonist was always considered as inferior to the other two. The narrowness and distance of the stage rendered any elaborate grouping unadvisable. The arrangement of the actors was that of a processional bas-relief". Their movements were slow, their gesticulations abrupt and angular, and their delivery a sort of loud and deep-drawn sing-song, which resounded throughout the immense theatre . They probably neglected every thing like by-play, and making points, which are so effective on the English stage. The distance at which the spectators were placed would prevent them from seeing those little movements, and hearing those low tones which have made the fortune of many a modern actor. 1 Introduction to the Antig. p. xx. 3 Introd. to the Antig. pp. xx sqq. 2 vv. 624 sqq. The 4 " As ancient sculpture," says Müller (Hist. of Gr. Lit. I. p. 398), "delighted above all things in the long lines of figures which we see in the pediments and friezes , and as even the painting of antiquity placed single figures in perfect outline near each other, but clear and distinct, and rarely so closely grouped as that one intercepted the view of another ; so also the persons on the stage, the heroes and their attendants (who were often numerous) stood in long rows on the long and narrow stage. " It is to be remarked, however, that numerous retinues, especially if they appeared with horses or chariots, were often introduced into the orchestra. 5 This is pretty evident from the epithets, which, as Pollux tells us, might be applied to the actor, IV. 114 : εἴποις δ᾽ ἂν βαρύστονος ὑποκριτής, βομβῶν, περιβομβῶν, ληκυθίζων, λαρυγγίζων, φαρυγγίζων, κ.τ.λ. 270 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF mask too precluded all attempts at varied expression, and it is probable that nothing more was expected from the performer than was looked for from his predecessor the rhapsode, -namely, good recitation ' . The rhythmical systems of the tragic choruses were very simple, and we may conclude that the music to which they were set was equally so. The dochmiac metre, which is regularly found in the κομμοί and τὰ ἀπὸ σκηνῆς, would admit of the most inartifcial of plaintive melodies. The comic choral songs very frequently introduce the easy asynartete combinations , which were so much used by Archilochus ; and we find in Aristophanes a very curious form of the antispastic metre, the invention of which is attributed to Eupolis³. We shall conclude with a few observations on the audience, and on the social position of the actors. For the first few years after the commencement of theatrical performances no money was paid for admission to them; but after a time (probably about the year 501 B.C.) it was found convenient to fix a price for admission, in order to prevent the crowds and disturbances occasioned by the gratuitous admission of every one who chose to come¹ . The charge was two obols ; but lest the poorer classes should be excluded, the entrance money was given to any person who might choose to apply for it, provided his name was registered in the book of the citizens (ληξιαρχικὸν γραμματείον) . The lowest and best seats were set apart for the magistrate, and for such persons as had acquired or ¹ Professor Blackie, after quoting these words ( The Lyrical Dramas of Eschylus translated from the Greek, Lond. 1850, Vol. I. p. xlvi) , adds : " These observations, flowing from a realization of the known circumstances of the case, will sufficiently explain to the modern reader the extreme stiffness and formality which distinguishes the tragic dialogue of the Greeks from that dexterous and various play of verbal inter- change which delights us so much in Shakspere and the other masters of English tragedy. Every view, in short, that we can take, tends to fix our attention on the musical and the religious elements, as on the life- blood and vital soul of the Hellenic Tpaywola ; forces us to the conclusion, that, with a due regard to organic principle, its proper designation is sacred opera, and not tragedy, in the modern sense of the word, at all ; and leads us to look on the dramatic art altogether in the hands of Eschylus, not as an infant Hercules strangling serpents, but as a Titan, like his own Prome- theus chained to a rock, whom only after many ages a strong Saxon Shakspere could unbind. " 2 Donaldson's Gr. Gr. 666, p. 628. 3 Id. ibid. 677, p. 633. 4 It is probable that at Athens, as well as Rome, each person entitled to admission was furnished with a ticket indicating his place in the theatre. A ticket of admission to the Casina of Plautus has been found at Pompeii. 5 This account of the Theoricon is taken from Böckh's Publ. Econ. 1. pp. 289 foll. Engl . Tr. GREEK PLAYS IN GENERAL. 271 inherited a right to front seats (πpoedpía¹) . It is probable that those who were entitled to reserved places at the theatre had also tickets of admission provided for them. Foreigners on the contrary were obliged generally to be contented with the back seats . The entrance-money was paid to the lessee of the theatre ( carpoνης, θεατροπώλης, ἀρχιτέκτων) , who defrayed the rent and made the necessary repairs out of the proceeds. The distribution of the admission-money, or fewpikóv, as it was called, out of the public

funds, was set on foot by Pericles, at the suggestion of Demonides of Ea; its application was soon extended till it became a

regular largess from the demagogues to the mob at all the great festivals ; and well might the patriot Demosthenes lift up his voice against a practice which was in the end nothing but an instrument in the hands of the profligate orators, who pandered to the worst passions of the people. The lessee sometimes gave a gratis exhibition, in which cases tickets of admission were distributed³. Any citizen might buy tickets for a stranger residing at Athens¹. We have no doubt that women were admitted to the dramatic exhibitions, at least to the Tragedies ; and boys as well as men were present at all performances of plays , nor were slaves excluded ". It seems probable however that the women sat by themselves in a particular part of the theatre ; for in the theatre at Syracuse there are still inscriptions on the nine different kepkides, or 1 See Aristoph. Equ. 704 ; Demosth. Mid. p. 572. 2 See Alexis ap. Poll. IX. 44 : ἐνταῦθα περὶ τὴν ἐσχάτην δεῖ κερκίδα ὑμᾶς καθιζούσας θεωρεῖν, ὡς ξένας. 3 Καὶ ἐπὶ θέαν ἡνίκα ἂν δέῃ πορεύεσθαι, οὐκ ἐᾷν τοὺς υἵεις, [ἀλλ ' ] ἡνίκα προῖκα ἀφιᾶσιν oi Bearpŵval. Theophrast. Charact. XI. "Theophrastus mentions this as one of the marks of åróvoid in a person, Kal èv θεάμασι δὲ τοὺς χαλκοὺς ἐκλέγειν, καθ᾽ ἕκαστον παριών· καὶ μάχεσθαι τοῖς τὸ σύμβολον φέρουσι, καὶ προῖκα θεωρεῖν ἀξιοῦσι. Charact. VI. Among the relicts from Pompeii and Herculaneum preserved in the Studii at Naples, is an oblong piece of metal about three inches in length, and one in breadth, inscribed Aloxúλos. This was perhaps the σúμßolov of Theophrastus. " Former Editor. 4 Καὶ ξένοις δὲ αὐτοῦ θέαν ἀγοράσας, μὴ δοὺς τὸ μέρος, θεωρεῖν. Theophrast. Charact. IX . 5 Pollux uses the same term leaтpía ( II. § 56, IV. § 121 ), which is alone some evidence of the fact. It is stated, however, expressly by Plato, Gorgias, 502 D ; Legg. II. 658 D ; VII. 817 c ; and by Aristoph. Eccles. 21-23 ; Satyrus ap. Athen. p. 534. See Bekker's Charicles, pp. 403 sqq. 6 For their appearance at tragedies, see the passages of Plato quoted in note 3 . That they were allowed to see comedies also is clear from Aristoph. Nub. 537 ; Pax, 50, 766 ; Eupolis ap. Aristot. Eth. Nic. IV. 2. 7 Plato, Gorg. p. 502. 272 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF compartments, from which it would appear that the center and four western compartments (namely those to the left of the spectator) were assigned to the men, while the four eastern compartments were reserved for the female spectators¹ . The conduct of the audience was much the same as that of the spectators at our own theatres, and they seem to have had little scruple in expressing their approbation or disapprobation, as well of the poet' as of the actors³. Their mode of doing this was sometimes very violent, and even in the time of Machon it was customary to pelt a bad performer with stones4. The Athenian performers were much esteemed all over Greece ; they took great pains about their bodily exercises , and dieted themselves in order to keep their voices clear and strong . Their memory must have been cultivated with assiduous care, for they never had the assistance of a prompter, like the performers on the modern stage . We believe that the protagonist at all events was generally paid by the state ; in the country exhibitions, however, two actors would occasionally pay the wages of their TρTaywvioT's . The salary was often very high', and Polus, who generally acted with Tlepolemus in the plays of Sophocles ¹º, sometimes earned a talent by two days' performances ". The histrionic profession was not thought to involve any degradation. The actors were of necessity free Athenian citizens, and by the nature of the case had received a good education . The actor was the representative of the dramatist, and often the dramatist himself. Sophocles, who sometimes performed in his own plays, was a person of 10 1 This is inferred from the female names on the eastern Keркldes ; see Göttling, über die Inschriften im Theater zu Syrakus, Rhein. Mus. 1834, pp. 103 sqq. 2 Athenæus, XIII . p. 583 F. 3 Demosth. De Corona (p. 345 and 346, Bekker) . Comp. Milton's imitation of the passage. (Prose Works, p. 80, in the Apology for Smectymnuus. ) 4 5 Cicero, Orat. c. IV. 6 Plato, Legg. II. Athen. VI. p. 245. 7 Hermann ( Opusc. v. 304) says : " In theatro roßoλeus dictus est, qui histrioni verba subjiciebat, quem nos Gallico vocabulo souffleur appellamus. Sic Plutarchus in Præc. ger. resp. 17, p . 813 Ε : μιμεῖσθαι τοὺς ὑποκριτάς, πάθος μὲν ἴδιον καὶ ἦθος καὶ ἀξίωμα τῷ ἀγῶνι προστιθέντας, τοῦ δὲ ὑποβολέως ἀκούοντας, καὶ μὴ παρεκβαίνοντας τοὺς ῥυθμοὺς καὶ τὰ μέτρα τῆς διδομένης ἐξουσίας ὑπὸ τῶν κρατούντων. But, as Bernhardy remarks (Griech. Litterat. II . p. 648), we have here only a reference to the pwváσкos, who kept C. Gracchus within bounds by the tone of his instrument (Plut. Tib. Gracchus, c. 2 ; Aul. Gellius, N. A. 1. 11 ) . 8 Demosth. de Corona, p. 345 , Bekker. 9 See Böckh, Public Econ. Book I. c. XXI. p. 120, Engl. Tr. 10 Comp. Aul. Gell. VII. 5, with Schol. Ar. Nub. 1269. 11 Plutarch, Rhet. Vitæ. GREEK PLAYS IN GENERAL. 273 the highest consideration ; the actor Aristodemus went on an embassy¹ , and many actors took a lead in the public assembly2. Theodorus, who was a contemporary of Aristodemus, and to whose mastery over his art both Aristotle, who had seen him on the stage³, and later writers, to whom his fame had descended *, bear ample testimony, was honoured by a monument, which was a conspicuous object on the sacred road to Eleusis even in the time of Pausanias". It is true that Demosthenes, among the exaggerated contumelies which he heaps on his opponent Æschines, lays a particular stress on his connexion with the stage. But it must be remembered that in all this he does not attempt to depreciate the profession itself. He is at great pains to indicate not only that Æschines never rose beyond the rank of a тρıtaywvior's®, and that he was merely the subordinate partner of Theodorus and Aristodemus' , just as Ischander was the regular devrepaywvioτns of Neoptolemus , but that he utterly failed even in that humble capacity. On one occasion, when Eschines was performing at Collytus the part of Enomaus in the play of Sophocles which bore that name, and was pursuing Ischander, who as deuteragonist took the part of Pelops, in the death-race for Hippodameia, which was probably represented in the orchestra, it is stated the future statesman fell in a very unseemly manner, had to be set on his feet again by Sannio, the teacher of the chorus, and was hissed off the stage by the offended spectators . It is also intimated that at one time in his dramatic career, whether before or after this mishap does not appear, Eschines was content to be tritagonist to ranting actors named Simylus and Socrates, in whose company he was so pelted 1 Esch. Tepi Tараπр. p. 347, Bekker. 2 Demosth. Tepi таρаπр. p. 377 ; Bekker, de Corona, p. 281. 3 See, for example, Rhet. III. 2, § 4 : οἷον ἡ Θεοδώρου φωνὴ πέπονθε πρὸς τὴν τῶν ἄλλων ὑποκριτῶν· ἡ μὲν γὰρ τοῦ λέγοντος ἔοικεν εἶναι · αἱ δ᾽ ἀλλότριαι. 4 It is said that he actually extorted tears from the savage tyrant, Alexander of Pheræ ; Ælian, V. H. XIV. 14 ; cf. Plut. Pelop. 29. 5 Ι. 37, § 3 : πρὶν δὲ ἢ διαβῆναι τὸν Κηφισόν, Θεοδώρου μνῆμά ἐστι τραγῳδίαν ὑποκρι- ναμένου τῶν καθ᾽ αὑτὸν ἄριστα. 6 De Corona, pp. 270, 11 ; 297, 25 ; 315, 9. 7 De Fals. Legat. pp. 418, 420, 2. 8 De Fals. Legat. p. 344, 7 : Ἴσχανδρον τὸν Νεοπτολέμου δευτεραγωνιστήν. 9 De Corona, p. 288 , 19 : ὃν ἐν Κολλυτῷ ποτε Οἰνόμαον κακῶς ἐπέτριψας. Anonym. Vit. Asch. pp. 11 sq. : Δημοχάρης φησὶν Ἰσχάνδρου τοῦ τραγῳδοῦ τριταγωνιστὴν γενέσθαι τὸν Αἰσχίνην καὶ ὑποκρινόμενον Οινόμαον διώκοντα Πέλοπα αἰσχρῶς πεσεῖν καὶ ἀναστῆναι ὑπὸ Σαννίωνος τοῦ χοροδιδασκάλου. Αpoll. Vit. Esch. pp. 13 sq. : Αἰσχίνης τριταγωνιστὴς ἐγένετο τραγῳδιῶν καὶ ἐν Κολλυτῷ ποτὲ Οἰνόμαον ὑποκρινόμενος κατέπεσεν. D. T. G. 18 274 REPRESENTATION OF GREEK PLAYS IN GENERAL. by the audience with figs, grapes, and olives, that it was worth his while to collect these missiles, and to find some compensation for the wounds which he had received in this way by living on the fruits of other men's orchards¹. These insulting allusions, which were afterwards repeated in part by Demochares, the nephew of Demosthenes², had in all probability little more than a foundation on fact³. But if they were sustained in every respect by the dramatic history of Eschines, it is clear that they affect only his personal reputation as an actor, and do not derogate from the general respectability of the histrionic art. In some cases, the actors were not only recognized by the state, but controlled and directed by special enactments. Thus, according to the law brought forward by the orator Lycurgus, the actors were obliged to compare the acting copies of the plays of the three great tragedians, with the authentic manuscripts of their works, preserved in the state archives ; and it was the duty of the public secretary to see that the texts were accurately collated¹. 1 De Corona, p. 314, 10. The true explanation of this passage is that given by Mr C. R. Kennedy, in the note to his translation, p. 97. 2 Apud Harpocrat. s. v. "Ioxavdpos. Anonym. Vit. Esch. p. 11 . 3 The theatrical career of Eschines has been carefully examined by Arnold Schaefer, Demosthenes und seine Zeit, 1. pp. 213-226. He falls into the old mistake of supposing that schines himself habitually imitated the manner of Solon (p. 225, note) . More accurate scholarship would have led him to notice that Demosthenes uses the aorist uunoaтo, and that an imperfect would have been employed had he meant to imply habitual imitation. We have shown elsewhere that the statue from Herculaneum represents Solon, and not Eschines (" On the Statue of Solon mentioned by Eschines and Demosthenes, " Transactions of the Cambridge Philosophical Society, Vol. X. Part 1). On the exaggerations or fabrications of Demosthenes in these attacks on Æschines, see Hist. Lit. of Gr. Vol. II. p. 365. 4 Vita X. Oratorum, p. 841 D, p. 377 Wyttenb.: ŵs xaλkâs eikóvas åvaßeîvai tŵV ποιητῶν, Αἰσχύλου, Σοφοκλέους, Εὐριπίδου, καὶ τὰς τραγῳδίας αὐτῶν ἐν κοινῷ γραψα μένους φυλάττειν, καὶ τὸν τῆς πόλεως γραμματέα παραναγιγνώσκειν τοῖς ὑποκρινομένοις · οὐκ ἐξεῖναι γὰρ αὐτὰς [ἄλλως] ὑποκρίνεσθαι. CHAPTER II. ON THE REPRESENTATION OF CERTAIN TRAGEDIES AND COMEDIES IN PARTICULAR. Veteres ineunt proscenia ludi. VERGILIUS. HAVING fully considered all the circumstances connected with the representation of a Greek play in general, we must now apply the results of this inquiry to an investigation of the manner in which these arrangements were practically applied in particular cases. And as our space will not allow us to examine with sufficient minuteness the details which probably attended the exhibition of every extant Tragedy and Comedy, it will be desirable to select those dramas which furnish the most decisive and distinctive examples of the scenic ingenuity of the Greeks. The most prominent peculiarity is undoubtedly the complete or partial change of the indications of locality. And this is of very rare occurrence. In the seven plays of Eschylus there is a complete change of scene only in the second and third plays of the extant Trilogy ; and the left periactos, which, as we have seen, indicates the direction of the foreign or distant regions from which the visitant is supposed to enter the stage, is not turned once in all the remains of the oldest dramatist. Sophocles has only one example of a complete change of scene, that in the Ajax; and only one of the turning of the left periactos, that in the Edipus Tyrannus, when the road to Corinth is substituted for that to Delphi, with , perhaps, a distant view of Parnassus. In the numerous plays of Euripides we have no example of a complete change of place, but several of his plays require a change of the left periactos. The scene is completely changed in five of the eleven plays of Aristophanes ; but the left 18-2 276 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF CERTAIN periactos is turned only in the Acharnians and in the Lysistrata; and in the latter there are four or five of these indications of a different point of approach to the stage from a distance. In making a selection from the extant Greek plays, we shall commence with the only complete Trilogy, the Orestea, or, as it may have been once called, the Agamemnonia of Eschylus, and shall then take those of the other plays which furnish the most various examples of a complete theatrical exhibition. The scene of the Agamemnon of Eschylus represents the palace of the Atreidæ, and the open space immediately before it. The front of the palace is adorned with altars of various gods, especially those to whom the herald addresses himself on entering the stage (vv. 503 sqq. ) , and that of Apollo Aggieus was of course one of them (v. 1085). The palace was represented as rising to a considerable height, for the watchman, who speaks the prologue to the Tragedy, is able to command from his elevated position a view of the surrounding country, as far at least as the Arachnæan mountains (v. 309). As Pollux mentions the σxon and pρuктρiov among the parts of the theatre, the question has been raised whether the watchman is posted on the roof of the palace or on some detached elevation. But it is clear from the words of the poet that the sentinel must have been on the palace itself (v. 3 : σTéγαις 'Ατρειδών. ν. 301 : Ατρειδῶν ἐς τόδε σκήπτει στέγος), and the balcony of the Storeyia would furnish the proper elevation. That a flat roof without battlements is intended is shown by the statement that he gazed lying down and leaning on his elbows like a dog (vv. 2, 3: кoiμóμevos äɣkadev kvvòs díkŋv) , i. e. in the attitude familiar to us from the posture of the sphinx, which is the conventional form of the watchful guardian. The right hand periactos represented the city of Argos, and the left the road to the coast. The watchman, who introduces the play, speaks the prologue from his post on the roof and then makes his exit by a door supposed to lead into the palace, for he had already summoned the inmates of the royal house (v. 26) . The chorus then enters (v. 39) by the right-hand parodos, and the anapests are recited while they are moving to the thymele and taking their post around it. During these evolutions Clytemnestra with her attendants enters the stage by the center door (v. 83) , and, after making her offerings at the altars before the palace, goes off TRAGEDIES AND COMEDIES IN PARTICULAR. 277 by the right-hand side- door (v. 103) to repeat these offerings at the temples in the city ; and she does not reappear till the end of the first choral song (v. 254) , when she comes forward to the front of the stage and enters into colloquy with the leaders of the chorus. She explains to the chorus why she has offered a sacrifice of thanksgiving, and after a vivid description of the manner in which the message of the capture of Troy was transmitted by a series of beacons, and of the contrast between the victors and the vanquished in the captured city, she again retires by the center door into her palace. Hereupon follows the first stasimon of the chorus (vv. 357 -488) . And a considerable lapse of time is supposed to intervene. In most of the editions it is supposed that Clytemnestra returns to the stage at the commencement of the next episode, and that she speaks the words which indicate the approach of the herald (vv. 489-500) ; but it is generally the business of the chorus to announce the entrance of a new character, the herald addresses himself to the chorus down to v. 582, and the name of Clytemnestra is mentioned first in v. 585; it seems therefore clear that Hermann is right in assigning the first words of the episode to the chorus, and whether Clytemnestra re-enters from the house at v. 587, or a few verses before, it is obvious that she takes no part in the dialogue till she makes that speech, where the word máλai must be understood in its largest sense. The herald, who is probably the Homeric Talthybius, had entered of course by the sidedoor on the left, behind the periactos representing the road to Nauplia ; and he withdraws by the same door, for the queen charges him with a message to her husband. After the second stasimon (vv. 681-781), a few anapastic lines introduce the triumphal procession of Agamemnon, who drives into the orchestra in a mule-chariot, accompanied by the captive Casandra, and followed by a retinue of attendants. He does not mount the stage till v. 957, when he reluctantly sets his foot on the costly carpets and follows his treacherous wife into the palace. It is clear from v. 1054 (πeílov λιποῦσα τόνδ᾽ ἁμαξήρη θρόνον) that Casandra remains in the orches tra, seated still in the mule-chariot. It is probable that the armed attendants of Agamemnon also remain in the orchestra. The address in v. 1651 , εἶα δὴ ξίφος πρόκωπον πᾶς τις εὐτρεπιζέτω, would hardly apply to the aged chorus consisting, as we shall see, of only twelve persons. After the gloomy strains of the third stasimon 278 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF CERTAIN (vv. 975—1032) , Clytemnestra comes forth from the palace and endeavours fruitlessly to induce Casandra to enter the royal apartments. Casandra, who had remained silent while the queen was on the stage, breaks forth, immediately after her exit, into the most impassioned strains, and the dialogue between her and the chorus constitutes one of the finest scenes in the whole body of the extant Tragedies ofthe Greeks. After having declared to the chorus, with increasing distinctness, the impending murder of Agamemnon and herself, she rushes into the house to meet her doom. We should infer from the conventional kai μýv that she leaves the orchestra at the end of her interchange of songs with the chorus (v. 1178). When Casandra leaves the stage (v. 1330) , the chorus recites a few anapasts, which probably indicate a movement of the whole body to take up a new position. The death-cry of Agamemnon is heard (v. 1343) , and each of the twelve choreutæ expresses his opinion as to what ought to be done. The proposal to rush into the palace and convict the murderer while the fresh-dripping sword is still in his hand ( ν. 1350 : ὅπως τάχιστά γ' ἐμπεσεῖν καὶ πρᾶγμ᾽ ἐλέγχειν ξὺν νεοῤῥάντῳ ξίφει) seems to be generally adopted, and as Clytemnestra is immediately afterwards discovered on the spot where she had slain her husband ( v. 1379 : ἕστηκα δ᾽ ἔνθ᾽ ἔπαισ᾽ èπ' éţeipyaoµévois), it may fairly be concluded that the eccyclema, which exposes the interior of the palace, is supposed to include the chorus also, and the whole of the Kóμpos which follows, down to the anapæsts (vv. 1567—1576) , which indicate a movement of the parties, is to be understood as taking place within the palace. The eccyclema is withdrawn, and the chorus is again in the open place before the house of the Atreida, when Ægisthus, attended by an armed escort (v. 1650) , enters the stage by the right-hand side-door (v. 1577), as though he had come from the city on learning that Clytemnestra had consummated his plot with her (vv. 1608-1611) . A lively altercation ensues between Ægisthus and the chorus, assisted probably by the attendants of Agamemnon, and the two parties are about to come to blows, when they are parted by the hasty re-appearance of Clytemnestra, and the play ends as the guilty pair enter the palace to assume the sovereign power, and the chorus leaves the orchestra by the right-hand parodos. It will be observed that in this grand Tragedy there is no devia- TRAGEDIES AND COMEDIES IN PARTICULAR. 279 tion from the unity of place ; for the eccyclema, which displays the interior of the palace, is only a partial change of scene. The unity of time, however, is conspicuously violated. For Clytemnestra's speech before the first stasimon is supposed to be spoken on the day of the capture of Troy (v. 320 : Τροίαν 'Αχαιοὶ τῇδ᾽ ἔχουσ᾽ ἐν nuépa) , and the herald, who enters after the stasimon, details circumstances referring to a long passage from Troy, interrupted by a dreadful storm which dispersed the fleet. Several days must therefore be supposed to have elapsed between the two acts of the play. The distribution of the parts among the three actors in the Agamemnon may be very easily arranged, so as to allow the same actor (i. e. the tritagonist) to perform the same part in all three plays of the Trilogy, and at the same time to retain the leading characters for the best performer¹ : Protagonist, Agamemnon, the guard, the herald. Deuteragonist, Casandra, Ægisthus. Tritagonist, Clytemnestra. The middle play of the Orestea, which is known as the Choëphoro or "bearers of funeral libations, " is divided by a total change of scene into two distinct parts. The scene of the first act, which terminates at v. 651 , is a desolate tract of country at some distance from the city, perhaps hilly, and certainly provided with brushwood for the concealment of Orestes and Pylades. The central object is the mound which indicates the tomb of Agamemnon. The play begins with the entrance of Orestes and his friend from the left side-door, and the former speaks the prologue, which has come down to us considerably mutilated. The chorus enters from the right parodos at v. 10. In the present state of the text we cannot say whether they sang any anapæsts as they advanced to the thymele, but the commencement of their first choral song (vv. 22 sqq. ) seems to imply that they had previously been silent. Although Orestes is made to suppose (v. 16) that he sees Electra along with the chorus, it is clear that this is only intended to indicate a natural illusion on his part. For Electra must enter by the right-hand side-door, where the periactos perhaps represented a distant view of the royal palace, and her entrance is marked by her address to the chorus in vv.84 sqq. The maidens of the chorus are sent to accompany Electra (ν. 23: χοᾶν πρόπομπος. v. 85 : τῆσδε προστροπῆς ἐμοὶ πομποί) 1 See Müller, Hist. Lit. Gr. 1. p. 406. 280 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF CERTAIN and to perform certain acts of public mourning (vv. 24, 423 sqq.) , but they do not themselves make the offering; this is performed by Electra (v. 129) , who is therefore alone on the stage. She is joined by Orestes (v. 212) , who appears suddenly from his place of concealment, and although Pylades is not mentioned till v. 561 , there is no reason to doubt that he re-enters with his friend. They both leave the stage by the right-hand door before the first stasimon (vv. 585 sqq. ) . For it seems absurd to refer ToÚT in v. 583, τὰ δ᾽ ἄλλα τούτῳ δεῦρ᾽ ἐποπτεῦσαι λέγω ξιφηφόρους ἀγῶνας ὀρθώσαντί μου, to Pylades. The very terms of the phraseology, compared with the address at the beginning of the play, Ἑρμῆ χθόνιε, πατρῷ ἐποπτεύων κράτη, show that the necropolis was adorned with a statue of the infernal Mercury, to whom there are frequent allusions in the course of the Tragedy. It is probable that Electra does not accompany her brother and his friend, but that she and the chorus make their exit at the end of the stasimon (v. 651) .

Both the stage and the orchestra being now clear, the scene is entirely changed, and both the periacti are turned. That on the left represents a distant view of the grave of Agamemnon, that on the right the city of Argos ; and the scene itself shows us the royal palace, with a lodging for strangers to the left. Orestes and Pylades enter by the left side-door. Clytemnestra comes forth to greet them from the center door of the palace, and sends them into the strangers ' lodgings. The re-entrance of the chorus by the lefthand parodos, for they must be supposed to come directly from the grave to which they refer (v. 722) , —is indicated by a few anapæsts (vv. 719-733). As Clytemnestra manifestly returns to the palace after her brief conversation with Orestes, and as she sends Cilissa to Ægisthus (v. 734) , the old nurse must come forth from the center door, and make her exit by the right-hand side-door leading to the city. By the same door Ægisthus enters after the second stasimon (v. 838) , and betakes himself to the strangers' apartments, where he is at once put to death by Orestes. From the words of the chorus in vv. 872, 873, ἀποσταθῶμεν πράγματος τελουμένου ὅπως δοκῶμεν τῶνδ᾽ ἀναίτιαι κακῶν εἶναι. μάχης γὰρ δὴ κεκύρωται τέλος, TRAGEDIES AND COMEDIES IN PARTICULAR. 281 it may fairly be inferred that the choreutæ take refuge and conceal themselves in the parodos until the end of the interview between Clytemnestra and the matricide. The servant of course comes forth from the strangers' apartments, and knocks at the center door, and Clytemnestra comes from the house at his summons, just as Orestes rushes out in pursuit of her (v. 892) . After Orestes has dragged his mother into the strangers' lodging in order to slay her beside Ægisthus (vv. 894, 904) , the chorus re-appears and sings the stasimon (vv. 931-972) at the thymele. It is clear that the corpses of the queen and her paramour are exhibited to the spectators, when Orestes re-appears, and says (v. 973) , ἴδεσθε χώρας τὴν διπλῆν τυραννίδαbut it is not so certain in what manner this is effected . As no mention is made of the chorus entering the guests' chambers, where the murders have been perpetrated, and as Orestes clearly intends a public display, we must infer that the eccyclema was not used, but that the bodies were brought out on a bier, as the bodies of Eteocles and Polyneices were paraded in the Seven against Thebes. It is not only clear from the question of the chorus (v. 1051) and from the words of Orestes (v. 1061) that the phantom forms of the Erinyes are visible to Orestes alone ; but the care, which is taken in the following play, not to exhibit the Eumenides until the audience have been wound up to the highest point of expectation, precludes the supposition that the effects of that play would be anticipated by the premature introduction of the chorus, from which it bears its name. Orestes leaves the stage by the left side-door, and the chorus proceeds to the right-hand parodos, reciting the concluding anapæsts. In the Eumenides, as in the Choëphora, there are two distinct acts, each with its appropriate scenery. The scene of the first act (vv. 1-234) is the temple of Apollo at Delphi. The center door on the stage represents the main entrance of the temple, the interior of which is displayed by the eccyclema after v. 93. The righthand door is marked by a sacred grove, through which Apollo retires after dismissing Orestes. On the other side there may have been the dwelling of the Pythia, from which she enters at the beginning of the play, and to which she returns after the prologue. It is probable that the neighbourhood of Delphi, to which the Pythia alludes in her opening address, is depicted in the scenery. 282 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF CERTAIN And there is every reason to conclude that the altars or statues of the deities mentioned by her also adorned the stage. The time intended is the morning after the arrival of Orestes, who has come straight from Argos (cf. v. 282 : Tотαívov yàp ov K.T.λ.) , followed by the Furies, and whom Apollo has purified while his persecutors slept. After the prologue, the eccyclema rolls out the chorus who are sleeping round the altar¹ , the hero appears on the stage between Apollo and Hermes, and the latter accompanies him, as he sets forth on a long journey by sea and land, before he reaches Athens the object of his wishes ( vv. 75 sqq. ) . While Orestes and Hermes leave the stage by the left- hand side-door, Apollo retires into the grove, for of course he cannot appear in his temple till v. 179, when he expels the intruders. After the stage is cleared (v. 94) , the avaπícoμa immediately exhibits the apparition of Clytemnestra's ghost. That the sleeping chorus had been visible while Apollo was speaking is clear from the words of the god (v. 67: τάσδε τὰς μαργοὺς ὁρᾶς) ; and that the interior was shown by the eccyclema, perhaps by a two-fold evolution , is distinctly stated by the Scholiast, who says : δευτέρα γίνεται φαντασία· στραφέντα γὰρ μηχανήματα ἔνδηλα ποιεῖ τὰ κατὰ τὸ μαντεῖον ὡς ἔχει. The words of Apollo, v. 201 : τοσοῦτο μῆκος ἔκτεινον λόγου, show that they were still in the temple in spite of his order to quit it, and it is plain that they do not depart until they have said ( 229, 230) : ἐγὼ δ', ἄγει γὰρ αἷμα μητρῷον δίκας, μέτειμι τόνδε φῶτα κακκυνηγέτις. And they immediately leave the stage in single file by the lefthand door by which Orestes and Hermes had made their exit. Apollo, after reciting his three lines ( 232-234) , returns to his temple, the eccyclema is withdrawn, and the whole scene is changed. Between the first and second acts we must suppose a considerable interval of time, during which Orestes has traversed many a region by land and sea (v. 240 : ὅμοια χέρσον καὶ θάλασσαν έκπε1 Bötticher has made the costume of the chorus in this play the subject of a special dissertation (die Furienmaske im Trauerspiel und auf den Bildwerken der alten Griechen, Weimar, 1801 , Kleine Schriften, I. pp. 189-277), and he has given two pictures of the theatrical Fury, one representing all the repulsive and loathsome features which seem to have belonged to the Eschylean chorus, and the other exhibiting the usual type of theatrical beauty and splendid costume, but indicated as a minister of vengeance by the serpent- locks, and by the serpent and torch which she carries in her hands. He believes (p. 138 [ 271 ]) that the latter was the only personification of the Fury admitted on the stage after the time of Pericles and Phidias. TRAGEDIES AND COMEDIES IN PARTICULAR. 283 pov, cf. v. 77) , and has visited many nations as a purified suppliant (vv. 284-286). It has generally been supposed that the scene represents the temple of Minerva Polias at Athens¹ . But it is manifest that during the latter part of the act the scene is the Areopagus, and there is no indication of another change of scene. There must, however, have been a temple and statue of Minerva in the Areopagus. For Minerva is made to say to Orestes (v. 474) : ἱκέτης προσῆλθες καθαρὸς ἀβλαβὴς δόμοις, Apollo's injunction to the fugitive is (v. 80) : μολὼν δὲ Παλλάδος ποτὶ πτόλιν ἵζου παλαιὸν äукadev λaßàv ẞpéras, and he is described by the goddess (v. 409) as βρέτας τοὐμὸν τῷδ᾽ ἐφημένῳ ξένῳ. The most probable solution is that the poet supposes Orestes to have reached the temple of Αθηνά Αρεία, to whom he was said to have consecrated an altar in the Areopagus on his acquittal . The scene then represents the Areopagus, with a distant view of Athens, certainly with a statue, and probably with a temple of Minerva. As Orestes says (v. 256) ½kw, "I am come, " it is reasonable to conclude that he is seen near the statue of the goddess as soon as the scene is shifted, and the chorus re-enters by the left-hand parodos as soon as he has uttered his short prayer (v. 244) . After the stasimon, preceded by a few anapæsts, as the chorus pass from the part of the orchestra immediately below the stage to the thymele (vv. 307-396) , Minerva appears on the balcony of the stage, as though borne through the air on a chariot of clouds. This is shown by her own words (vv. 403—405) : ἦλθον ἄτρυτον πόδα πτερῶν ἄτερ ῥοιβδοῦσα κόλπον αἰγίδος κώλοις ἀκμαίοις τόνδ' ἐπιζεύξασ᾽ ὄχον. If she had come in an ordinary chariot it would have been needless to say that she came without wings, or that she used her ægis to make a flapping as birds do with their wings (cf. Soph. Antig. 1004 : πτερῶν γὰρ ῥοῖβδος οὐκ ἄσημος ἦν) . She clearly means that she rode upon the wings of the wind. After the explanation with the chorus and Orestes, Minerva, who had descended to the stage, proceeds on foot by the right-hand door to summon the judges for the trial (v. 489) . The stasimon follows (vv. 490-505) . And then Minerva returns from the right with the twelve judges, who 1 This is the opinion of Droysen, Donner, Genelli, Müller, Schömann and Hermann. Geppert and Schönborn maintain the view adopted in the text. 2 Pausan. I. 28, § 5 : καὶ βωμός ἐστιν ᾿Αθηνᾶς ᾿Αρείας ὃν ἀνέθηκεν ἀποφυγὼν τὴν δίκην. 284 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF CERTAIN take their seats either on the steps of her temple, or on seats before the center door, while Apollo appears from the left to support his suppliant. The judges give their votes separately in the twelve intervals of the couplets spoken by the chorus and Apollo (vv. 711 -733) . Orestes is acquitted, and departs by the left-hand door, as soon as he has expressed his gratitude and bound his countrymen by a promise of future friendliness (vv. 754-777) . As he takes no notice of Apollo, that divinity must have departed after the declaration of the verdict in vv. 752, 753. It may be presumed that the Areopagites retain their places till the procession at the end of the play. When Minerva has succeeded in allaying the wrath of the Eumenides, she takes leave of the chorus (v. 1003 : χαίρετε χυμεῖς) , and says that she must go before to prepare their abode for them ; and she leaves the stage by the right-hand door after making her concluding speech (vv. 1021-1031) . The πρćTоμπоι πομποιthen make their appearance through the right-hand parodos, and lead the chorus from the orchestra by the same door. As they depart the Areopagites leave the stage in solemn procession. The distribution of the parts in the second and third plays of the Trilogy must have been as follows : Protagonist, Orestes. Choëphora. Deuteragonist, Electra, Ægisthus, Pylades. Tritagonist, Clytemnestra. Protagonist, Orestes. Deuteragonist, Apollo. Eumenides. Tritagonist, Pythia, Clytemnestra, Minerva. The Trilogy was succeeded by a satyrical drama, the Proteus, which had some reference to the adventures of Menelaus alluded to in the Agamemnon (vv. 674 sqq. ) . The manner, in which the complete chorus of forty-eight was made available for the separate choruses of the four plays, is thus stated by C. O. Müller¹. The Agamemnon had a chorus of twelve senators, as appears from their conference in vv. 1319-1342 ; the Eumenides had a chorus of fifteen, as appears from the most probable arrangement of the μvyμòs diπλoûs of v. 125, as seven repetitions of the word λaßé, each 1 Eumeniden, pp. 75 sqq. TRAGEDIES AND COMEDIES IN PARTICULAR. 285 spoken by a pair of choreutæ, the imperative opáčov being uttered by the coryphæus ; the chorus of the Choëphoro had probably this larger number ; and this would leave two vyά, or ranks of three each, for the satyric drama. It is probable that the chorus of old men from the Agamemnon appeared as the Areopagites in the Eumenides, and the chorus of the Choëphora constituted the festive procession at the end of the last play in the Trilogy. We have examined the details of the representation of these three plays at some length, because, taken together, they furnish the most complete specimen of a Greek dramatic entertainment which has come down to us. Indeed, with the exception of the satyrical drama, which served as an after-piece to the Trilogy, we have here before us a perfect sample of the elaborate theatrical exhibitions, which were provided for the amusement of the Athenians at their Bacchic festivals. It will be seen that no regard was paid to the unities of time and place. The second and third plays are respectively broken into two distinct parts by the change of scene, and the first play, which has no change of scene, supposes, like the third, a considerable interval of time between the first and second acts. And while Eschylus has thus allowed himself a full latitude in dealing with space and time, he exhibits in this, the last of his dramatic works, a full acquaintance with all the improvements of the stage. The three actors are all put in requisition, and the chorus, originally one and undivided, is broken up into sections for the sake of the separate plays. Of the other Tragedies of Eschylus, the Prometheus alone requires a special notice of its mode of representation. It differs from all other plays by making no use of the stage. The action proceeds entirely on the balconies above the first story. The scene represents a desolate and rocky region, not far from the shore of Ocean at the extremity of the world. The center door is blocked up by the representation of a craggy mountain. To the summit of this (ν. 142 : τῆσδε φάραγγος σκοπέλοις ἐν ἄκροις) Vulcan, attended by Strength and Force, is engaged in fastening the form of Prometheus. On the right-hand periactos there is a representation of the sea, and a more distant part of the coast is represented on the left. There can be little doubt¹ that Prometheus himself was represented by a lay figure, so contrived that an actor standing behind the pic1 See Hermann's note, p. 55. 286 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF CERTAIN torial mountain could speak through the mask. No protagonist could have been expected to submit to the restraint of such an attitude throughout the whole of the play, to say nothing of the catastrophe at the end, when the rocks fall asunder, and Prometheus is dashed down into Tartarus¹. Vulcan and his attendants leave the balcony by one of the doors in the Storeyla which lead to it (v. 87) , and Prometheus is left alone till the entrance of the chorus indicated by the anapæsts recited by him (vv. 120 sqq. ) . A question arises, whether the chorus, which comes through the air, borne on clouds, like Minerva in the Eumenides (cf. v. 135 with Eumen. 405) , and which must have appeared at first on the balcony, remains there throughout the play2, or descends to its proper place in the orchestra at v. 277, where their anapasts indicate a movement on their part. We have no hesitation in adopting the latter view of the case, for the following reasons. (1) The balcony would not suffice for the regular evolutions of a chorus, which in this, as in other plays, has to perform antistrophic songs. (2) As Oceanus appears in the same way and from the same side as the chorus, there would be no room for both of the machines on the balcony. (3) A Greek play in which the chorus never entered the orchestra would be an unparalleled solœcism. If it is urged on the contrary that Prometheus on the top of the rock would be too distant to converse with the chorus at the thymele, it may be answered that the audience are still more distant, and yet they are supposed to hear all his words. And if reference is made to the warning of Mercury (v. 1060) , μετά που χωρεῖτ᾽ ἐκ τῶνδε τόπων μὴ φρένας ὑμῶν ἠλιθιώσῃ βροντῆς μύκημ᾽ ἀτέραμνον, as showing that they must have been near Prometheus, we reply that it indicates, on the contrary, that they were not within the immediate sphere of the danger, for he would not have used the plural Tóπwv in that case, and he would have indicated even a worse risk than that of losing their senses owing to the crash of the thunder. But although the chorus must be placed in the orchestra, all the 1 Schömann, des Eschylos gefesselter Prometheus, p. 87, believes that Prometheus was represented by an actor throughout the play. 2 This is Schönborn's opinion, p. 292. TRAGEDIES AND COMEDIES IN PARTICULAR. 287 actors speak from the upper platform. Oceanus remains seated on his courser in the clouds , and rides away upon it when his selfish fears are excited (v. 396) . Io, who had been wandering on the sea-shore near the mountain (v. 575 : πλανᾷ τε νῆστιν ἀνὰ τὴν πаρaλíaν †áµµov) , enters from the left on the balcony which represents the summit of these rugged rocks ; for she speaks of casting herself down from them in her despair (vv. 747 sqq.) : τί δῆτ᾽ ἐμοὶ ζῆν κέρδος, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐν τάχει ἔῤῥιψ᾽ ἐμαυτὴν τῆσδ᾽ ἀπὸ στύφλου πέτρας ; In the same manner Mercury enters from the same side ; for there is no reference whatever, as in the case of Oceanus and the chorus, to his having flown thither through the air, and he is expressly called "the running- footman of Jove " (v. 941 : Tòv Aids Tρóxiv); and as Prometheus sees him at once, he cannot be on the stage below. It is clear that the chorus leaves the orchestra by the right-hand parodos, just as Mercury quits the balcony by a sidedoor to the left, probably veiled by a peak of the mountain, and Prometheus is left alone to describe the coming storm in the splendid anapasts which conclude the play and accompany the exodus of the chorus. Then, it may be presumed, the scenic rocks fall asunder, and the figure representing Prometheus descends with them below the stage. As a specimen of the manner in which Sophocles, the perfecter of the Greek drama, placed his Tragedies on the stage, it will be sufficient to examine the latest of his plays, the Edipus at Colonus. The scene, which remains the same throughout the play, is minutely described in the opening verses. Edipus entering from behind the left-hand periactos, which represents the road to Thebes, asks his guide Antigone (vv. 1 , 2) : τέκνον τυφλοῦ γέροντος ᾿Αντιγόνη, τίνας χώρους ἀφίγμεθ', ἢ τίνων ἀνδρῶν πόλιν ; " Child of a blind old man, Antigone, What lands, what city are we come unto ? " and she replies (vv. 14—20) : πάτερ ταλαίπωρ' Οἰδίπου, πύργοι μέν, οἱ πόλιν στέγουσιν, ὡς ἀπ᾿ ὀμμάτων, πρόσω χῶρος δ᾽ ὅδ᾽ ἱρός, ὡς σάφ᾽ εἰκάσαι, βρύων δάφνης, ἐλαίας, ἀμπέλου· πυκνόπτεροι δ' εἴσω κατ' αὐτὸν εὐστομοῦσ᾽ ἀηδόνες" ου κώλα κάμψον τοῦδ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἀξέστου πέτρου. μακρὰν γάρ, ὡς γέροντι, προυστάλης ὁδόν. 288 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF CERTAIN "O woe-worn father Edipus, the towers That girt the city, as mine eyes inform me, Are still far off: but where we stand the while A consecrated grove displays itself, Thick set with bay-trees, olive-trees, and vines ; And from within, with closely ruffled plumes, The nightingales make sweetest melody. Then sit thee down on this rough stone : thine age May hardly brook such lengthened pilgrimage." From this it is clear, that the center of the stage represents this grove of the Eumenides as surrounded by a low dry- stone dyke, on which the blind wanderer takes his seat (v. 19) . The entrance to the grove substitutes brazen steps for the stones of the wall (v. 57 : ὃν δ᾽ ἐπιστείβεις τόπον χθονὸς καλεῖται τῆσδε χαλκόπους ὀδός. ν. 192 : αὐτοῦ· μηκέτι τοῦδ᾽ ἀντιπέτρου βήματος ἔξω πόδα κλίνης) . In the immediate neighbourhood of the grove was seen the pool, against which Edipus is warned by the chorus (vv. 155, sqq. ) . The right-hand periactos exhibited a view of Colonos, and near it was seen, probably as a picture, the statue of the hero of the place (v. 59 : τόνδ᾽ ἱππότην Κολωνόν) . In the interval between this and the grove the scenery gave a distant view of Athens. To the left of the grove we may presume that there was a perspective representation of the country of Attica between Colonos and the Theban borders, from which Edipus and his daughter have travelled . All five doors of the stage must have been used in the course of the piece. After Edipus has taken his seat on the fence of the sacred inclosure, a man of Colonos enters from the right and informs him that he has violated holy ground. The stranger, however, does not venture to remove him, but departs by the door by which he had entered to summon the chorus, and to bear the tidings to Theseus (v. 298) . When he has made his exit, Antigone leads her father quite within the grove (v. 113 : kai µ' ἐξ ὁδοῦ πόδα κρύψον κατ᾽ ἄλσος) . The chorus then enters by the right-hand parodos, and though in search of Edipus, it does not mount the stage. For when the blind king comes forth from the grove (v. 138) , the chorus is engaged in spying round the outside of the enclosure ( v. 55 : λεύσσων περὶ πᾶν τέμενος) , and it addresses him as still at a distance, though he is standing on the narrow stage (v. 162 : μετάσταθ᾽, ἀπόβαθι· πολλὰ κέλευθος ἐρατύει· κλύεις, ὦ πολύμοχθ᾽ ἀλατα) . The conference between TRAGEDIES AND COMEDIES IN PARTICULAR. 289 Edipus and the chorus is interrupted by the unexpected arrival of Ismene (v. 310) , who comes mounted on horseback (v. 312), and accompanied by a faithful domestic (v. 334) . It may be considered doubtful whether the horse is seen by the audience¹. The mention of the servant seems to be introduced because he is there to hold the horse after she has dismounted, and the interval between v. 310 when she is first seen, and v. 324 when she first speaks, together with the momentary difficulty in recognizing her ( v. 315 sqq. ) , may be best explained by the supposition that she rides into the orchestra, leaves her horse with the servant, (who leads it out, ) and then mounts the stage. It may fairly be inferred that, when Ismene retires from the stage to pour forth the libations on the other side of the grove (v. 505 : Toνkeißev äλoos Toûde) , she makes her exit by the middle door on the left. For she is seized by Creon on his way from Thebes, though the ordinary route to Boeotia is not that which Ismene is supposed to have taken, otherwise she would not have needed the guidance of the chorus. Now it is expressly intimated that the road from Thebes branched off in two directions not far from Colonus (v. 900) . And it is to be understood that Creon had diverged from the straight road on his approach to the sacred grove in search of Edipus, so as to pass through the spot where Ismene was occupied in her pious offices. As Theseus leaves Edipus to the care of the chorus (v. 653) , it is quite clear that the old men of Colonus cannot be passive spectators of Creon's outrage, and the text shows that some at least of the choreutæ mount the stage and lay hands on the Theban prince ; for he says to them ( v. 855) , µǹ favew Xéyw, and the choir-leader replies, ovтoi c' åpńow². The main body 1 Schönborn says (p. 280) : " Den Anblick des Rosses den Zuschauern zu gewähren, dazu liegt kein Motiv vor. " Kolster, on the other hand, justly remarks (Pref. p. xi) : "Schönborn musste wenigstens sagen warum der Dichter denn Ismene von der Schwester zu Ross sehen lässt, wenn sie nicht so auftreten soll ; Sophokles wirft doch dergleichen Worte nicht umsonst hin. " 2 Kolster maintains that the struggle takes place on the steps leading to the orchestra, through which Creon had to return. He says (p. 60) : "If any one denies his appearance in the orchestra because he does not come on horseback or in a chariot, he ought to remark, first, that he comes not alone, but accompanied by numerous attendants, v. 723 , oŮк åveν Tоμπŵν ; and then, that though he comes expressly to carry off Edipus, he does not at once address him, whom he would have been close to, if he had appeared on the stage, but speaks to the chorus in twelve long trimeters, and obviously opens a safe way to the stage by his conciliatory expressions. It is not till v. 740 that he directs his speech to Edipus ; and when his overtures are rejected, he changes his tone, and Edipus learns with horror that Creon has already got possession D.T.G. 19 290 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF CERTAIN of the chorus, remaining in the orchestra, call loudly for Theseus, and he comes in hastily from sacrificing in the neighbouring temple of Neptune, and therefore through the middle door on the right. The armed attendants of Creon have already left the stage with Antigone, probably by the door by which they had entered. And while Theseus enters into angry conversation with Creon, who had been detained by the choreutæ, he sends word to his followers to march off to the meeting of the roads to Thebes and there to intercept the runaways. There is no reason to suppose that the horsemen and foot- soldiers of Theseus (v. 899) pass over the stage. It would be more natural to imagine them as pursuing their march on the other side of the sacred grove which forms the center of the scene. As Creon is to be the guide of Theseus (v. 1025) , they must leave the stage by the middle door on the left by which the former had entered, and of course Theseus re-enters (v. 1099) by the same opening. It is stated (v. 1158) that Polyneices was a suppliant at the altar of Neptune, where Theseus was sacrificing when he was interrupted by the outrage of Creon. He therefore enters (v. 1249) by the middle door on the right, and makes his exit by the same way (v. 1447) . The three peals of thunder (vv. 1456, 1462, 1479) accompanied of Ismene and is intending to carry off his other daughter also. Hereupon Edipus implores the aid of the chorus, which at once forbids the meditated violence ; Creon however beckons to his attendants to carry off the maiden, whom he has obviously seized with his own hands ; these followers, who had been left in the orchestra, mount the steps and compel the chorus to give way, in spite of their protestations against a wrong which they are unable to prevent (v. 839 : μὴ 'πίτασσ' α μὴ κρατεῖς) . It is therefore a case in which the chorus and actors come into personal contact (Geppert, Ueb. d. Eingänge, p. 30) . It is possible to explain particular expressions of the chorus bythe supposition that different choreutæ are speaking ; but the only way to conceive the character of the separate words is to consider them as induced by the course of the action. How could we explain the decided expressions of v. 824, χώρει, ξέν' , ἔξω θᾶσσον · οὔτε γὰρ τὰ νῦν δίκαια πράσσεις, οὔθ᾽ ἃ πρόσθεν εἴργασαι, immediately followed by the helpless τί δρᾶς, ξένε ; of v. 829, and bythe feeble declaration of v. 831, §év' ov dikaia Spâs ? How incongruous would be the threat of v. 839, τί δρᾶς, ὦ ξέν' ; οὐκ ἀφήσεις ; τάχ᾽ εἰς βάσανον εἶ χερῶν, if Antigone had not been conducted through the orchestra. The silence of the chorus during the act of violence, vv . 844-847, is the consequence of their flight before Creon's myrmidons. After these have withdrawn ( v. 856) Creon is left alone face to face with the chorus, and the words èrioxes auroù, éve, are easily explained , if the chorus thinks it can cut off his retreat (v. 857 : obтol σ' åphow). At this point the chorus must either be on the stage, of which I can find no trace, or by occupying the steps from the orchestra is cutting off Creon's retreat, in which case he must be intending to depart by way of the orchestra." TRAGEDIES AND COMEDIES IN PARTICULAR. 291 by lightning, which presage the death of Edipus, must have been audible and visible to the spectators, and the βροντεῖον and κεραυ VOOKOTELOV could not have been used with greater effect. The mirrors of the latter may have been so arranged as to throw a glare of light on the chorus (v. 1477) . It is obvious that, with Edipus leading the way, the two princesses, Theseus, and his attendants enter the sacred grove by the main doorway (v. 1555) . Some little time is supposed to elapse before the messenger returns with his account of all that had happened (v. 1579) . When his speech is ended, Theseus returns to the stage with the two princesses (v. 1670) . And though Theseus promises (v. 1773) to comply with the request of Antigone to send her to Thebes, in order, if possible, to prevent the fratricidal strife of his two brothers, it does not follow that she and her sister leave the stage by the left-hand side-door, as though they departed immediately for their native city. It is more reasonable to suppose that they go with Theseus to Athens, and therefore make their exit in his company, by the middle door on the right. It has been already mentioned that the remaining plays of Sophocles furnish only one example of a complete change of scenery, and only one of a partial change by the revolution of the left-hand periactos. The former case is that of the Ajax. In the first act of this play, the scene is laid in that part of the Greek encampment, which lies between the tent of Ajax and the shore (v. 192 : épaλois λolais) . The interior of the tent of Ajax is displayed by means of the eccyclema, and he is seen surrounded by the cattle which he had slain in his delusion (vv. 346 sqq. ) . He is rolled off the stage by the same means, for he says (v. 579) , δώμα πάκτου, and (v. 581) , πύκαζε θᾶσσον. After the stasimon of the chorus (596-645) , Ajax comes forth from his tent, and then departs by the right-hand side-door as though he was going to the sea (v. 654 : πрós TE λOUTρà KaÌ Tарактíονs Nepovas). The messenger enters (v. 719) by the left-hand side-door as coming from the distant camp of the Greeks. Tecmessa goes forth to meet him with Eurysaces (v. 787) from the right-hand middle door, representing her own tent, and the child re-enters by the same door, when Tecmessa leaves the stage in pursuit of Ajax by the right-hand side-door. The messenger of course returns through the left side-door, and the chorus breaking 19-2 292 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF CERTAIN up into the two hemichoria, in which they reappear in the second act, leave the orchestra by both parodi. The stage being cleared, the scenery is completely changed. And we have now an unfrequented spot partially covered with trees, which renders the search for the body of Ajax more difficult. Tecmessa stumbles upon it (v. 891) immediately on her re-entrance, and it may be presumed therefore that Ajax falls before the centre door, probably behind a tree which masked that entrance. The other persons who enter in the second act, Teucer, Menelaus, Agamemnon, and Ulysses, come and return by the left-hand side-door. It is clear from v. 1115 that Menelaus is accompanied by at least one herald, and this functionary attends Agamemnon, whom he goes to fetch. This appears from vv. 1116 and 1319, and justifies Martin's conjectures of σοῦ τοῦδ' ὁμαίμονος for τοῦ σοῦ θ᾽ ὁμαίμονος, in v. 1312. With regard to the only change of the left-hand periactos, of which Sophocles furnishes an example, and which occurs in the Edipus Tyrannus, it is obvious that in the first part of the play the left-hand entrance must indicate the road to Delphi, and probably the left-hand periactos gave a distant view of Parnassus, to which the chorus alludes (vv. 463 sqq. ) . But as the messenger from Corinth enters by the same door on the left (v. 924) , it is clear that the periactos must be turned, so as to exhibit a view of Citharon or some other indications of the road to the Isthmus. It has been already mentioned that, in the extant plays of Euripides, there is no instance of a complete change of scene, and it would almost seem as though he had wished to make up for that complication of incident, that succession of plots, to which reference has been made in a former chapter, by a more rigid adherence to the unity of place than his great contemporaries had thought necessary. There are, however, several examples of a change of the left-hand periactos, which indicated the region from which the actor, coming from a distance, was supposed to enter the stage. For instance, in the Orestes, the left-hand periactos must, in the first instance, represent generally the road to foreign parts by which Menelaus enters on his return from Troy (v. 356) ; but it must be turned so as to exhibit a view of part of the city, when Pylades enters (v. 729) , for he says : θᾶσσον ἢ μ' ἐχρῆν προβαίνων ἱκόμην δι᾽ ἄστεως. In the Andromache the left-hand periactos must have represented TRAGEDIES AND COMEDIES IN PARTICULAR. 293 at the beginning of the play the road to Pharsalus, for Peleus is supposed to dwell there (v. 22) ; it must have represented a different direction, the road to Lacedæmon, in 746, 879, 1000, for Menelaus departs for Sparta, Orestes is on his way from the south to the shrine of Dodona, and Hermione departs in the same direction ; and in 1069 the messenger comes from Delphi, so that there must have been an exhibition of all three faces of the periactos. In the Supplices the left periactos indicates the road to Thebes from which the herald comes and to which he returns (v. 584) ; thither Theseus goes (v. 597 cf. 637) ; from thence come the messenger (v. 639), and the seven corpses ; also Theseus on his return (cf. 838). This periactos, however, is turned to indicate the road to Argos by which Iphis comes in search of Evadne (v. 1034) . In the Electra, the left-hand periactos at first represents the road to Delphi by which Orestes and Pylades make their appearance ; but as Electra's husband makes his exit by the same side in order to go to Lacedæmon, there must be a change of the side- scene for that purpose. As a sample of the manner in which Euripides put his Tragedies on the stage, it will be sufficient to examine the Baccha, which is not only the most Dionysiac, but also one of the latest and most elaborate of his plays. Euripides, however, has left us, in addition to his Tragedies , a regular Satyric drama, and two tragi- comedies, which served the same purpose in a Tetralogy ; and we must consider also the mode of representation in these two cases. The scene in the Baccha represents the palace of Pentheus (vv. 60, 646) in the citadel at Thebes (653) . Although there may have been some indications of towers and other fortifications as this last passage shows (cf. v. 172 : éπúpywo' aσTv Onßaiwv Tóde) , it is clear that the center of the scene representing the palace itself exhibited a Doric façade with columns (591) and a frieze (1214) . On the right of the palace , i . e. on the side leading to the city, there may have been a distant view of the oracular seat of Teiresias (347 : ἐλθὼν δὲ θάκους τοῦδ᾽ ἵν᾽ οἰωνοσκόπει) , and on the other side was seen the sacred memorial of Semele, namely, the spot where the smouldering ruins of her house stood , which Cadmus had surrounded with a fence and made sacred, and which Bacchus had enveloped in clusters of the mantling vine : ν. 6 : ὁρῶ δὲ μητρὸς μνῆμα τῆς κεραυνίας τόδ᾽ ἐγγὺς οἴκων καὶ δόμων ἐρείπια 294 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF CERTAIN τυφόμενα Δίου πυρὸς ἔτι ζῶσαν φλόγα ἀθάνατον Ηρας μητέρ' εἰς ἐμὴν ὕβριν. αἰνῶ δὲ Κάδμον, ἄβατον ὃς πέδον τόδε τίθησι, θυγατρὸς σηκόν · ἀμπέλου δέ νιν πέριξ ἐγὼ 'κάλυψα βοτρυώδει χλόη. 596 : πῦρ οὐ λεύσσεις οὐδ᾽ αὐγάζεις Σεμέλας ἱερὸν ἀμφὶ τάφον. On the left ofthe palace, but in close contiguity to it (Jul. Poll. IV. § 125 : εἱρκτὴ δὲ ἡ λαιά) , and between it and a κλίσιον representing the stable (v. 509 : iπTIKαîs Téλas páтvaioi ) , was seen the entrance to a dark and gloomy dungeon (v. 550 : σкотíαIS Ev Eiρктaîs. v. 611 ; ès σkoteiàs óprávas) . On the extreme left the periactos indicated the road to foreign and distant parts, and on the right the periactos showed a view of Citharon. If the city of Thebes was at all indicated it must have been between the right-hand periactos and the palace, in the same part of the scene where the auspicial abode of Teiresias was represented. That the road to Citharon did not pass through the city is clear from v. 840, where Pentheus asks, καὶ πῶς δι᾿ ἄστεως εἶμι Καδμείους λαθών ; and Dionysus answers, ὁδοὺς ἐρήμους ἔμεν· ἐγὼ δ᾽ ἡγήσομαι. If the city was seen at all it must have been that part of Thebes which lay in the direction of the gate called Electra (v. 781 : σteîx' ἐπ᾽ Ηλέκτρας ἰὼν πύλας) . The only change in this scenery which is required by the action of the play is the downfal and conflagration of the eipkτý in which Dionysus is imprisoned . It has been mentioned already that this cipkтý and the adjoining λíolov stood immediately to the left of the palace, and therefore between it and the monument of Semele. According to the description in the play, the architrave of this building falls asunder, and the columns are thrown down by the god as he rushes forth (590 : dere λáïva κίοσιν ἔμβολα διάδρομα τάδε) . At the same time a fame rises from the sacred tomb of Semele and seems to consume the adjoining edifice (vv. 596 sqq. , and cf. 623 : kaì µntpòs táþæ πûp ảvêyev) . How this was managed does not appear. Probably some light woodwork was allowed to fall, and a smoke was raised at the same time. We are not to conclude from the expectations of the chorus (ν. 588 : τάχα τὰ Πενθέως μέλαθρα διατινάξεται πεσήμασιν) , that the central building, the palace of Pentheus himself, is involved in TRAGEDIES AND COMEDIES IN PARTICULAR. 295 this ruin and conflagration. On the contrary, we must conclude that, though shaken, it remains standing. For Dionysus summons Pentheus to come forth from his palace (v. 914 : eği0i Tápoile Swμárov), and, at the end of the play, distinct reference is made to the triglyphs of the frieze to which the head of the supposed lion is to be affixed according to the oldest mode of adorning the Zophorus (v. 1212 sqq. ) : Cf. 1238 sqq.: αἰρέσθω λαβὼν πηκτῶν πρὸς οἴκους κλιμάκων προσαμβάσεις ὡς πασσαλεύσῃ κράτα τριγλύφοις τόδε λέοντος, ὃν πάρειμι θηρεύσας ἐγώ. φέρω δ' ἐν ὠλέναισιν, ὡς ὁρᾷς, τάδε λαβοῦσα τἀριστεῖα σοῖσι πρὸς δόμοις ὡς ἂν κρεμάσθη. When therefore Dionysus says ( v. 633) , Súμat' éppn§ev xaµâle συντεθράνωται δ᾽ ἅπαν, he refers only to the prison, for at the very time he makes this statement he says that he has come forth from the house (636 : ἥσυχος δ᾽ ἐκβὰς ἐγὼ δωμάτων ἥκω πρὸς ὑμᾶς) ; that he hears the foot-fall of Pentheus within his palace (638 : ψοφεῖ γοῦν ἀρβύλη δόμων ἔσω) ; and that he will soon come forth to the vestibule (ἐς προνώπι᾽ αὐτίχ ἥκει) . The progress of the action and the entrances and exits of the performers are easily described. At the opening of the play Dionysus is supposed to come from distant regions ; he enters by the left-hand periactos, and the chorus, who came from Asia with him, appear after the prologue, by the corresponding parodos (v. 65) . As the god says that he is going to Citharon to join his worshippers there, he must cross the stage and make his exit (64) by the right-hand periactos. After the first choral song ( 170) Teiresias enters from the city, i.e. by the right side- door, and summons Cadmus, who comes forth from the middle door, or from the palace (178) . As Pentheus has been abroad, he must make his first entrance, like Dionysus, from the left periactos (215). Cadmus and Teiresias leave the stage by the right periactos (369) , and by the same entrance the satellites of Pentheus, who had remained on the stage during the chorus, appear (434) , bringing Dionysus with them. At the end of the act (518) the god is conveyed to the prison, which, as has been mentioned, was to the left of the palace. And it appears from v. 616 that Pentheus accompanies him, for the purpose of putting on the chains with his own hands. 296 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF CERTAIN There was obviously a passage from the prison to the palace, and Dionysus (603, cf. 635) , and afterwards Pentheus (652) , come forth from the center door. By the same door the king ( 846) , and afterwards the god (861, cf. 929) , leave the stage to equip Pentheus in his bacchic attire. Of course they reappear by the center door (912) , and depart by the right-hand periactos (976) on their way to Citharon. The messenger naturally enters (1025) by the same periactos, and it may be concluded that he goes into the palace (1152). From the right periactos we have the successive entrances of Agave with the head of her son (1166) , and of Cadmus with the corpse of Pentheus borne after him by his attendants ( 1216) . As Dionysus declares himself at the end of the play in his divine character, it is obvious that he must appear surrounded by clouds on the balcony of the scene (1332) . There is a lacuna in the text at this part, but there can be no doubt as to the nature of the theophany. The god vanishes as he appeared ; Agave flees from the stage in the opposite direction to Citharon (v. 1383) ; and the rest ofthe actors enter the palace by the middle door. The chorus, consisting of the Asiatic followers of Dionysus, leave the orchestra as they had entered it, by the parodos on the left. The following was obviously the distribution of the parts among the three actors : Protagonist : Dionysus, Teiresias, and the second messenger. Deuteragonist: Cadmus, servant, first messenger. Tritagonist: Pentheus, Agave. The chorus, which consisted of fifteen women, was perhaps intended to represent the fourteen yepaipai of the Anthesteria, with the King-Archon's wife at their head¹ . They were dressed in Asiatic style², with bare feets , and the Lydian head-tire¹ ; and they performed their dances, which, according to the metres of the choruses, had a peculiarly martial character, to the accompaniment of some flute-players, and probably beat time with timbrels and cymbals which they carried in their hands5. As the Cyclops of Euripides is the only complete satyrical 1 F. G. Schoen, de Person. Habitu in Eurip. Bacch. p. 73. 2 Id. p. 130. 3 Bacch. 86ο : άρ' ἐν παννυχίοις χοροῖς θήσω ποτὲ λευκὸν πόδ᾽ ἀναβακχεύουσα. Cf. Cyclops, 72 : Xevкómodas Báκxas ; see Schoen, pp. 155, 6. 4 Schoen, p. 141. 5 Id. p. 121. TRAGEDIES AND COMEDIES IN PARTICULAR. 297 drama which has come down to us, we must briefly consider the distinctive features of its representation. The scene of the play is the coast of Sicily near mount Etna, which was probably shown in the background. The middle door was the entrance to the cavern in the rock, which served as the dwelling of Polyphemus. The right-hand periactos indicated a road leading to the interior of the island, and that to the left showed the approach from the coast. Between the latter and the cavern was the λíolov, in this case representing the stable for the cattle and sheep of the Cyclops-the avλis (v. 363) , from which Ulysses and his companions were about to furnish themselves with provisions (v. 222, cf. 188) . It does not appear that any doors were used except the center door and the two periacti; in all probability a large portion of the centre of the stage was occupied by the rocky abode of the Cyclops ; and it is clear that at the end Polyphemus climbs to the top of the rock, i. e. to the balcony, by a narrow passage between his own cavern and the left of the stage, so as to make his exit by the left-hand door on the balcony, while Ulysses and his friends leave the stage as they had entered it by the left-hand periactos. For Ulysses says, v. 702, ẻyw Sẻπ' ảктàs eîµɩ, and the Cyclops, threatening to smash his ship with a fragment of the rock on which he was (v. 704 ; τῆσδ᾽ ἀποῤῥήξας πέτρας) , adds (706) : ἄνω δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ὄχθον εἶμι καίπερ ὢν τυφλός, δι' ἀμφιτρῆτος τῆσδε προσβαίνων ποδί. At the beginning of the piece Silenus comes forth from the middle door to which he returns (in 174) , to make his second entry from the same place (188). Ulysses and his sailors come in from the left, where the periactos gave a view of the coast and of their ship (v. 85) . The Cyclops enters from the extreme right, and is sometime in reaching the center of the stage, for he is seen at v. 193, and does not speak till v. 203. The chorus of satyrs had of course entered by the right-hand parodos, but the concluding words show that they follow Ulysses by the left-hand exit from the orchestra. The center door serves for the exits of the Cyclops ( 346) , and Ulysses (355). The latter (375) and the Cyclops with Silenus (503) come forth from the middle door, and leave the stage by it at 607 and 590 respectively. By the same door Ulysses returns ( 624) , goes in (653), and reappears with the Cyclops and his sailors (663) . The chorus of satyrs, although it seems to take an active part 298 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF CERTAIN in the progress of the plot, manifestly does not leave the orchestra, its proper place. The allusions in the parodos to the pastoral employments of the satyrs, who had left the service of Bacchus for that of the Cyclops, are probably connected with the mimic action introduced into their sicinnis. It is clear, however, that living sheep were introduced on the stage (vv. 188, 224) , and certain supernumeraries, who acted as servants of the chorus and were perhaps also in part at least attired as satyrs, drive the cattle into the side-cavern or Kiotov after the entrance of the chorus, for Silenus says to the satyrs (v. 82) , σιγήσατ', ὦ τέκν', ἄντρα δ' εἰς πετρηρεφῆ ποίμνας ἀθροῖσαι προσπόλοις κελεύσατε, and these mutes are dismissed from the stage with the order XWpeîre. As only two or three of such attendants would be required for the purpose of driving the sheep, it is unnecessary to suppose with Schönborn that the same supernumeraries reappeared as the sailors of Ulysses. There would certainly not have been time for the complete change of costume required, during the four lines spoken by Silenus before he directly addresses the new-comers, who appear with pwoσoi suspended from their necks immediately after the departure of the shepherds. The words of Ulysses (100) , Zarúρwv πρὸς οἴκοις τόνδ' ὅμιλον εἰσορῶ, are quite intelligible on the supposition that the chorus was in the orchestra near the front of the stage. And although he says in the plural èxpépeтe ( 137, 162) , it is clear that Silenus alone enters the cavern, for he promises in his own person (163 : δράσω τάδ' , ὀλίγον φροντίσας γε δεσποτών) , and claims the reward for himself (192) . The Cyclops on entering from the right addresses the chorus, because Silenus has slunk away to the left with the Greek sailors. It is true that the chorus offers to take a part in the good work of blinding Polyphemus (471 : póvov γὰρ τοῦδε κοινωνεῖν θέλω) , but it is clear that they do not leave the orchestra (635 : ἡμεῖς μέν ἐσμεν μακρότερον πρὸ τῶν θυρῶν ἑστῶ TES) ; they excuse themselves with undisguised pusillanimity ; and Ulysses is obliged to rely on his own companions (650 : Toîσ S οἰκείοις φίλοις χρῆσθαί μ' ἀνάγκη) . When the deed is done, the chorus, at a safe distance, gives ludicrous misdirections to the blinded Cyclops, who knocks his head against the rock as he turns suddenly to the right at their bidding (v. 683) ¹. 1 Nauck reads ovкéri for ovк éµé, in v. 564 ; but even without this alteration there is no necessity for supposing that one of the satyrs is on the stage. TRAGEDIES AND COMEDIES IN PARTICULAR. 299 That Polyphemus appeared as a giant is necessary to the plot of the piece, and something more than a cothurnus was required to give him such a height as would justify him in addressing Ulysses as aveρwπíσke (316) . How the exaggeration of stature was managed does not appear, but the experience of our own pantomimes shows that a very little ingenuity would produce all the necessary results. One thing seems quite clear-that his enormous mask was rather of the comic than of the tragic pattern, and that he was represented with a ludicrously extravagant mouth, like an ogre as he was. The chorus says to him (356) , ευρείας φάρυγγος, ὦ Κύκλωψ, ἀναστόμου τὸ χείλος, and the comic masks show that no limits were imposed on the dramatic artist in this respect. The gluttony of Hercules in the Alcestis, which, as we have seen, took the place of the satyric drama in the Tetralogy to which it belonged, places that hero on a footing not altogether unlike that of Polyphemus in the Cyclops, and it is not improbable that his mask also partook of the comic character. A Hercules in this capacity is represented on a vase with a great loaf in one hand and a club in the other, and in full pursuit of a handmaiden who is running from him with a pitcher of wine¹. Without being quite so ridiculous as this picture makes him, the Hercules of the Alcestis is represented as a wine-bibber and a gourmand in the house of mourning (747 sqq. ) , and must have reminded the spectators of the same demi-god as he had appeared in many Comedies. For the rest, the Alcestis is tragic enough, and the representation did not differ essentially from that of a regular Tragedy. The scene represents the palace of Admetus at Pheræ, which occupies the centre. The guest-chambers stand by themselves to the left of the palace (543 : xwpis §evŵvés eiow , cf. 546 sqq. ) . The corresponding door to the right indicates the road to Larissa and the tomb of Alcestis (835 : ὀρθὴν παρ᾽ οἶμον, ἣ ' πὶ Λάρισσαν φέρει, τύμβον κατόψει ξεστὸν ἐκ προαστίου) . And while the left hand periactos represents the approach from distant parts, the other side-scene shows us the neighbouring city of Pheræ, from which the chorus , which enters the orchestra by the corresponding parodos, is supposed to come. Apollo comes forth from the middle door (23 : λeíπw μeλáðρwv τῶνδε φιλτάτην στέγην) , and probably leaves the stage by the left periactos (76) , from whence also Thanatos had entered sword in 1 Panofka, Mus. Blacas, Pl. XXVI. B ; Wieseler, Supplement, Taf. A, No. 26. 300 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF CERTAIN hand (28) ; for as his functions were confined to the earth, there is no reason for the supposition that he ascended by the Charonian steps. From the middle door the handmaiden comes forth (137 : ἀλλ᾽ ἥδ᾽ ὀπαδῶν ἐκ δόμων τις ἔρχεται) , and returns by the same opening (see v. 209) , to announce that the chorus is at hand. This is of course the entrance for Admetus, Alcestis, and their children (244, cf. 410), who retire as they came (434) . The same door is used for the entrances of Admetus (509) and the dead Alcestis (606) , and for the exit of the former. Pheres comes and retires by the right-hand periactos (614, 733) . By the same way the funeral procession leaves the stage, for it is supposed to be accompanied by the chorus, who depart of course by the corresponding parodos (740, 746) . Hercules enters by the left-hand periactos (476) , and is conducted to the evoves at the left of the middle door (550) . From this the servant (747) and he (773) reappear ; and Hercules goes straight to the tomb by the right-hand door ( 860) , by which he returns with the veiled figure of Alcestis ( 1006) . He does not meet the funeral procession, which re-enters the stage, as it had left it, by the periactos on the right ( 861) . At the end of the play, Admetus returns to his palace ; Hercules goes forth by the left periactos to encounter his Thracian adventure ; and the chorus departs by the right-hand parodos. Although the chorus undoubtedly takes a part in the obsequies of Alcestis, there is no reason to suppose that it joins the procession by mounting the stage. A departure by the right parodos, which was close to the right periactos, would suffice to indicate the junction of the choreute with the actors and their attendants. We now pass on to the representation of the ancient Comedies, The most opposite opinions have been entertained respecting the scenery of the Acharnians ; for while one critic considers it necessary to suppose a total change of scenery from the Pnyx at Athens to the farm of Dicæopolis, from this to the house of Euripides, and then again to the farm in the country¹ ; while another writer suggests that the Pnyx is represented by the orchestra, and that the curtain is not dropt till the assembly breaks up and the chorus enters (v. 204), so that the scenery is entirely confined to the country ; while a third concludes that the country place of Dicæopolis was so near to Athens that it 1 Geppert, pp. 161 8qq. 2 Genolli, pp. 257 sqq. TRAGEDIES AND COMEDIES IN PARTICULAR. 301 and the city might both be represented on the stage¹ ; it is held by the most recent authority that the scene is from first to last confined to Athens2. This view of the matter seems to us to be supported by the words of the poet himself. At the point where the scene must change, if it changes at all , from Athens to the country, Dicæopolis says distinctly that he will go within (eiouov) and celebrate the rural festival of Bacchus (v. 22) . This can only mean that he enters the house already seen on the stage. Then it is clear that he is at Athens ( ev ' Aonvalois, v. 492) , and at the Lenæa (v. 504) , when he makes his final defence in answer to the chorus . Finally, it is expressly intimated that the market, which Dicæopolis opens, is in the city itself, for the Megarian says on entering (v. 730) : ἀγορὰ 'ν ᾿Αθάναις χαῖρε, Μεγαρεύσιν φίλα, "All hail ! Market of Athens, dear to the Megarians. " We have no doubt then that the scene is from first to last at Athens. The centre represents the house of Dicæopolis, whose part is played by the protagonist, and the balcony above the center door serves for the flat roof of the house from which his wife views the festive procession (v. 262 : σὺ δ᾽, ὦ γύναι, θεῶ μ᾽ ἀπὸ τοῦ τέγους) . Dicæopolis performs the ceremonies of the rural Dionysia at Athens, because, like the other country proprietors, he has been obliged to take up his abode in the city, and to acquiesce in the utter ruin of his farm, as he expressly says (v. 512 : kåµoì γάρ ἐστιν ἀμπέλια κεκομμένα) . Of the two other main doors, that on the right represents the house of Euripides, that on the left the house of Lamachus, who must be a near neighbour of Dicæopolis (see vv. 1071 sqq) . The right-hand periactos gave a view of Athens in the neighbourhood of the Pnyx, and the benches ( úλa) are placed on that side of the stage for the committee-men and the other representatives of the assembly (see v. 25) . The left-hand periactos represents first the road to Lacedæmon (v. 175) and Megara (v. 728) , and it is turned to represent the road to Thebes (v. 860) . At the beginning of the play, Dicæopolis enters from the center door and proceeds towards the right where he takes his place in the Pnyx. The herald, with the committee-men (πρνтáveis), Amphitheus and the other citizens, enter (v. 40) from the door behind the righthand periactos. From the same side the ambassadors appear 1 Böckh, über die Lenäen, p. 91. 2 Schönborn, pp. 307 8qq. } 302 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF CERTAIN (v. 61) , and after them the ridiculous figure of Pseudartabas (v. 94), who, as " the king's eye, " has a monstrous orifice in his mask, resembling the port-hole of an Athenian trireme with the leather-bag below to prevent it from shipping water (v. 97 : äσkwµ' ἔχεις που περὶ τὸν ὀφθαλμὸν κάτω) . These are followed by the Thracian mercenaries (v. 155) , who steal the garlick of Dicæopolis ; and Amphitheus, who had been ejected by the Prytanes (v. 58) , reappears from the right (v. 129) , in order to cross the stage to the left (v. 132) with the commission to buy eight shillings ' worth of peace for Dicæopolis. From the left periactos he returns ( 175) , pursued by the Acharnians, who of course enter by the left-hand parodos (v. 204) ; Amphitheus continues his flight into the city, and Dicæopolis retires to his own house, from whence he reappears with his family (237) . The chorus interrupt the festivities by actually throwing stones on the stage (284). The Acharnians are brought to terms by the production of the basket of charcoal, made to resemble a child év σπapyάvois, which Dicæopolis fetches from his house (v. 331) ; and he also goes in to procure the chopping-block on which he is to plead his cause (v. 359 : étíğnvov ¿§everукàv Oúρače) . A question arises as to the scene with Euripides. Many commentators, and even the latest writers on this play¹, supposes that Euripides and his servant appear on the balcony or second story of the scene. But in this, as we think, they have been misled by the Scholiast, who has not understood the Greek of his author, and we conceive that the direct reference to the eκkúkλŋμа must be accepted as a proof of the fact that Euripides is shown in the interior of his house, but on the level of the stage . The words of the original run thus (vv. 394 sqq.) : ΔΙΚ. παὶ παῖ. ΚΗΦ. τίς οὗτος ; ΔΙΚ. ἔνδον ἔστ᾽ Εὐριπίδης ; ΚΗΦ. οὐκ ἔνδον ἔνδον ἐστίν , εἰ γνώμην ἔχεις. ΔΙΚ. πῶς ἔνδον, εἶτ᾽ οὐκ ἔνδον ; ΚΗΦ. ὀρθῶς, ὦ γέρον. ΔΙΚ. ὁ νοῦς μὲν ἔξω συλλέγων ἐπύλλια οὐκ ἔνδον, αὐτὸς δ᾽ ἔνδον ἀναβάδην ποιεῖ τραγῳδίαν. ΔΙΚ. ὦ τρισμακάρι᾽ Εὐριπίδη, ὅθ᾽ ὁ δοῦλος ούτωσὶ σοφῶς ὑποκρίνεται. ἐκκάλεσον αὐτόν. ΚΗΦ. ἀλλ᾽ ἀδύνατον. ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως. οὐ γὰρ ἂν ἀπέλθοιμ', ἀλλὰ κόψω τὴν θύραν. Εὐριπίδη, Εὐριπίδιον, 1 See Brunck on v. 411 , and Schönborn, p. 311. TRAGEDIES AND COMEDIES IN PARTICULAR. 303 ὑπάκουσον εἴπερ πώποτ᾽ ἀνθρώπων τινί. Δικαίοπολις καλεῖ σε, Χολλείδης, ἐγώ. ΕΥΡ. ἀλλ᾽ οὐ σχολή. ΔΙΚ. ἀλλ᾽ ἐκκυκλήθητε. ΕΥΡ. ἀλλ᾽ ἀδύνατον. ΔΙΚ. ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως. ΕΥΡ. ἀλλ᾽ ἐκκυκλήσομαι· καταβαίνειν δ᾽ οὐ σχολή. ΔΙΚ. Εὐριπίδη. ΕΥΡ. τί λέλακας. ΔΙΚ. ἀναβάδην ποιεῖς, ἐξὸν καταβάδην ; οὐκ ἔτος χωλοὺς ποιεῖς. The meaning of this must be as follows : Dic. What ho ! CEPH. Who's there ? DIC. Euripides within ? CEPH. Within and not within, if you can think. DIC. How can he be within and not within ? CEPH. Rightly, old man. His mind collecting scraps, Is all abroad, and so is not within ; DIC. CEPH. But he himself is making tragedy With feet reposed upon his couch at home. Thrice-blest Euripides, whose very slave Can act so well his master's character ! But call him out. It cannot be. DIC. It must; For I will not depart, but go on knocking. Euripides ! Euripides, my boy ! List to my words, if ever mortal man Secured your ear. 'Tis Dicæopolis By deme Cholleides, who is calling you. EUR. But I've no time. DIC. EUR. It cannot be. DIC. EUR. DIC. EUR. Dic. Well, let them wheel you round. It must. Well, I'll allow them To wheel me round, but I can't leave my couch. Euripides ! What say'st thou? Do you write With feet laid up, when you might set them down? You're just the man to be the cripples' poet. This passage is plain enough to any one, who knows Greek ; but the Scholiast, who did not see that Kaтaßaive is to be explained by καταβάδην opposed to ἀναβάδην, and means merely to get off the couch or sofa, on which the tragedian was reclining, substitutes κατελθεῖν, and adds that Euripides φαίνεται ἐπὶ τῆς σκηνῆς μετέωρος. Independently of the plain construction of the Greek, the context shows that this was not the case. For first, the eccyclema was not and could not be used on the balcony or 304 ON THE REPRESENTATION OF CERTAIN second story of the stage ; secondly, Dicæopolis knocks at the door until the interior is opened by the eccyclema ; thirdly, Euripides gives the rags to his visitor, who must have been on a level with him to take them from his hands ; and fourthly, when he wishes to relieve himself from the intruder he says (479), κλεῖε πηκτὰ δωμάτ Twv, which is the same sort of order as that by which Ajax in Sophocles (Ajax, 581 : πύκαζε θᾶσσον. 593 : οὐ ξυνέρξεθ᾽ ὡς Táxos ;) directs the closing of the inner view of his tent by wheeling round the eccyclema. We have no doubt therefore that the interior is similarly displayed on the level of the stage in the Acharnians. After his apologetic speech and the scene with Lamachus, Dicæopolis retires into his house ( 625) , and the Parabasis follows. He then returns by the centre door and sets up the boundaries of his market (opo ayopas-probably ropes or poles) in the centre ofthe stage. The Megarian ( 729) , the Bœotian ( 860) , and the Attic farmer (1018) enter from the left : the sycophant (818) , Nicarchus (908) , the herald (1000) , bridesman (1048) and the herald ( 1071) enter from the right. Lamachus and his servant (1179, 1190) of course return to the stage from the left. There seems to be no reason to suppose¹ that there is another use of the eccyclema in order to exhibit the culinary preparations of Dicæopolis. It is clear that he is outside, for he says (v. 1098) , φέρ᾽ ἔξω δεῦρο, and (v. 1102) , ὀπτήσω δ᾽ ἐκεῖ, so that his directions about the fire (v. 1014) are addressed to his servants within, who are not necessarily visible. As Dicæopolis is to sup with the Priest of Bacchus (v. 1887) , he goes off to the city, i . e. by the right-hand door (v. 1142) , and returns by the same way, supported by the dancing-girls ( 1198) , having won the prize in the aμinna Tov Xoós ( 1202) . Lamachus is carried off to the right to the house of Pittacus, the surgeon, ( 1226) ; and shortly after Dicæopolis makes his exit by the same door, for he is going to the King-Archon to receive his prize ; and at the same time the chorus, whom he invites to follow him, go off by the right-hand parodos. After this specimen of the manner in which a Comedy was put on the stage, it is not necessary to discuss the performance of all the plays of Aristophanes. It is only necessary to mention that the upper story of the scene, or the balcony, is freely used in 1 This is Schönborn's opinion, p. 311. TRAGEDIES AND COMEDIES IN PARTICULAR. 305 some of the plays, especially in the Birds and the Peace, and that there is a complete change of scenery in the following Comedies— in the Birds at v. 1565, where the city of Nephelococcygia is seen for the first time ; in the Ecclesiazusa at v. 877, where it is clear that we are no longer in the neighbourhood of the house of Praxagora (see vv. 1125, 1128) , which had formed the center of the scene in the previous part of the play ; in the Frogs , where the first act represents the house of Hercules and the Acherusian lake ( 1—270) , and the second act the subterraneous regions with the palace of Pluto ; in the Thesmophoriazusa, where the first act gives us the house of Agathon (1-279) , and the second act the Thesmophorion ; and in the Lysistrata, where the first act gives us a street in Athens with the heroine's house in the center (1-253) , and the second act exhibits the Acropolis with its propylæa. In the last-mentioned play, as has been already intimated, there are four or five changes of the left-hand periactos. There is no change of scene in the Clouds ; but Strepsiades and his son are shown in their beds at the beginning of the Comedy by means of an eccyclema, and it is expressly stated that the phrontisterion of Socrates is managed by a parencyclema, that is, by a practicable building projected at the side of the stage¹ , which admits of being destroyed at the end of the play. The κρεμάθρα peμálpa, on which Sophocles is first seen (v. 218 ) , was not a basket, for he says (225), deρоßат@, but a sort of shelf, connected no doubt with the balcony of the scene. 1 See above, p. 239. D. T. G. 20 APPENDIX TO PART I. ON THE ROMAN THEATRE. (From Schlegel's Eighth Lecture. ) Roman Theatre. Native varieties. Atellane Fables, Mimes, Comœdia Togata. Greek Tragedy transplanted to Rome. Tragedians of the more ancient epoch, and of the Augustan age. Idea of a kind of Tragedy peculiarly Roman, but which never was realized. Whythe Romans were never particularly happy in Tragic Art. Seneca. IN treating of the Dramatic Literature of the Romans, whose Theatre is every way im- mediately attached to that of the Greeks, we have only to remark, properly speaking, one vast chasm, partly arising from the want of proper creative genius in this department, partly from the loss of almost all their written performances, with the exception only of a few fragments. The only extant works of the good classical age are those of Plautus and Terence, of whom I have already spoken as imitators of the Greeks. Poetry in general had no native growth in Rome. It was not till those later times, in which the original Rome, by aping foreign manners, was drawing nigh to her dissolution, that poetry came to be artificially cultivated among the other devices of luxurious living. In the Latin we have an instance of a language modelled into poetical expression, altogether after foreign forms of grammar and metre. This approximation to the Greek was at first effected with much violence : the Græcism extended even to rude interpolation of foreign words and phrases. Gradually the poetic style was softened : of its former harshness we may perceive in Catullus the last vestiges, which however are not without a certain rugged charm . The language rejected those syntactical constructions, and especially the compounds, which were too much at variance with its own interior structure, and could not be lastingly agreeable to Roman ears ; and at last the poets of the Augustan age succeeded in effecting the happiest possible incorporation between the native and the borrowed elements. But scarcely was the desired equipoise obtained, when a pause ensued : all free development was impeded, and the poetical style, notwithstanding its apparent elevation into a bolder and more learned character, had irretrievably imprisoned itself within the round of the phraseology it had once adopted. Thus the Latin language in poetry enjoyed but a brief interval of bloom between its unfashioned state and its second death. With the spirit also of their poetry it fared no better. It was not by the desire to enliven their holiday leisure by exhibitions, which bear away one's thoughts from the real world, that the Romans were led to the invention of theatrical amusements ; but in the disconsolateness of a dreary pestilence, against ON THE ROMAN THEATRE. 307 which all remedies seemed unavailing, they first caught at the theatrical spectacle, as an experiment to propitiate the wrath of the gods, the exercises and games of the circus having till then been their only public exhibitions. But the Histriones, whom for this purpose they called in from Etruria, were only dancers, and probably not mimetic dancers, but merely such as endeavoured to amuse by the adroitness of their movements. Their oldest spoken dramas, those which were called the Atellane Fables¹ , the Romans borrowed from the Oscans, the original inhabitants of Italy. With these Saturæ (so called because they were at first improvisatory farces, without dramatic coherence, for Satura means a medley) they rested satisfied till Livius Andronicus, more than five hundred years after the building of Rome, began to imitate the Greeks, and introduced the regular kinds of drama, namely, Tragedy, and New Comedy, for the Old was from its nature incapable of being transplanted. Thus the Romans were indebted to the Etruscans for the first notion of the stagespectacle, to the Oscans for the effusions of sportive humour, to the Greeks for a higher cultivation. In the comic department, however, they showed more original genius than in Tragedy. The Oscans, whose language, early extinct, survived only in those farces, were at least so near akin to the Romans, that their dialect was immediately intelligible to Latin hearers : for how else could the Atellane Fables have afforded them any entertainment ? So completely indeed did they naturalize this diversion among themselves, that noble Roman youths exhibited the like performances at the festivals : on which account the actors, whose regular profession it was to exhibit the Atellane Fables, stood exempt, as privileged persons, from the infamy attached to other theatrical artists, namely, exclusion from the tribes, and likewise enjoyed an immunity from military service. Moreover the Romans had their own Mimes. The unlatin name of these little pieces certainly seems to imply an affinity to the Greek Mimes ; but in their form they differed considerably from these, and doubtless they had local truth of manners, and the matter was not borrowed from Greek exhibitions. It is singular, that Italy has possessed from of old the gift of a very amusing though somewhat rude buffoonery, in extemporaneous speeches and songs with accompanying antics, though it has seldom been coupled with genuine dramatic taste. The latter assertion might easily be justified by examination of what has been achieved in that country in the higher departments of the drama down to the most recent times. The former might be substantiated by many characteristic traits, which at present would carry us too far from our subject into the Saturnalia and the like. Even of the wit which prevails in the speeches of Pasquino and Marforio, and the well-aimed popular satire on events of the day, many vestiges may be found even in the times of the emperors, who were not generally favourable to such liberties. More to our present purpose is the conjecture, that in the Mimes and Atellane Fables we perhaps have the earliest germ of the Commedia dell' Arte, of the improvisatory farce with standing masks. A striking affinity between these and the Atellanes appears in the employment of dialects to produce a droll effect. But how would Harlequin and Pulcinello be astonished to learn that they descend in a straight line from the buffoons of the old Romans, nay, of the Oscans 2 ! How merrily would they thank the antiquarian who should trace their glorious genealogical tree to such a root ! From the Greek vase - paintings, we know that there belonged to the grotesque masks of the 1 [On the Atellana, see Varronianus, pp. 156 foll. ed. 111. ] 2 [ Varronian, p. 163 ; above, p. 258. ] 20-2 308 ON THE ROMAN THEATRE. Old Comedy a garb very much resembling theirs : long trousers, and a doublet with sleeves, articles of dress otherwise strange both to Greeks and Romans. To this day, Zanni is one of Harlequin's names ; and Sannio in the Latin farces was the name of a buffoon, who, as ancient writers testify, had his head shorn, and wore a dress pieced together out of gay party-coloured patches. The very image and likeness of Pulcinello is said to have been found among the fresco-paintings of Pompeii. If he derives his extraction originally from Atella, he has his local habitation still pretty much in the old land of his nativity. As for the objection, how these characters could be traditionally kept up notwithstanding a suspension of all theatrical amusements for many centuries together, a sufficient answer may be found in the yearly licences of the carnival, and the fools' - holidays of the middle ages. The Greek mimes were dialogues written in prose, and not intended for the stage. Those of the Romans were composed in verse, were acted, and often delivered extempore. The most famous authors in this department were Laberius and Syrus, contemporaries of Julius Cæsar. He, as dictator, by his courtly request compelled Laberius, a Roman knight, to exhibit himself publicly in his mimes, though the scenic profession was branded with the loss of civil rights . Laberius made his complaint of this in a prologue which is still extant, and in which the painful feeling of annihilated selfrespect is nobly and touchingly expressed. It is not easy to conceive how in such a state of mind he could be capable of cracking ludicrous jokes, and how the audience, with so bitter an example of a despotic act of degradation before their eyes, could find pleasure in them. Cæsar kept his word : he gave Laberius a considerable sum of money, and invested him anew with the equestrian rank, which however could not reinstate him in the opinion of his fellow- citizens. But he took his revenge for the prologue and other allusions¹, by awarding the prize against Laberius to Syrus, once the slave, and afterwards the freedman and pupil of Laberius in the art of composing mimes. Of Syrus's mimes there are still extant a number of sentences, which in matter and terse conciseness of expression deserve to be ranked with Menander's. Some of them even transcend the moral horizon of serious Comedy itself, and assume an almost stoic sublimity . How could the transition be effected from vulgar jokes to such sentiments as these ? And how could such maxims be at all introduced, without a development of human relations as considerable as that exhibited in the perfect Comedy? At all events, they are calculated to give one a very favourable idea of the mimes. Horace indeed speaks disparagingly of Laberius ' mimes, considered as works of art, either on account of the arbitrary manner in which they were put together, or their carelessness of execution . Yet this ought not of itself to determine our judg ment against them, for this critical poet, for reasons which it is easy to conceive, lays much greater stress upon the diligent use of the file, than upon original boldness and fertility of invention . A single entire mime, which time however has unfortunately denied us, would clear up the matter much better than the confused notices of grammarians, and the conjectures of modern scholars. The regular Comedy of the Romans was mostly palliata, that is, exhibited in the Grecian costume, and representing Grecian manners. This is the case with all the Comedies of Plautus and Terence. But they had also a Comœdia togata, so called from the Roman garb, usually worn in it. Afranius is mentioned as the most famous 1 What an inward humiliation for Cæsar, could he have foreseen, that after a few generations, his successor in the despotism, Nero, out of a lust for self-dishonour, would expose himself repeatedly to infamy in the same manner as he, the first despot, had exposed a Roman of the middle order, not without exciting general indignation ! ON THE ROMAN THEATRE. 309 author in this way. Of these Comedies we have nothing whatever remaining, and find so few notices on the subject, that we cannot even decide with certainty, whether the togata were original Comedies of home growth, or only Grecian Comedies recast with Roman manners. The last is more probable, as Afranius lived in the older epoch, when Roman genius had not even begun to stir its wings towards original invention ; and yet on the other hand it is not easy to conceive how the Attic Comedies could have been adapted, without great violence, to a locality so entirely different. The tenour of Roman life was in general earnest and grave, though in personal intercourse they had no small turn for wit and joviality. The difference of ranks among the Romans had its political boundaries very strongly marked, the wealth of private persons was often almost regal ; their women lived much more in society, and played a much more important part there than the Grecian women did ; by virtue of which independence they also took their full share in the profligacy which went handin-hand with exterior refinement. The differences being so essential, an original Roman Comedy would be a remarkable phenomenon, and one that would exhibit this sovereign nation in quite a new point of view. That this was not effected in the Comedia togata, is proved by the indifference with which the ancients express themselves on the subject. Quintilian does not scruple to say, that Latin literature limps worst in Comedy. This is his expression, word for word. To come to Tragedy ; we must remark in the first place, that in Rome, the acting of the borrowed Greek Tragedy was considerably dislocated by the circumstance, that there was no place for the Chorus in the Orchestra, where the principal spectators, the Knights and Senators, had their seats : the Chorus therefore appeared on the stage. Here then was the very incongruity, which we alleged as an objection to the modern attempts to introduce the Chorus . Other deviations also, scarcely for the better, from the Greek style of acting, were favourably received . At the very first introduction of regular plays, Livius Andronicus, a Greek by birth and Rome's first tragic poet and actor, in his monodies (viz. those lyric parts which were to be sung by a single person and not by the Chorus) separated the song from the mimetic dance, only the latter being left to the actor, while the singing part was performed by a boy stationed beside the flute- player. Among the Greeks in their better times, both the tragic song and the rhythmical gesticulation which accompanied it were certainly so simple, that a single individual might do ample justice to both. But the Romans, it seems, preferred isolated excellence to harmonious union . Hence, at a later period, their avidity for the pantomimes, which attained to great perfection in the times of Augustus. To judge from the names of the most famous performers in this kind, e. g. Pylades and Bathyllus, it was by Greeks that this dumb eloquence was exercised in Rome, and the lyric parts, which were expressed by their gesticulative dance, were delivered in Greek. Lastly, Roscius, and probably not he alone, frequently played without a mask of which procedure there never was an instance, so far as we know, among the Greeks. It might further the display of his art ; and here again, the satisfaction which this gave the Romans proves, that they had more taste for the disproportionately conspicuous talent of a virtuoso, than for the harmonious impression of a work of art considered as a whole. In the Tragic Literature of the Romans, two epochs may be distinguished ; the older epoch of Livius Andronicus, Nævius, Ennius, also of Pacuvius and Attius, both which last flourished awhile later than Plautus and Terence ; and the polished epoch of the Augustan age. The former produced none but translators and remodellers of Greek works, yet probably succeeded better and with more fidelity in the tragic than 310 ON THE ROMAN THEATRE. in the comic department. Sublimity of expression is apt to turn out somewhat awkwardly in an untutored language ; it may be reached, however, by an effort ; but to hit off the careless gracefulness of social wit requires natural humour and fine cultivation. We do not possess (any more than in the case of Plautus and Terence) even a fragment of a version from an extant Greek original, to help us to a judgment of the accuracy and general success of the copy ; but a speech of some length from Attius' Prometheus Unbound is nowise unworthy of Eschylus ; its metre¹ also is much more careful than that of the Latin comedians usually is. This earlier style was brought to great perfection by Pacuvius and Attius, whose pieces seem to have stood their ground alone on the tragic stage in Cicero's times and even later, and to have had many admirers. Horace directs his jealous criticism against these, as he does against all the other more ancient poets. The contemporaries of Augustus made it their ambition to compete with the Greeks in a more original manner ; not with equal success, however, in all departments. The rage for attempts at Tragedy was particularly great ; works of this kind by the Emperor himself are mentioned. There is therefore much to favour the conjecture, that Horace wrote his Epistle to the Pisos, principally with a view of deterring these young men, who, perhaps without any true call to such a task, were bitten by the mania of the day, from so critical an undertaking. One of the chief tragedians of this age was the famous Asinius Pollio, a man of a violently impassioned character, as Pliny says, and who was partial to the same character in works of fine art. He it was who brought with him from Rhodes and set up in Rome the well-known group of the Farnese Bull. If his Tragedies bore but about the same relation to those of Sophocles, as this bold, wild, but somewhat overwrought group does to the still sublimity of the Niobe, their loss is still very much to be lamented. But Pollio's political greatness might easily dazzle the eyes of his contemporaries as to the true value of his poetical works. Ovid tried his hand upon Tragedy, as he did upon so many other kinds of poetry, and composed a Medea. To judge from the drivelling common-places of passion in his Heroïdes, one would expect of him, in Tragedy, at best an overdrawn Euripides. Yet Quintilian asserts, that here he showed for once what he might have accomplished, if he had but kept himself within bounds, rather than give way to his propensity to extravagance. These and all the other tragic attempts of the Augustan age have perished. We cannot exactly estimate the extent of our loss, but to all appearance it is not extraordinarily great. In the first place, the Greek Tragedy laboured there under the disadvantage of all transplanted exotics : the Roman worship indeed was in some measure allied to that of the Greeks (though not nearly so identical with it as many suppose), but the heroic mythology of the Greeks was altogether indebted to the poets for its introduction into Rome, and was in no respect interwoven with the national recollections, as it was in such a multitude of ways among the Greeks. There hovers before my mind's eye the Ideal of a genuine Roman form of Tragedy, dimly indeed and in the back-ground of ages, as one would figure to one's- self a being, that never issued into reality from the womb of possibility. In significance and form, it would 1 But in what metres may we suppose these tragedians to have translated the Greek Choral Odes ? Pindar's lyric metres, which have so much resemblance to the tragic, Horace declares to be inimitable in Latin. Probably the labyrinthine structure of the Choral Strophes was never attempted : indeed neither Roman language nor Roman ears were calculated for it. Seneca's Tragedies never take a higher flight from the anapæsts, than to a Sapphic or choriambic verse, the monotonous reiteration of which is very disagreeable. ON THE ROMAN THEATRE. 311 be altogether distinct from that of the Greeks, and religious and patriotic in the oldRoman sense of the words. Truly creative poetry can only issue from the interior life of a people, and from religion, which is the root of that life. But the Roman religion was originally, and before they endeavoured to conceal the loss of its intrinsic substance by varnishing its outside with borrowed finery, of quite a different spirit from the religion of the Greeks. The latter had all the plastic flexibility of Art, the other the unchangeable fixity of the Priesthood. The Roman Faith, and the ceremonies established on it, were more earnest, more moral, and pious, –-more penetrating in their insight into Nature, more magical and mysterious than the Grecian Religion-than that part of it at least which was exoteric to the mysteries. As the Grecian Tragedy exhibits the free man struggling with destiny, so the spirit of a Roman Tragedy would be the prostration of all human motives beneath that hallowing binding force, Religio¹ , and its revealed omnipresence in all things earthly. But when the craving for poetry of a cultivated character awoke in them, this spirit had long been extinct. The Patricians, originally an Etruscan school of priesthood, had become merely secular statesmen and warriors, who retained their hereditary sacerdotal character only as a political form. Their sacred books, their Vedas, were become unintelligible to them, not so much by reason of the obsolete letter, as because they no longer possessed that higher science which was the key to the sanctuary. What the heroic legends of the Latins might have become under an earlier development, and what the colouring was that properly belonged to them, we may still see from some traces in Virgil, Propertius, and Ovid, though even these poets handled them only as matters of antiquarian interest. Moreover, though the Romans now at last were for hellenizing in all things, they wanted that milder spirit of humanity which may be traced in Grecian History, Poetry, and Art, from the Homeric age downwards. From the severest virtue, which, Curtius- like, buried all personal inclinations in the bosom of native land, they passed with fearful rapidity to an equally unexampled profligacy of rapacity and lust . Never were they able to belie in their character the story of their first founder, suckled, not at the mother's breast, but by a ravening she-wolf. They were the Tragedians of the World's History, and many a drama of deep woe did they exhibit with kings led in fetters and pining in the dungeon : they were the iron necessity of all other nations ; the universal destroyers for the sake of piling up at last from the ruins the mausoleum of their own dignity and freedom, amid the monotonous solitude of an obedient world. To them it was not given to touch the heart by the tempered accents of mental anguish, and to run with a light and forbearing hand through the scale of the feelings. In Tragedy, too, they naturally aimed at extremes, by overleaping all intermediate gradations, both in the stoicism of heroic courage, and in the monstrous rage of abandoned lusts. Of all their ancient greatness nothing remained to them save only the defiance of pain and death, if need were that they should exchange for these a life of unbridled enjoyment. This seal, accordingly, of their own former nobility they stamped upon their tragic heroes with a self- complacent and vain-glorious profusion. Lastly, in the age of cultivated Literature, the dramatic poets, in the midst of a people fond of spectacle, even to madness, nevertheless wanted a public for Poetry. In their triumphal processions, their gladiatorial games and beast- fights, all the magnificence in the world, all the marvels of foreign climes were led before the eye of 1 [ Schlegel adopts the old, but incorrect derivation of relligio from religare ; see Varron. p. 482.] 312 ON THE ROMAN THEATRE. the spectator ; he was glutted with the most violent scenes of blood. On nerves thus steeled what effect could be produced by the finer gradations of tragic pathos ? It was the ambition of the grandees to display to the people, in a single day, the enormous spoil of foreign or civil wars, on stages which were generally destroyed immediately after the use so made of them. What Pliny relates of the architectural decorations of that erected by Scaurus borders on the incredible. When pomp could be carried no further, they tried to stimulate by novelty of mechanic contrivance. Thus a Roman at his father's funeral solemnity had two theatres built with their backs resting on each other, each moveable on a single pivot in the middle, in such a manner, that at the end of the play they were wheeled round with all the spectators sitting in them, and formed into a circus, in which games of gladiators were exhibited. In the gratification of the eyes that of the ears was wholly swallowed up : rope-dances and white elephants were preferred to every kind of dramatic entertainment ; the embroidered purple robe of the actor, Horace tells us, was received with a general clapping, and so far from attentive and quiet was the great mass of the people, that he compares their noise to the roar of the ocean or of a forest- covered mountain in a storm . Only one specimen of the talents of the Romans for Tragedy has come down to us ; but it would be unfair to form a judgment from this of the lost works of better times : I mean, the ten Tragedies which pass under the name of Seneca. Their claim to his name seems to be very ambiguous : perhaps it is grounded only on a circumstance which ought rather to have led to a contrary conclusion, viz. that Seneca himself is one of the dramatis personæ in one of them, the Octavia. The learned are divided in their opinions on the subject. Some assign them partly to the philosopher, partly to his father the rhetorician : others assume the existence of a poet Seneca distinct from both. In this point all are agreed, that the plays are not all from one hand, but belong to different ages even. For the honour of Roman taste, one would fain hold them to be after- births of a very late æra of antiquity : but Quintilian quotes a verse from the Medea¹, which we actually find in the extant piece of that name, so that the plea will not hold good for this play, which seems, however, to be no great deal better than the rest. We find also in Lucan, a contemporary of Nero, the very same style of bombast, which distorts every thing great into nonsense. The state of constant outrage in which Rome was kept by a series of blood-thirsty tyrants, led to similar outrages upon nature in rhetoric and poetry. The same phenomenon has been • observed in similar epochs of modern history. Under the wise and mild government of a Vespasian and a Titus, and still more of a Trajan, the Romans returned to a purer taste . But to whatever age these Tragedies of Seneca may belong, they are beyond all description bombastic and frigid, utterly devoid of nature in character and action, full of the most revolting violations of propriety, and so barren of all theatrical effect, that I verily believe they were never meant to leave the schools of the rhetoricians for the stage. With the old Tragedies, those highest of the creations of Grecian poetical genius, these have nothing in common but the name, the exterior form, and the mythological matter : and yet they set themselves up beside them in the evident intention of surpassing them, in which attempt they come off like a hollow hyperbole 1 The author of this Medea makes his heroine strangle her children coram populo, in spite of Horace's warning, who probably when he uttered it had a Roman example before his eyes, for a Greek would hardly have committed this error. The Roman tragedians must have had a particular lust for novelty and effect to seek them in such atrocities. ON THE ROMAN THEATRE. 313 contrasted with a most heartfelt truth. Every common- place of Tragedy is worried out to the last gasp ; all is phrase, among which even the simplest is forced and stilted. An utter poverty of mind is tricked out with wit and acuteness. They have fancy too, or at least a phantom of it ; of the abuse of that faculty, one may look to these plays for a speaking example. Their persons are neither ideal nor real men, but misshapen giants of puppets ; and the wire that sets them a-going is at one time an unnatural heroism, at another a passion alike unnatural, which no atrocity of guilt can appal. In a history, therefore, of Dramatic Art, I might have wholly passed bythe Tragedies of Seneca, but that the blind prejudice in favour of all that remains to us from antiquity has attracted many imitators to these compositions. They were earlier and more generally known than the Greek Tragedies. Not merely scholars destitute of poetical taste have judged favourably of them, nay, have preferred them to the Greek Tragedies, but even poets have deemed them worth studying. The influence of Seneca on Corneille's notion of Tragedy is too plain to be overlooked ; Racine has deigned to borrow a good deal from him in his Phædra (as may be seen in Brumoy's enumeration) , and nearly the whole of the scene in which the heroine declares her passion. And here we close our disquisitions on the productions of Classical Antiquity. A LIST of some of the Works, relating, in part at least, to the Greek Drama, which have been referred to in the preceding pages. R. Bentley. Dissertation on the Epistles of Phalaris A. Böckh. Stattshaushaltung der Athener. translated by G. C. Lewis Corpus Inscriptionum Græcarum De Græcæ Tragœdiæ Principibus . H. F. Clinton. Fasti Hellenici O. F. Gruppe. Ariadne . K. O. Müller. Eumeniden Museum Criticum Philological Museum • · • • · · Berlin, London, 1699 1817 London, 1828, and 1842 Berolini, 1828 Heidelberg, 1817 Oxford, 1827-34 Berlin, 1834 Göttingen, 1833-6 Cambridge, 1826 Ibid. 1832-3 • • Vratislavia, 1817 . Berlin, 1827 • Ibid. 1826 . Ibid. 1827 . London, 1835 Schneider. De Originibus Tragœdiæ et Comœdiæ Rötscher. Aristophanes und sein Zeitalter . J. W. Süvern. Über Aristophanes Wolken Über Aristophanes Alter On the Birds of Aristophanes, translated by W. R. Hamilton F. G. Welcker. Die Eschylische Trilogie . Darmstadt, 1824 Der Epische Cyclus . Nachtrag zu demselben Frankfurt am Main, 1826 • Bonn, 1835 · Berolini, 1839-41 A. Meineke. Historia Critica Comicorum Græcorum, cum Fragmentis K. O. Müller. History of the Literature of Ancient Greece, translated by G. C. Lewis and J. W. Donaldson. London, 1840-2 ; new and complete edition • • · . London, 1858¹ • • Halle, 1845 1858 1859 • Göttingen, 1851 G. Bernhardy. Grundriss der Griechischen Litteratur, zweiter Theil A. Schönborn. Die Skene der Hellenen . Leipsig, W. H. Kolster. Sophokleische Studien . Hamburg, F. Wieseler. Theatergebäude und Denkmäler des Bühnenwesens bei den Griechen und Römern · 1 The paging of both editions of Müller's own part of the book is given for the convenience of those who do not possess the complete work in three volumes.. PART II. EXTRACTS FROM ARISTOTLE, VITRUVIUS, AND JULIUS POLLUX. (I.) ARISTOTLE'S TREATISE ON POETRY. TRANSLATED FROM THE GREEK.

THERE INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. HERE can be no doubt that this celebrated treatise on poetry, which, as I have elsewhere remarked¹ , was accepted as a sort of critical gospel at the very time when Aristotle's philosophical reputation was at its lowest point, is both incomplete and interpolated in the existing text . With regard to its incompleteness, this might be inferred from the description of the work given by the author himself, at the very beginning ; for he leads us to expect (1) a discussion of poetry in general, which we find in the first five chapters of the existing text ; ( 2 ) a complete theory of Tragedy, which we find in chapters 6-22 ; (3) the doctrine of epic poetry, which occupies the conclusion of the fragment which has come down to us ; and we ought then to have a discussion of comic and lyric poetry, which are both missing. If it is supposed that Aristotle never fulfilled his intentions, but left the work unfinished, it is sufficient to answer that the treatise on poetry is not one of the latest of Aristotle's works, for he refers to it in the third book of his Rhetoric ( III. 18, § 7) , and that too with respect to the nature of the ludicrous (περὶ τῶν γελοίων) , which must have been discussed in the last part of the work where he treated of Comedy. In the lists of Aristotle's works given by Diogenes (v. 21—27) , and the anonymous writer quoted by Menage (pp. 65-67, Buhle) , there is a distinct reference to two books of the Poetic, and it would not be unreasonable to conclude that only the first has been preserved. That the book, as we have it, is not only a fragment, but is also corrupted by interpolations or scholia which have crept into the text, 1 Hist. of Greek Literature, Vol. II . p. 293. 2 See Spengel, Munich Transactions, 1837, II. pp. 209 sqq.; and F. Ritter's edition of the tract, Coloniæ, 1839. 318 INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. can hardly be doubted by any reader who is acquainted with Aristotle's style and method. For example, it is obvious that the grammatical details in chapters XX. and XXI. are not in the style of Aristotle, and with regard to the former, where eight parts of speech are enumerated, we have the express statement of Dionysius of Halicarnassus (de Compositione Verborum, c. 2, init.; de Prœstantia Demosthenis, p. 1101) , and of Quintilian (Inst. Orat. 1.4, § 18), that Aristotle and Theodectes reckoned only three parts of speech. In the following translation I have indicated by brackets those passages which Ritter regards as interpolations, but I do not think that there is in every case an equally good reason for the ejection ofthe clause. J. W. D. (I.) ARISTOTLE'S TREATISE ON POETRY. (TWINING'S TRANSLATION ; WITH OCCASIONAL CORRECTIONS AND NOTES ON THE ORIGINAL text. ) A. General Introduction. Bekker. Design of the work. Y design is to treat of Poetry in general, and of its several species ; Cap. 1. to inquire what is the proper effect of each ; what construction of a fable, or plot, is essential to a good poem; of what, and how many parts, Different each species consists ; with whatever else belongs to the same subject ; poetry. which I shall consider in the order that most naturally presents itself (ἀρξάμενοι κατὰ φύσιν πρῶτον ἀπὸ τῶν πρώτων). kinds of imitation. Epic poetry, tragedy, comedy, dithyrambics, as also, for the most 1. Means of part, the music of the flute and of the lyre ; all these are, in the most general view of them, Imitations (ovσai µiµýσéis тò σúvoλov) : differing, however, from each other in three respects, according to the different means, the different objects, or the different manner, of their imitation. For as men, some through art, and some through habit, imitate various objects, by means of colour and figure [and others again by voice ' ] ; so with respect to the arts above-mentioned, rhythm, words, and melody (ρυθμός, λόγος, ἁρμονία), are the different means by which, either single or variously combined, they all produce their imitation. For example: in the imitations of the flute and the lyre, and of any other instruments capable of producing a similar effect, as the syrinx or pipe, melody and rhythm only are employed. In those of dance, rhythm alone, without melody, for there are dancers who, by rhythm applied to gesture, express manners, passions and actions. The Epopoeia imitates by words alone, or by verse, and that verse may be either composed of various metres, or confined, according to the 1 Passages inclosed within brackets are supposed to be interpolations. - J. W. D. 320 ARISTOTLE'S TREATISE ON POETRY. Cap. II. 2. Objects of imitation. practice hitherto established, to a single species. For we should otherwise have no general name, which would comprehend the Mimes of Sophron and Xenarchus, and the Socratic Dialogues ; or poems in iambic, elegiac, or other metres, in which the epic species of imitation may be conveyed. Custom, indeed, connecting the word Toleîv, “ to make," with the name of the metre employed, has denominated some elegiac poets, i. e. makers of elegiac verse; others, epic poets, i. e. makers of hexameter verse : thus distinguishing poets, not according to the nature oftheir imitation, but according to that of their metre only. For even they who compose treatises on medicine, or natural philosophy, in verse, are denominated Poets : yet Homer and Empedocles have nothing in common, except their metre ; the former, therefore, justly merits the name of Poet; while the other should rather be called a Physiologist than a Poet. So also, though any one should choose to convey his imitation in every kind of metre, promiscuously, as Cherêmon has done in his Centaur, which is a medley of all sorts of verse, it would not immediately follow, that on that account merely he was entitled to the name of Poet. -But of this enough. There are, again, other species of poetry, which make use of all the means of imitation, rhythm, melody, and verse. Such are the dithyrambic, that of nomes, tragedy, and comedy: with this difference, however, that in some of these they are employed all together, in others, separately. And such are the differences of these arts with respect to the means by which they imitate. But, as the objects of imitation are the actions of men (èteì dè µipoûvται οἱ μιμούμενοι πράττοντας), and these men must of necessity be either good or bad (for on this does character principally depend ; the mannersbeing in all men most strongly marked by virtue and vice), it follows that we can only represent men either as better than they actually are, or worse, or exactly as they are : just as, in painting, the pictures of Polygnotus were above the common level of nature ; those of Pauson, below it ; those of Dionysius, faithful likenesses. Now it is evident that each of the imitations above-mentioned will admit of these differences, and become a different kind of imitation, as it imitates objects that differ in this respect. This may be the case with dancing; with the music of the flute, and of the lyre; and, also, with the poetry which employs words, or verse, only, without melody or rhythm: thus, Homer has drawn men superior to what they are; Cleophon, as they are ; Hegemon the Thasian, the inventor of parodies, and Nicochares, the author of the Deliad, worse than they are. ARISTOTLE'S TREATISE ON POETRY. 321 So, again, with respect to dithyrambics and nomes : in these, too, the imitation may be as different as that of the Persians by Timotheus, and the Cyclops by Philoxenus. Tragedy also, and Comedy, are distinguished in the same manner; the aim of Comedy being to exhibit men worse than we find them, that of Tragedy, better. 3. Manner of There remains the third difference, that of the manner in which each Cap. III. of these objects may be imitated. For the poet, imitating the same imitation. object, and by the same means, may do it either in narration ; and that, again, either personating other characters [as Homer does], or in his own person throughout, without change : or he may imitate by representing all his characters as real, and employed in the very action itself. These, then, are the three differences by which all imitation is distinguished; those of the means, the object, and the manner ( èv ois te, kaì å, kaì ws) : so that Sophocles is, in one respect, an imitator of the same kind with Homer, as elevated characters are the objects of both ; in another respect, of the same kind with Aristophanes, as both imitate in the way of action. [Whence, according to some, the application of the term Drama, i. e. action, to such poems. Upon this it is that the Dorians ground their claim to the invention both of Tragedy and Comedy. For Comedy is claimed by the Megarians, both by those of Greece, who contend that it took its rise in their popular government ; and by those of Sicily, among whom the poet Epicharmus flourished long before Chionides and Magnes; and Tragedy, also, is claimed by some of the Dorians of the Peloponnese.-In support of these claims, they argue from the words themselves. They allege that the Doric word for a village is Kóun, the Attic Anμos ; and that Comedians were so called, not from κwμáčew, to revel, but from their strolling about the κôμaι, or villages, before they were tolerated in the city. They say, further, that to do, or act, they express by the word Spav : the Athenians, by πράττειν. ] And thus much as to the differences of imitation (uíunois), how many, and what they are. Poetry, in general, seems to have derived its origin from two causes, Cap. IV. each of them natural. All men, Origin of poetry in 1. To Imitate is instinctive in man from his infancy. By this he ofenergy Tragedy in particular, is distinguished from other animals, that he is, of all, the most imitative, and through this instinct receives his earliest education, likewise, naturally receive pleasure from imitation. This is evident from what we experience in viewing the works of imitative art ; for in D. T. G. 21 322 ARISTOTLE'S TREATISE ON POETRY. them we contemplate with pleasure, and with the more pleasure the more exactly they are imitated, such objects as, if real, we could not see without pain, as the figures of the meanest and most disgusting animals, dead bodies, and the like. And the reason of this is, that to learn is a very great pleasure, not confined to philosophers, but common to all men; with this difference only, that the multitude partake of it in a more transient and compendious manner. Hence the pleasure they receive from a picture ; in viewing it, they learn, they infer, they discover, what every object is ; that this, for instance, is such a particular man, &c. For if we suppose the object represented to be something which the spectator had never seen, in that case his pleasure will not arise from the imitation, as such', but from the workmanship, the colours, or some such cause. 2. Imitation, then, being thus natural to us ; and, secondly, Harmony and Rhythm being also natural (for as to metres, they are plainly comprised in rhythm), those persons, in whom originally these propensities were the strongest, were naturally led to rude and extemporaneous attempts, which, gradually improved, gave birth to Poetry. But this Poetry, following the different characters of its authors, naturally divided itself into two different kinds. They who were of a grave and lofty spirit chose for their imitation the actions and adventures of elevated characters ; while poets of a lighter turn represented those of the vicious and contemptible. And these composed, originally, Satires, as the former did Hymns and Encomia. Of the lighter kind, we have no poem anterior to the time of Homer, though many such, in all probability, there were ; but from his time, we have : as, his Margites, and others of the same species, in which the Iambic was introduced as the most proper measure ; and hence, indeed, the name of Iambic, because it was the measure in which they used to satirize each other (iaµßíčeıv) . And thus these old poets were divided into two classes-those who used the heroic, and those who used the iambic verse. And as, in the serious kind, Homer alone may be said to deserve the name of poet, not only on account of his other excellencies, but also of the dramatic spirit of his imitations ; so was he likewise the first who suggested the idea of Comedy, by substituting ridicule for invective, and giving that ridicule a dramatic cast ; for his Margites bears the same analogy to Comedy, as his Iliad and Odyssey to Tragedy. But when Tragedy and Comedy had once made their appearance, succeeding poets, according to the turn of their genius, attached themselves to the 1 Ritter proposes to read οὐχὶ μίμημα ᾗ μίμημα. -J. W. D. ARISTOTLE'S TREATISE ON POETRY. 323 one or the other of these new species. The lighter sort, instead of Iambic, became Comic poets ; the graver, Tragic, instead of Heroic : and that on account of the superior dignity and higher estimation of these latter forms (oxýμara) of Poetry. Whether Tragedy has now, with respect to its constituent parts, received the utmost improvement of which it is capable, considered both in itself, and relatively to the theatre, is a question that belongs not to this place. Both Tragedy, however, and Comedy, having originated in a rude and unpremeditated manner-the first from the leaders in the Dithyrambic hymns, the other from those who led off the Phallic songs, which, in many cities, remain still in use—each advanced gradually towards perfection by successive improvements, as it successively manifested itself (κατὰ μικρὸν ηὐξήθη, προαγόντων ὅσον ἐγίγνετο φανερὸν αὐτῆς). Tragedy, after various changes (πολλὰς μεταβολὰς μεταβαλοῦσα Tpayudía), reposed at length in the completion of its proper form. Eschylus first added a second actor : he also abridged the chorus, and made the dialogue the principal part of Tragedy. Sophocles increased the number of actors to three, and added the decoration of painted scenery. It was also late before Tragedy threw aside the short and simple fable, and ludicrous language of its satyric origin, and attained its proper magnitude and dignity. The Iambic measure was then first adopted for, originally, the Trochaic tetrameter was made use of, on account of the satyric and saltatorial genius of the poem at that time (διὰ τὸ σατυρικὴν καὶ ὀρχηστικωτέραν εἶναι τὴν ποιήσιν) : but when the dialogue was formed, nature itself pointed out the proper metre. For the iambic is, of all metres, the most colloquial (uáλiora yap λEKTIKÓV éσT ) : as appears evidently from this fact, that our common conversation frequently falls into iambic verse ; seldom into hexameter, and only when we depart from the usual harmony of speech. Episodes were also multiplied, and every other part of the drama successively improved and polished. But of this enough : to enter into a minute detail would perhaps be a task of some length. Epic poetry. Comedy, as was said before, is an imitation of bad characters : bad, cap. v. not with respect to every sort of vice, but to the ridiculous only, as Comedy and being a species of turpitude or deformity ; since it may be defined to be -a fault or deformity of such sort as is neither painful nor destructive (τὸ γὰρ γελοῖόν ἐστιν ἁμάρτημά τι—καὶ οὐ φθαρτικόν). A ridiculous face, for example, is something ugly and distorted, but not so as to cause pain. 21-2 324 ARISTOTLE'S TREATISE ON POETRY The successive improvements of Tragedy, and the respective authors of them, have not escaped our knowledge ; but those of Comedy, from the little attention that was paid to it in its origin, remain in obscurity. For it was not till late that Comedy was authorized by the magistrate, and carried on at the public expense : it was, at first, a private and voluntary exhibition. From the time, indeed, when it began to acquire some degree of form, its poets have been recorded ; but who first introduced masks or dialogues ' , or augmented the number of actors --these, and other particulars of the same kind, are unknown. Epicharmus and Phormis were the first who invented comic fables. This improvement, therefore, is of Sicilian origin. But, of Athenian poets, Crates was the first, who abandoned the Iambic type , and introduced dialogues and plots of a general character (ήρξεν αφέμενος τῆς ἰαμβικῆς ἰδέας καθόλου ποιεῖν λόγους καὶ μύθους) . Epic poetry agrees so far with Tragic , as it is an imitation of serious actions; but in this it differs, that it makes use of a single metre, and is confined to narration. It also differs in length : for Tragedy endeavours, as far as possible, to confine its action within the limits of a single revolution of the sun, or nearly so ; but the time of Epic action is indefinite. This, however, at first was equally the case with Tragedy itself. Of their constituent parts, some are common to both, some peculiar to Tragedy. He, therefore, who is a judge of the beauties and defects of Tragedy, is, of course, equally a judge with respect to those of Epic poetry for all the parts of the Epic poem are to be found in Tragedy ; not all those of Tragedy in the Epic poem. B. Tragedy. Cap. VI. Of the species of poetry which imitates in hexameters, and of Definition of Comedy, we shall speak hereafter. Let us now consider Tragedy; Tragedy. Its six parts of collecting, first, from what has been already said, its true and essential quality, of which the mostimport- definition. Tragedy, then, is an imitation of an action that is impor- ant is the μύθος οι tant, entire, and of a proper magnitude—by language embellished and plot. rendered pleasurable, but by different means, in different parts-in the way, not of narration, but of action -effecting, through pity and terror, the correction and refinement of such passions. ("EσTiv ovv Tрaywdía μίμησις πράξεως σπουδαίας καὶ τελείας, μέγεθος ἐχούσης· ἡδυσμένῳ λόγῳ, χωρὶς ἑκάστου τῶν εἰδῶν ἐν τοῖς μορίοις, δρώντων, καὶ οὐ δι' ἀπαγγελίας, δι' 1 We should read λoyous with Hermann.-J. W. D. 2 i. e. personal and particular satire : below, c. IX.-J. W, D. 3 After τραγῳδίᾳ in the text we have the interpolation : μέχρι μόνου μέτρου μεγάλου, οι μετὰ λόγου. -J. W. D. ARISTOTLE'S TREATISE ON POETRY. 325 ἐλέου καὶ φόβου περαίνουσα τὴν τῶν τοιούτων παθημάτων κάθαρσιν). By pleasurable language, I mean a language that has the embellishments of rhythm, harmony, and melody ; and I add, by different means in different parts, because in some parts metre alone is employed, in others, melody'.

  • * * * * * *

1 There can be little doubt that this celebrated definition of Tragedy is drawn up with an express and controversial reference to Plato's opinion of poetry. The very phrases are an echo of Plato's language. Thus, the words ǹdvoµévw Xóyw remind us at once of Plato's ǹdvoµévn μoûoa (Respubl. x. p. 607 A) , and the expression dpwvTwv kal où di' åπayyeλías must allude to Plato's description of the lyric as opposed to the dramatic poetry, the latter being διὰ μιμήσεως, and the former δι' ἀπαγγελίας αὐτοῦ τοῦ ToiŋToû (Respubl. 1. p. 394 ¤, above, p. 42) . It appears, however, that the mere state- ment that Tragedy is a purgation (ká@apois) of those passions which Plato charges it with exciting, is not a sufficient answer to that philosopher, and Spengel has argued, I think conclusively, that there is probably an omission in the text, as we have it, of a passage conveying Aristotle's reasoning in defence of his own views. Spengel's opinion shall be given in his own words. After remarking (Munich Transactions, 1837, II . p. 226 sqq. ) that, although Aristotle has explained the words ǹdvoµévų Noyw and χωρὶς ἑκάστου τῶν εἰδῶν ἐν τοῖς μορίοις, he has left unexplained the main point, δι' ἐλέου καὶ φόβου περαίνουσα τὴν τῶν τοιούτων παθημάτων κάθαρσιν, he proceeds : "and yet this kálαρσis ταlnμáтwv is in Aristotle's estimation of such significance and importance, that while he contents himself in an earlier work, the Politics, v. (VIII. ) 7, with a short notice, he postpones the full explanation to his Poetic, and promises to give it there. It is obvious that this is the place in which Aristotle was bound to speak of it, for the introduction, which forms a connected whole by itself, afforded no opportunity for it ; and even if he wished, which is not credible, to reserve a fuller discussion of it for a future occasion , still it was necessary that the topic should be at least touched on here and referred back to the rest. That, however, he has spoken of the subject here, in the most convenient place, and has indicated the reasons for his opinion, may be conjectured from the numerous references to this important part of the definition ; c. XI .: ἡ γὰρ ἀναγνώρισις καὶ περιπέτεια ἢ ἔλεον ἕξει ἡ φόβον, οἵων πράξεων ἡ τραγῳδία μίμησις ὑπόκειται. c. ΧΙΙΙ. : ἐπειδὴ οὖν δεῖ τὴν σύνθεσιν εἶναι τῆς καλλίστης τραγῳδίας μὴ ἁπλῆν, ἀλλὰ πεπλεγμένην ( as is shown at the conclusion of ch. IX. ) καὶ ταύτην φοβερῶν καὶ ἐλεινῶν εἶναι μίμησιν ( τοῦτο γὰρ ἴδιον τοιαύτης μιμήσεως ἔστιν) πρῶτον μὲν δῆλον ὅτι κ.τ.λ. c. Χιν.: ἐπεὶ δὲ τὴν ἀπὸ ἐλέου καὶ φόβου διὰ μιμή σεως δεῖ ἡδονὴν παρασκευάζειν τὸν ποιητήν, φανερὸν ὡς τοῦτο ἐν τοῖς πράγμασιν ἐμποιη- τέον. For a full understanding, and incidentally for a confutation of the most recent and able exposition, which perhaps dazzles many by the splendour of the name under which it appears * , but which is opposed no less to the language than to the expressed sentiments of Aristotle, we give here in its full context the passage of the Politics, which is at the same time the best explanation of the words before us : " Since we accept the distinction of the different kind of songs, as it is given by some philosophers, namely, into those which form the character [ 0xá], those which excite to action [ TракTIKά] , and those which inspire us with rapturous emotion [ ¿v0ov- olaσTIKá], and so also of the corresponding harmonies ; and since we say that we ought to use music not for one advantage only, but for several advantages (for it serves first for mental discipline ; secondly, for purgation, and as to what we mean by purgation we will now speak generally, and again in our treatise on poetry more distinctly [τί δὲ λέγομεν τὴν κάθαρσιν νῦν μὲν ἁπλῶς, πάλιν δ᾽ ἐν τοῖς περὶ ποιητικῆς éрoûμev σаpéσтepov ] ; -thirdly, for amusement, both as recreation and as a rest from excitement, ) it is manifest that we must use all the harmonies, but not all in the same manner; for we must use in education those which are best fitted to regulate the character [Taîs noiкwтáтαis], and for listening when others are performing we must employ both the practical and the enthusiastic [ καὶ ταῖς πρακτικαῖς καὶ ταῖς ἐνθου

  • Göthe's nachgelassene Werke, VI. 16-21. Nachlese zu Aristoteles Poetik, praised by an Aristotelian scholar as a model of exposition.

326 ARISTOTLE'S TREATISE ON POETRY. Now as Tragedy imitates by acting, the decoration, in the first place, must necessarily be one of its parts : then the melopoia (or olaσTikaîs]. It is a fact that the passions by which one person is strongly affected are naturally inherent in all, the difference being one of degree only. Such are pity and fear; and enthusiasm too, for some are under the sway of this emotion. And we see that these, when they employ the songs that excite the soul to religious fervour, are calmed and settled by sacred strains, as though they had found some remedy and purgation [ ὥσπερ ἰατρείας τυχόντας καὶ καθάρσεως] . The same must happen also to those liable to the emotions of pity and fear [ τοὺς ἐλεήμονας καὶ τοὺς φοβητικούς], and those who are generally impressionable [rous öλws Talnтikoús], and others so far as each of these circumstances occurs ; and all have a sort of purgation and a sense of lightening not unaccompanied by pleasure [ καὶ πᾶσι γίγνεσθαί τινα κάθαρσιν καὶ κουφίζεσθαι μεθ' ndovŷs]. In like manner the songs which produce a sense of purgation [τà µéẴN Tà KalαρTIKά] cause an innocuous gratification to men. Wherefore we should direct the attention of the competitors who practise music for the theatres to harmonies and songs which produce this effect. ' "After all this I have no hesitation in supposing that there is an omission in our passage of the Poetic, before the words éπel de πpáтTOVтes, of some lines in which that Kálαρσis Tŵν Tonμáтwv was discussed ; and, to strengthen the probability of this con- jecture, I add the following confirmation from internal evidence. Aristotle, in his Poetic, was the less likely to have evaded a defence of poetry against the attacks of Plato in his Republic (III . pp. 124—29, and x. pp. 466—491, Bkk. ), because Plato himself wishes it, because he invites poets and prose- writers to hasten to the help of poetry, and declares his willingness to give it a place in his polity, if it can be proved that epic and tragic poetry do not produce any effects prejudicial to life and truth (p. 489) . Aristotle is not accustomed to leave unemployed a suitable opportunity of setting his teacher right, and either qualifying his views by taking a different side or refuting them altogether. Are we then to imagine that in his Rhetoric he has confuted the judgment and opinion of Plato respecting what is pernicious in that art, with few but sufficient words, without mentioning his name indeed, but with a distinct and manifest reference to his Gorgias, and has so re- established the credit of rhetoric ; but that in the case of poetry, which he prizes so highly, which he prefers to history, and places nearer to philosophy, he would not endeavour to secure its acquittal from the incriminations of his great predecessor ? Now we find in Aristotle's Poetic, besides c. XXV. , which removes by explanation certain difficulties found in the poets, and meets various objections, only one passage in which we can recognize, and clearly too, a distinct allusion to Plato, and this is found in our words: di' èλéov кal póßov τeρaí- νουσα τὴν τῶν τοιούτων παθημάτων κάθαρσιν. That indeed is the greatest reproach which Plato alleges against tragic poetry, that instead of making men strong and hard, it weakens and softens them by the pity which it excites ; that what we should in common life regard as unmanly and unbecoming to do in the presence of others— namely, to lament and utter loud wailings on account of our misfortunes-we permit to the art of imitation, to that ǹdvoμévŋ μovoŋ : we take pleasure in it, we become more and more unnerved by it, and so pleasure and sorrow get the mastery in our polity instead of law and reason. This is Plato's view (Respubl. x. p. 485, Bkk. p. 605, Steph. ) . Aristotle, on the contrary, maintains that the tragic art, by means of the fear and pity which it excites in the human soul, purifies it from such passions, -a thought which requires to be established for its own sake, and which is doubly worthy of explanation as standing in open opposition and contradiction to Plato. " Since Spengel wrote these words there has been a lively discussion of Aristotle's celebrated definition by J. Bernays ( Grundzüge der verlorn . Abhandl. des Aristoteles über die Wirkung der Tragödie, Abh. Hist. Phil. Gesell. in Breslau, Breslau, 1857), whose views have been sharply criticized by Adolf Stahr (Aristoteles und die Wirkung der Tragödie, Berlin, 1859) . Bernays insists on the distinction between malýμara, as denoting inherent affections, and ráon, as denoting incidental conditions ( Bernays, p. 194), and maintains that as Aristotle used the former word, the Kábapors, which he attributes to Tragedy, refers only to those spectators who are chronically and habitu- ally affected with pity and fear. And the κá@apois operates as a kind of disburdenment of the overruling sentiment, an áπépaσis, or drawing away of the morbid influences (Bernays, p. 200). But although Aristotle does distinguish between wa¤ýµɑтa and ARISTOTLE'S TREATISE ON POETRY. 327 music), and the diction ; for these last include the means of tragic imitation. By diction I mean the metrical composition. The meaning of -melopœia is obvious to every one. Again Tragedy being an imitation of an action, and the persons employed in that action being necessarily characterized by their manners and their sentiments, since it is from these that actions themselves derive their character, it follows, that there must also be manners and sentiments, as the two causes of actions, and, consequently, of the happiness or unhappiness of all men. The imitation of the action is the plot: for by plot (µûlov) I now mean the contexture of incidents. By manners (ñoŋ), I mean, whatever marks the characters of the persons. By sentiments (Savoia), whatever they say, whether proving any thing, or delivering a general opinion, &c. Hence, all Tragedy must necessarily contain six parts, which, together, constitute its peculiar character or quality : plot, manners, diction, sentiments, decoration, and music (μῦθος, καὶ ἤθη, καὶ λέξις, καὶ διάνοια, καὶ ὄψις, καὶ μελοποιΐα). Of these parts, two relate to the means, one to the manner, and three to the object of imitation. And these are all. [ These specific parts have been employed by most poets, and are to be found in almost every Tragedy. ] But of all these parts the most important is the combination of incidents, or the plot : because Tragedy is an imitation, not of men, but of actions [of life and of happiness : even unhappiness consists in action, and the supreme good itself, the very end of life, is action of a certain kind, —not a quality] . Now the manners of men constitute only their quality or characters ; but it is by their actions that they are happy, or the contrary. Tragedy, therefore, does not imitate action, for the sake of imitating manners ; but in the imitation of action, that of manners Táon, the distinction is not uniformly maintained, and ráoos and uálos are certainly used by Eschylus (Agam. 170) in the same sense as Táoŋua and μá@nua by Herodotus (1. 207) . And with regard to κálapois, which must be taken in its medical sense, it seems quite clear that it implies a curative effect. Just as Aristotle speaks of pleasure as a cure (larpeía) of pain (Eth. Nic. VII. 1154 a. 27), and of recreation as a cure of labour (Polit. VIII . [ 5 ], p. 1339 b. τη : τῆς γὰρ διὰ τῶν πόνων λύπης ἰατρεία τίς ἐστιν) , so the amusement or intellectual diversion of a play is a cure of real fear or pity ; and as all cures are naturally produced by the opposite of the ills which they remedy (Aristot. Εth. Nic. II. p. 1104 b. 17 : αἱ ἰατρεῖαι διὰ τῶν ἐναντίων πεφύκασι γίνεσθαι), we must understand that the κá apois of Tragedy is produced by the contrast between the real emotion and the contemplation in thought of the sorrows of others ; on the principle of the suave mari magno, &c. (Lucret. II. init. ) This may seem, as Milton suggests (Preface to Samson Agonistes), to be a sort of homoeopathic remedy (Bernays, p. 192) ; but the contrast is maintained in the opposition between the real and the imaginary ; it is a case in which, as Aristotle elsewhere expresses it (Pol. v. [VII. ] P. 1341 a. 1. 22) , ἡ θεωρία κάθαρσιν μᾶλλον δύναται ἢ μάθησιν, and the spectator is elevated or consoled by the thought that the representation which he sees on the stage of the traditionary or possible misfortunes of his fellow-creatures are different in kind or degree from the worst of his own sad experiences. —J. W. D. 328 ARISTOTLE'S TREATISE ON POETRY. is of course involved. So that the action and the plot are the end of Tragedy; and in every thing the end is of principal importance. Again-Tragedy cannot subsist without action ; without manners it may the Tragedies of most modern poets have this defect ; a defect common, indeed, among poets in general. As among painters, also, this is the case with Zeuxis, compared with Polygnotus : the latter excels in the expression of the manners; there is no such expression in the pictures of Zeuxis. Further; suppose any one to string together a number of speeches, in which the manners are strongly marked, the language and the sentiments well turned ; this will not be sufficient to produce the proper effect of Tragedy : that end will much rather be answered by a piece, defective in each of those particulars, but furnished with a proper plot and combination of incidents. Add to this, that those parts of Tragedy, by means of which it becomes most interesting and affecting, are parts of the plot ; I mean revolutions and discoveries. As a further proof, beginners in tragic writing are sooner able to arrive at excellence in the language, and the manners, than in the construction of a plot ; as appears from almost all our earlier poets. The plot, then, is the principal part, the soul, as it were, of Tragedy ; and the manners are next in rank ' . Just as in painting, the most brilliant colours spread at random, and without design, will give far less pleasure than the simplest outline of a figure. And the imitation is of an action, and on account of that, principally, of the agents. In the third place stand the sentiments. To this part it belongs to say such things as are true and proper; which, in the dialogue, depends on the political and rhetorical arts ; for the ancients made their characters speak in the style of political and popular eloquence ; but now the rhetorical manner prevails. The manners are whatever manifests the disposition of the speaker. There are speeches, therefore, which are without manners, or character ; as not containing any thing by which the propensities or aversions of the person who delivers them can be known. The sentiments comprehend whatever is said; whether proving any thing, affirmatively, or negatively, or expressing some general reflection, &c. Fourth, in order, is the diction-the expression of the sentiments by words; the power and effect of which is the same, whether in verse or prose. 1 It may be doubted whether the rest of this chapter ought not to be considered as an interpolation. -J. W. D. ARISTOTLE'S TREATISE ON POETRY. 329 Of the remaining two parts, the music stands next ; of all the pleasurable accompaniments and embellishments of Tragedy, the most delightful. The decoration has also a great effect, but, of all the parts, is most foreign to the art. For the power of Tragedy is felt without representation, and actors ; and the beauty of the decorations depends more on the art of the mechanic, than on that of the poet. These things being thus adjusted, let us go on to examine in manner the Plot should be constructed, since this is the first, and important part of Tragedy. what Cap. VII. 1. The plot. most The action of Tragedy must be complete. What is a dramatic whole? The for proper meaNow we have defined Tragedy to be an imitation of an action that is complete, and entire ; and that has also a certain magnitude; a thing may be entire and a whole, and yet not be of any mag- gedy. nitude. 1. By entire, I mean that which has a beginning, a middle, and an end. A beginning is that which does not, necessarily, suppose any thing before it, but which requires something to follow it. An end, on the contrary, is that which supposes something to precede it, either necessarily or probably ; but which nothing is required to follow. A middle is that which both supposes something to precede, and requires something to follow. The poet, therefore, who would construct his fable properly, is not at liberty to begin, or end, where he pleases, but must conform to these definitions. 2. Again : whatever is beautiful, whether it be an animal, or any other thing composed of different parts, must not only have those parts arranged in a certain manner, but must also be of a certain magnitude; for beauty consists in magnitude and order. Hence it is that no very minute animal can be beautiful ; the eye comprehends the whole too instantaneously to distinguish and compare the parts : -neither, on the contrary, can one of a prodigious size be beautiful ; because, as all its parts cannot be seen at once, the whole, the unity of object, is lost to the spectator ; as it would be, for example, if he were surveying an animal of very many miles in length. As, therefore, in animals and other objects, a certain magnitude is requisite, but that magnitude must be such as to present a whole easily comprehended by the eye; so, in the fable, a certain length is requisite, but that length must be such as to present a whole easily comprehended by the memory. With respect to the measureof this length-if referred to actual representation in the dramatic contests, it is a matter foreign to the art itself : for if a hundred Tragedies had to be exhibited in concurrence, sure of Tra- 330 ARISTOTLE'S TREATISE ON POETRY. Cap. VIII. Tragic unity. Relation of history. the length of each performance must be regulated by the hour-glass ' . But, if we determine this measure by the nature of the thing itself, the more extensive the fable, consistently with the clear and easy comprehension of the whole, the more beautiful will it be, with respect to magnitude.-In general, we may say, that an action is sufficiently extended, when it is long enough to admit of a change of fortune from happy to unhappy, or the reverse, brought about by a succession, necessary or probable, of well-connected incidents. one. Aplot is not one, as some conceive, merely because the hero of it is For numberless events happen to one man, many of which are such as cannot be connected into one event; and so likewise, there are many actions of one man which cannot be connected into any one action. Hence appears the mistake of all those poets who have composed Herculeids, Theseids, and other poems of that kind. They conclude, that because Hercules was one, so also must be the fable of which he is the subject. But Homer, among his many other excellencies, seems also to have been perfectly aware of this mistake, either from art or genius ; for when he composed his Odyssey, he did not introduce all the events of his hero's life, such, for instance, as the wound he received upon Parnassus ; his feigned madness when the Grecian army was assembling, &c.; events not connected, either by necessary or probable consequence, with each other ; but he comprehended those only which have relation to one action, for such we call that of the Odyssey. And in the same manner he composed his Iliad. As, therefore, in other mimetic arts, one imitation is an imitation of one thing, so here the fable, being an imitation of an action, should be an imitation of an action that is one and entire ; the parts of it being so connected, that if any one of them be either transposed or taken away, the whole will be destroyed or changed ; for whatever may be either retained or omitted, without making any sensible difference, is not properly a part. Cap. IX. It appears further, from what has been said, that it is not the poet's Tragedy to province to relate such things as have actually happened, but such as might have happened ; such as are possible according either to probable or necessary consequence. For it is not by writing in verse or prose that the historian and the poet are distinguished : the work of Herodotus might be versified, but it would still be a species of history, no less 1 We have here in the original the unmeaning addition, womeρ TOTÈ Kai ďNλOTE φασίν.—J. W. D. ARISTOTLE'S TREATISE ON POETRY. 331 • with metre, than without. They are distinguished by this, that the one relates what has been, the other what might be. On this account, poetry is a more philosophical and a more excellent thing than history; for poetry is chiefly conversant about general truth, history about particular. In what manner, for example, any person of a certain character would speak or act, probably or necessarily this is general : and this is the object of poetry, even while it makes use of particular names. But, what Alcibiades did, or what happened to him-this is particular truth. With respect to Comedy, this is now become obvious ; for here, the poet, when he has formed his plot of probable incidents, gives to his characters whatever names he pleases ; and is not, like the iambic poets, particular and personal. Tragedy, indeed, retains the use of real names ; and the reason is, that, what we are disposed to believe, we must think possible : now, what has never actually happened, we are not apt to regard as possible ; but what has been is unquestionably so, or it could not have been at all. There, are, however, some Tragedies, in which one or two of the names are historical, and the rest feigned : there are even some in which none of the names are historical ; such is Agatho's Tragedy called The Flower, for in that all is invention, both incidents and names ; and yet it pleases. It is by no means, therefore, essential that a poet should confine himself to the known and established subjects of Tragedy. Such a restraint would, indeed, be ridiculous ; since even those subjects that are known, are known, comparatively, but to few, and yet are interesting to all. From all this it is manifest, that a poet should be a poet, or " maker," of plots, rather than of verses ; since ' it is imitation that constitutes the poet, and of this imitation actions are the object : nor is he the less a poet, though the incidents of his fable should chance to be such as have actually happened ; for nothing hinders but that some true events may possess the probability, the invention of which entitles him to the name of poet. Of simple plots or actions, the episodic are the worst. I call that an episodic plot (èreiσodiwồn µûlov), the episodes of which follow each other without any probable or necessary connexion ; a fault into which bad poets are betrayed by their want of skill, and good poets by the players ; for, in order to accommodate their pieces to the purposes of rival performers in the dramatic contests, they spin out the action beyond their powers, and are thus frequently forced to break the connexion and continuity of its parts. 18op "just in proportion as ."-J. W. D. 332 ARISTOTLE'S TREATISE ON POETRY. Cap. x. Plots simple ed. But since Tragedy is an imitation, not only of a complete action, but also of an action exciting pity and terror, and since these effects are reciprocal, that which excites our surprise ought to be connected with some appearance of causation ' ; for by this means it will have more of the wonderful than if it appeared to be the effect of chance ; since we find that, among events merely casual, those are the most wonderful and striking which seem to imply design ; as when, for instance, the statue of Mitys at Argos killed the very man who had murdered Mitys, by falling down upon him as he was surveying it ; events of this kind not having the appearance of accident. It follows, then, that such plots as are formed on these principles must be the best. Plots are of two sorts, simple and complicated (Eioì dè Tŵv púbwv oi orcomplicat. μὲν ἁπλοῖ, οἱ δὲ πεπλεγμένοι) : for so also are the actions themselves of which they are imitations. An action (having the continuity and unity prescribed) I call simple, when its catastrophe is produced without either revolution or discovery; complicated, when with one or both. And these should arise from the structure of the plot itself, so as to be the natural consequences, necessary or probable, of what has preceded in the action ; for there is a wide difference between incidents that follow from (diá i. e. by means of), and incidents that follow only after (μerá), each other. Cap. XI. On the περιπέτεια A revolution (Tepɩéteιa) is a change into the reverse of what is expected from the circumstances of the action ; and that produced, as we and avayv- bave said, by probable or necessary consequence. ρισις. Thus in the Edipus Tyrannus, the messenger, meaning to make Edipus happy, and to relieve him from the dread he was under with respect to his mother, by making known to him his real birth, produces an effect directly contrary to his intention. Thus also, in the Tragedy of Lynceus, the hero is led to suffer death, Danaus follows to inflict it ; but the event resulting from the course of the incidents is, that Danaus is killed, and Lynceus saved. A discovery (avayvópiois), as indeed the word implies, is a change from unknown to known, happening between those characters whose happiness or unhappiness forms the catastrophe of the drama, and terminating in friendship or enmity. The best sort of discovery is that which is accompanied by a revolution, as in the Edipus. There are also other discoveries ; for inanimate things of any kind 1 The apodosis is here lost, but it must have been to the effect given above. The words, καὶ μάλιστα καὶ μᾶλλον ὅταν γένηται παρὰ τὴν δόξαν, are an interpolation. See Ritter. -J. W. D. ARISTOTLE'S TREATISE ON POETRY. 333 may be recognized in the same manner ; and we may discover whether such a particular thing was, or was not, done by such a person : but the discovery most appropriate to the plot and the action is that above defined, because such discoveries and revolutions must excite either pity or terror; and Tragedy we have defined to be an imitation of pitiable and terrible actions ; and because, also, by them the event, happy or unhappy, is produced. Now discoveries being relative things, are sometimes of one of the persons only, the other being already known ; and sometimes they are reciprocal: thus, Iphigenia is discovered to Orestes by the letter which she charges him to deliver, and Orestes is obliged, by other means, to make himself known to her. [These then are two parts of the plot, revolution and discovery. There is yet a third, which we denominate disasters (ráðos) . The two former have been explained. Disasters comprehend all painful or destructive actions ; the exhibition of death, bodily anguish, wounds, and every thing of that kind. ] Tragedy has quantity. [The parts of Tragedy which are necessary to constitute its quality Cap. XII. have been already enumerated. Its parts of quantity—the distinct parts four parts of into which it is divided—are these : prologue, episode, exode, and chorus; Division of which last is also divided into the parode and the stasimon. These are common to all Tragedies. The songs from the stage, and the commoi, or dirges, are found in some only (τὰ ἀπὸ σκηνῆς καὶ κομμοί). The prologue is all that part of a Tragedy which precedes the parode of the chorus. The episode, all that part which is included between entire choral odes. The exode, that part which has no choral ode after it. Of the choral part, the parode is the first speech of the whole chorus : the stasimon includes all those choral odes that are without anapasts and trochees (ἄνευ ἀναπαίστου καὶ τροχαίου). The commos is a general lamentation of the chorus and the actors together (Κόμμος δέ, θρῆνος κοινὸς χοροῦ καὶ ἀπὸ σκηνῆς). Such are the separate parts into which Tragedy is divided. Its parts of quality were before explained. ] the choral songs. Of the obsought or avoided in the construcThe order of the subject leads us to consider, in the next place, what Cap. XIII. the poet should aim at, and what avoid, in the construction of his plot ; jects to be and by what means the purpose of Tragedy may be best effected. Now, since it is requisite to the perfection of Tragedy that its plot tion of aTrashould be of the complicated, not of the simple kind, and that it should imitate such actions as excite terror and pity, ( this being the peculiar property of the tragic imitation, ) it follows evidently, in the first place, gedy. 334 ARISTOTLE'S TREATISE ON POETRY. that the change from prosperity to adversity should not be represented as happening to a virtuous character ; for this raises disgust, rather than terror or compassion. Neither should the contrary change from adversity to prosperity be exhibited in a vicious character : this, of all plans, is the most opposite to the genius of Tragedy, having no one property that it ought to have; for it is neither gratifying, in a moral view, nor affecting nor terrible. Nor, again, should the fall of a very bad man from prosperous to adverse fortune be represented ; because, though such a subject may be pleasing from its moral tendency, it will produce neither pity nor terror [ for our pity is excited by misfortunes undeservedly suffered, and our terror by some resemblance between the sufferer and ourselves]. Neither of these effects will, therefore, be produced by such an event. There remains, then, for our choice, the character between these extremes ; that of a person neither eminently virtuous or just, nor yet involved in misfortune by reason of deliberate vice or villany, but from some error of human frailty ; and this person should also be some one of high fame and flourishing prosperity ; for example, Edipus, Thyestes, or other illustrious men of such families. Hence it appears, that, to be well constructed, a plot, contrary to the opinion of some, should be single, rather than double; that the change of fortune should not be from adverse to prosperous, but the reverse ; and that it should be the consequence not of vice, but of some great frailty, in a character such as has been described, or better rather than worse. These principles are confirmed by experience ; for poets formerly admitted almost any story into the number of tragic subjects ; but now, the subjects of the best Tragedies are confined to a few families-to Alemaon, Edipus, Orestes, Meleager, Thyestes, Telephus, and others, the sufferers, or the authors, of some terrible calamity. The most perfect Tragedy, then, according to the principles of the art, is of this construction. Whence appears the mistake of those critics who censure Euripides for this practice in his Tragedies, many of which terminate unhappily ; for this, as we have shown, is right; and, as the strongest proof of it, we find that, upon the stage, and in the dramatic contests, such Tragedies, if they succeed, have always the most tragic effect : and Euripides, though in other respects faulty in the conduct of his subjects, seems clearly to be the most tragic of all poets. I place in the second rank that kind of fable to which some assign the first; that which is of a double construction, like the Odyssey, and also ends in two opposite events, to the good, and to the bad characters. That this passes for the best, is owing to the weakness of the spectators, to whose wishes the poets accommodate their productions. This kind of pleasure, however, is not the proper pleasure of Tragedy, but belongs ARISTOTLE'S TREATISE ON POETRY. 335 rather to Comedy; for there, even if the bitterest enemies, like Orestes and Egisthus, are introduced, they quit the scene at last in perfect friendship, and no blood is shed on either side. Ofthe proper and pity. Terror and pity may be raised by the decoration, the mere spectacle ; Cap. XIV. but they may also arise from the circumstances of the action itself; modesofex which is far preferable, and shows a superior poet. For the fable should citing fear be so constructed, that, without the assistance ofthe sight, its incidents may excite horror and commiseration in those who hear them only; an effect which every one, who hears the story of the Edipus, must experience. But, to produce this effect by means of the decoration, discovers want of art in the poet, who must also be supplied by the public with an expensive apparatus (xopnyía). As to those poets who make use of the decoration in order to produce, not the terrible, but the marvellous only, their purpose has nothing in common with that of Tragedy ; for we are not to seek for every sort of pleasure from Tragedy, but for that only which is proper to the species. Since, therefore, it is the business of the tragic poet to give that pleasure which arises from pity and terror, through imitation, it is evident that he ought to produce that effect by the circumstances of the action itself. Let us, then, see of what kind those incidents are which appear most terrible or piteous. If an Now such actions must, of necessity, happen between persons who are either friends or enemies, or indifferent to each other. enemy kills, or purposes to kill, an enemy, in neither case is any commiseration raised in us, beyond what necessarily arises from the nature of the action itself. The case is the same, when the persons are neither friends nor enemies. But when such disasters happen between friends-when, for instance, the brother kills, or is going to kill, his brother, the son his father, the mother her son, or the reverse- these, and others of a similar kind, are the proper incidents for the poet's choice. The received tragic subjects, therefore, he is not at liberty essentially to alter ; Clytemnestra must die by the hand of Orestes, and Eriphyle by that of Alcmœon: but it is his province to invent other subjects, and to make a skilful use of those which he finds already established. What I mean by a skilful use, I proceed to explain. The atrocious action may be perpetrated knowingly and intentionally, as was usual with the earlier poets ; and as Euripides, also, has represented Medea destroying her children. It may, likewise, be perpetrated by those who are ignorant, at the time, of the connexion between them and the injured person, which 336 ARISTOTLE'S TREATISE ON POETRY. Cap. XVI. On the ava- γνώρισις in particular. they afterwards discover; like Edipus, in Sophocles. There, indeed, the action itself does not make a part of the drama : the Alcmœon of Astydamas, and Telegonus in the Ulysses Wounded, furnish instances within the Tragedy. There is yet a third way, where a person upon the point of perpetrating, through ignorance, some dreadful deed, is prevented by a sudden discovery. Besides these, there is no other proper way. For the action must of necessity be either done or not done, and that either with knowledge, or without: but of all these ways, that of being ready to execute, knowingly, and yet not executing, is the worst ; for this is, at the same time, shocking, and yet not tragic, because it exhibits no disastrous event. [It is, therefore, never, or very rarely, made use of. The attempt of Hamon to kill Creon, in the Antigone, is an example'. ] Next to this, is the actual execution of the purpose. To execute, through ignorance, and afterwards to discover, is better : for thus the shocking atrociousness is avoided, and, at the same time, the discovery is striking. But the best of all these ways is the last. Thus, in the Tragedy of Cresphontes, Merope, in the very act of putting her son to death, discovers him, and is prevented. In the Iphigenia, the sister, in the same manner, discovers her brother ; and in the Helle, the son discovers his mother, at the instant when he was going to betray her. On this account it is, that the subjects of Tragedy, as before remarked, are confined to a small number of families. For it was not to art, but to fortune, that poets applied themselves to find incidents of this nature. Hence the necessity of having recourse to those families in which such calamities have happened. Of the plot, or story, and its requisites, enough has now been said.

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What is meant by a Discovery has already been explained. kinds are the following. Its First, the most inartificial of all, and to which, from poverty of invention, the generality of poets have recourse-The discovery by visible signs (n dia onμeíwv). Of these signs, some are natural; as the lance with which the family of the earth-born Thebans were marked : others are adventitious (éπíктητα) : and of these, some are corporal, as scars ; some external, as necklaces, bracelets, &c. , or the little boat by which 1 As this view of the passage in the Antigone, 1200, is clearly erroneous (Introduc- tion to the Antigone, p. xl. ) it is well to have the reasons adduced by Ritter for believing that Aristotle is interpolated here.-J. W. D. 2 See p. 340, below. ARISTOTLE'S TREATISE ON POETRY. 337 the discovery is made in the Tragedy of Tyro. Even these, however, may be employed with more or less skill. The discovery of Ulysses, for example, to his nurse, by means of his scar, is very different from his discovery, by the same means, to the herdsmen. For all those discoveries, in which the sign is produced by way of proof, are inartificial. Those which, like that in the Washing of Ulysses, happen by a revolution (EK TEρITTEтeías), are better. Secondly,-Discoveries invented, at pleasure, by the poet, and on that account, still inartificial. For example; in the Iphigenia, Orestes, after having discovered his sister, discovers himself to her. She, indeed, is discovered by means of the letter ; but Orestes himself speaks such things as the poet chooses, not such as arise from the fictitious circumstances. This kind of discovery, therefore, borders upon the fault of that first mentioned : for some of the things from which those proofs are drawn are even such as might have been actually produced as visible signs. Another instance, is the discovery by the sound of the shuttle in the Tereus of Sophocles. Thirdly, -The discovery occasioned by memory (ʼn dià µvýµns) : as, when some recollection is excited by the view of a particular object. Thus, in the Cyprians of Dicæogenes, a discovery is produced by tears shed at the sight of a picture : and thus, in the Tale of Alcinous, Ulysses, listening to the bard, recollects, weeps, and is discovered. Fourthly, ―The discovery occasioned by reasoning or inference (ý ¿k ovλoyoμov) : such as that in the Choëphore : " The person, who is arrived, resembles me-no one resembles me but Orestes-it must be he!" And that of Polyeidus the sophist, in his Iphigenia; for the conclusion of Orestes was natural-" It had been his sister's lot to be sacrificed, and it was now his own !" That, also, in the Tydeus of Theodectes "He came to find his son, and he himself must perish ! " And thus the daughters of Phineus, in the Tragedy denominated from them, viewing the place to which they were led, infer their fate " there they were to die, for there they were exposed ! " There is also a compound sort of discovery, arising from false inference in the audience, as in Ulysses the False Messenger : he asserts that he shall know the bow, which he had not seen ; the audience falsely infer, that a discovery by that means will follow. But, of all discoveries, the best is that which arises from the action itself, and in which a striking effect is produced by probable incidents. Such is that in the Edipus of Sophocles, and that in the Iphigenia; for nothing is more natural than her desire of conveying the letter. Such discoveries are the best, because they alone are effected without the help D. T. G. 22 338 ARISTOTLE'S TREATISE ON POETRY. Cap. XVII. Directions for the tragic poet. of invented proofs, or necklaces, &c. Next to these are the discoveries by inference. The poet, both when he plans, and when he writes, his Tragedy, should put himself, as much as possible, in the place of a spectator ; for, by this means seeing everything distinctly, as if present at the action, he will discern what is proper, and no inconsistencies will escape him. The fault objected to Carcinus is a proof of this. Amphiaraus had left the temple this the spectator, from not seeing the action pass before his eyes, overlooked ; but in the representation the audience were disgusted, and the piece condemned. In composing, the poet should even, as much as possible, be an actor: for, by natural sympathy, they are most persuasive and affecting who are under the influence of actual passion. We share the agitation of those who appear to be truly agitated—the anger of those who appear to be truly angry. Hence it is that poetry demands either great natural quickness of parts, or an enthusiasm allied to madness. By the first of these, we mould ourselves with facility to the imitation of every form ; by the other, transported out of ourselves, we become what we imagine. When the poet invents a subject, he should first draw a general sketch of it, and afterwards give it the detail of its episodes, and extend it. The general argument, for instance, of the Iphigenia should be considered in this way:-"A virgin, onthe point of being sacrificed, is imperceptibly conveyed away from the altar, and transported to another country, where it was the custom to sacrifice all strangers to Diana. Of these rites she is appointed priestess. It happens, some time after, that her brother arrives there." [ But why ?-because an oracle had commanded him, for some reason exterior to the general plan. For what purpose ? This also is exterior to the plan. ] " He arrives, is seized, and, at the instant that he is going to be sacrificed, the discovery is made. " And this may be either in the way of Euripides or like that of Polyeidus, by the natural reflection of Orestes, that “ it was his fate also, as it had been his sister's, to be sacrificed :" by which exclamation he is saved. After this, the poet, when he has given names to his characters, should proceed to the episodes of his action ; and he must take care that these belong properly to the subject ; like that of the madness of Orestes, which occasions his being taken, and his escape by means of the ablution (Iph. T. 260-339, 1158 sqq. ). In dramatic poetry the episodes are short, but in the epic they are the means of drawing out the poem to its proper length. The general story of the Odyssey, ARISTOTLE'S TREATISE ON POETRY. 339 for example, lies in a small compass : " A certain man is supposed to be absent from his own country for many years-he is persecuted by Neptune, deprived of all his companions, and left alone. At home his affairs are in disorder-the suitors of his wife dissipating his wealth, and plotting the destruction of his son. Tossed by many tempests, he at length arrives, and, making himself known to some of his family, attacks his enemies, destroys them, and remains himself in safety." This is the essential ; the rest is episode. The complidevelopand λύσις). [ Every Tragedy consists of two parts -the complication (Séσis), and Cap. XVIII. the development (Avσis). The complication is often formed by incidents cation and supposed prior to the action, and by a part, also, of those that are ment (déos within the action ; the rest form the development. I call complication, all that is between the beginning of the piece and the last part, where the change of fortune commences : development, all between the beginning of that change and the conclusion. Thus, in the Lynceus of Theodectes, the events antecedent to the action, and the seizure of the child, constitute the complication : the development is from the accusation of murder to the end. ] [There are four kinds of Tragedy, deducible from so many parts, which have been mentioned. One kind is the complicated (weλeyμévn), (πεπλεγμένη), where all depends on revolution and discovery ; another is the disastrous (πałŋtɩký), such as those on the subject of Ajax or Ixion : another, the moral ( kn), as the Phthiotides and the Peleus : and, fourthly, the simple (an), such as the Phorcides, the Prometheus, and all those Tragedies, the scene of which is laid in the infernal regions. ] [ It should be the poet's aim to make himself master of all these manners ; of as many of them, at least, as possible, and those the best ; especially, considering the captious criticism to which, in these days, he is exposed. For the public, having now seen different poets excel in each of these different kinds, expect every single poet to unite in himself, and to surpass, the peculiar excellences of them all. ] [One Tragedy may justly be considered as the same with another or different, not according as the subjects, but rather according as the complication and development are the same or different. Many poets, when they have complicated well, develope badly. They should endeavour to deserve equal applause in both. ] We must also be attentive to what has been often mentioned, and not construct a Tragedy upon an epic plan. By an epic plan, I mean a story composed of many stories ; as if any one, for instance, should take the entire fable of the Iliad for the subject of a Tragedy. In the epic poem the length of the whole admits of a proper magnitude in the 22-2 340 ARISTOTLE'S TREATISE ON POETRY. Cap. xv.2 Of the best modes of ex- pressing the manners of the actors. parts, but in the drama the effect of such a plan is far different from what is expected. As a proof of this, those poets who have formed the whole of the destruction of Troy into a Tragedy, instead of confining themselves [as Euripides, but not Eschylus, has done, in the story of Niobe] to a part, have either been condemned in the representation, or have contended without success. Even Agathon has failed on this account, and on this only ; for in revolutions, and in actions, also, of the simple kind, these poets succeed wonderfully in what they aim at ; and that is, the union of tragic effect with moral tendency: as when, for example, a character of great wisdom, but without integrity, is deceived, like Sisyphus ; or a brave, but unjust man, conquered. Such events, as Agathon says, are probable, " as it is probable, in general, that many things should happen contrary to probability. ” The chorus should be considered as one of the persons in the drama ; should be a part of the whole, and a sharer in the action ; not as in Euripides, but as in Sophocles. As for other poets, their choral songs have no more connexion with their subject than with that of any other Tragedy ; and hence they are now become detached pieces, inserted at pleasure ; a practice introduced by Agathon'. Yet where is the difference. between this arbitrary insertion of an ode, and the transposition of a speech, or even of a whole episode, from one Tragedy to another ? With respect to the Manners, four things are to be attended to by the poet. 1 The Greek is διὸ ἐμβόλιμα ᾄδουσιν, πρώτου ἄρξαντος 'Αγάθωνος τοῦ τοιούτου, and Ritter, like most of the commentators, understands ußóliua as cantica ab argumento tragœdiæ aliena et pro arbitrio poetæ inserta. So that Agathon committed the fault deprecated by Horace (A. P. 193) : Actoris partes chorus officiumque virile Defendat, neu quid medios intercinat actus Quod non proposito conducat et hæreat apte. Cicero uses ußóλcov in the sense of a mere episode. 2 I have transposed this chapter to its proper place after the eighteenth chapter, in compliance with the suggestion of Spengel, who writes as follows (Munich Transactions, u. s. p. 246) : " The chapter about the en is erroneously inserted here, and is the cause of all the confusion. If it is removed from its present place, the ȧvayvúpiois immediately follows ; and it is clear that it is here mentioned and that the remark is made : Elрηται πротЄрov, -for between the first mention (cc. X. XI. ) and the present full dis- cussion many other subjects have been introduced . Now it must be remembered that we do not find in the MSS. such divisions and separations of the clauses as we give in our editions : Περὶ μὲν οὖν τῆς τῶν πραγμάτων συστάσεως καὶ ποίους τινὰς εἶναι δεῖ τοὺς μύθους εἴρηται ἱκανῶς. Περὶ δὲ τὰ ἤθη τέτταρά ἐστιν ὧν δεῖ στοχάζεσθαι. So that the former terminates the chapter, and the latter commences a new one. But such clauses are regarded by the old writers, and in a grammatical sense rightly, as an indivisible whole. I amthen convinced that the leaf consisting of forty lines, which con- ARISTOTLE'S TREATISE ON POETRY. 341 First, and principally, they should be good (xpηorá). Now manners, or character, belong, as we have said before, to any speech or action that manifests a certain disposition ; and they are bad, or good, as the disposition manifested is bad (paúλn), or good (xpηoτý) . This goodness of manners may be found in persons of every description : the manners of a woman, or of a slave, may be good ; though, in general, women are, perhaps, rather bad than good, and slaves altogether bad. The second requisite is propriety (тà ápµótтovтα). There is a manly character of bravery and fierceness, which cannot, with propriety, be given to a woman. The third requisite is resemblance (rò oμoîov) : for this is a different thing from their being good and proper, as above described. The fourth is uniformity (rò opadóv) : for even though the model of the poet's imitation be some person of un-uniform manners, still that person must be represented as uniformly un-uniform (óµadŵs ávúµadov δεῖ εἶναι) . 1 We have an example of manners unnecessarily bad in the character of Menelaus in the Tragedy of Orestes ; of improper and unbecoming manners, in the lamentation of Ulysses in Scylla, and in the speech of Melanippe: of un-uniform manners, in the Iphigenia at Aulis ; for there the Iphigenia, who supplicates for life, has no resemblance to the Iphigenia of the conclusion. In the manners, as in the fable, the poet should always aim either at what is necessary or what is probable; so that such a character shall appear to speak or act necessarily, or probably, in such a manner, and this event to be the necessary or probable consequence of that. -Hence it is evident that the development also of a plot should arise out of the plot itself, and not depend upon machinery, as in the Medea, or in the incidents relative to the sailing away from Troy, in the Iliad. The proper application of machinery is to such circumstances as are extraneous to the drama ; such as either happened before the time of the action, and could not, by human means, be known ; or are to happen after, and require to be foretold : for to the gods we attribute the knowledge of all things. But nothing improbable should be admitted in the incidents of the fable ; or, if it cannot be avoided, it should, at tains the on, has by some accident, not purposely, been removed from its proper place before c. XIX. , and has been placed in the middle of the doctrine of the uûlos, to the great confusion of the reader. This is not the only phenomenon of this kind. The most recent editor of Theon has rightly indicated a similar transposition. The same has long been recognized in Varro's books de lingua Latina ; many MSS. of Cicero de Oratore are in still worse plight ; and, although we do not find this in Aristotle's Rhetoric, we have there an example of a particular kind : in III. 16, there was manifestly a gap, and all the MSS. have repeated there a passage of twenty lines from 1. 9. "-J. W. D. 342 ARISTOTLE'S TREATISE ON POETRY. Cap. XIX . 2. Sentiments least, be confined to such as are without the Tragedy itself ; as in the Edipus of Sophocles. Since Tragedy is an imitation of what is best, we should follow the example of skilful portrait-painters ; who, while they express the peculiar lineaments, and produce a likeness, at the same time improve upon the original. And thus, too, the poet, when he imitates the manners of passionate or indolent men, or any others of a similar kind, should represent them under a favourable aspect ; as Achilles is drawn by Agathon, and by Homer. These things the poet should keep in view: and, besides these, whatever relates to those senses which have a necessary connexion with poetry : for here, also, he may often err. But of this enough has been said in the treatises already published. Of the other subjects enough has now been said. We are next to and 3. Dic- consider the diction and the sentiments (diavoías). tion. Cap. xx. For what concerns the sentiments, we refer to the principles laid down in the books on Rhetoric ; for to that subject they more properly belong. The sentiments include whatever is the object of speech; as, for instance, to prove, to refute, to move the passions-pity, terror, anger, and the like ; to amplify, or to diminish. But it is evident, that, with respect to the things themselves also, when the poet would make them appear pitiable, or terrible, or great, or probable, he must draw from the same sources ; with this difference only, that in the drama these things must appear to be such, without being shown to be such ; whereas in oratory, they must be made to appear so by the speaker, and in consequence of what he says; otherwise, what need of an orator, if they already appear so, in themselves, and not by reason of his eloquence ? With respect to diction, one mode of considering the subject is that which treats of the figures of speech; such as commanding, entreating, relating, menacing, interrogating, answering, and the like. But this belongs properly to the art of acting, and to the professed masters of that kind. The poet's knowledge or ignorance of these things cannot any way materially affect the credit of his art. For who will suppose there is any justice in the cavil of Protagoras, that in the words, "The wrath, O goddess, sing," the poet, where he intended a prayer, had expressed a command ? for he insists, that to say, do this, or do it not, is to command. This subject, therefore, we pass over as belonging to an art distinct from that of poetry. [*

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¹] 1 The whole of this chapter, which consists of clumsy, grammatical definitions, is a scholium which has got into the text. As it is by no means a good specimen ofthe kind, it may safely be neglected by any student of Aristotle, and is therefore omitted here.-J. W. D. ARISTOTLE'S TREATISE ON POETRY. 343 Of words some are single, by which I mean composed of parts not Cap. XXI. significant, and some double : of which last some have one part signifi- Different cant, and the other not significant ; and some, both parts significant. A words. word may also be triple, quadruple, &c.; such are most of the bombastic expressions, like Hermocaïco- xanthus ' . Every word is either strictly appropriate (kúpiov), or foreign (yλŵrra), or metaphorical, or ornamental, or invented, or extended, or contracted, or altered. By appropriate words I mean such as are in general and established use. By foreign, such as belong to a different language : so that the same word may evidently be both appropriate and foreign, though not to the same people. The word oíyvvov, " a spear," to the Cyprians is appropriate, to us foreign. A metaphorical word is a word transferred from its proper sense ; either from genus to species, or from species to genus, or from one species to another, or in the way of analogy. 1. From genus to species : as νηὺς δέ μοι ἥδ᾽ ἕστηκε ( Od. I. 185). Secure in yonder port my vessel stands. For to be at anchor is one species of standing or being fixed. 2. From species to genus : as ἢ δὴ μυρί' Οδυσσεὺς ἐσθλὰ ἔοργεν (Ι . II . 272). To Ulysses A thousand generous deeds we owe...... For a thousand is a certain definite many, which is here used for many in general. 3. From one species to another ; as And Χαλκῷ ἀπὸ ψυχὴν ἀρύσας. Τεμὼν ἀτειρέϊ χαλκῷ. For here the poet uses raμeîv, to cut off, instead of apúσai, to draw forth; and apúσaɩ, instead of raµeîv; each being a species of taking away. 4. In the way of analogy-when, of four terms, the second bears the same relation to the first, as the fourth to the third; in which case the fourth may be substituted for the second, and the second for the fourth. [And sometimes the proper term is also introduced, besides its relative term. ] 1 I have not hesitated to adopt Tyrwhitt's emendation, μeyaλelwv ws for Meya- XWTŵv. It is sufficiently confirmed by Xen. Mem. II . 1 , § 34, which he quotes, and the instance given of a compound containing the names of three rivers deserved some such description. Aristophanes abounds in similar compounds. Ritter proposes πολλαπλομεγάλωπος. - J. W. D. • 344 ARISTOTLE'S TREATISE ON POETRY. Cap. XXII. Poetic dic- tion. Thus a cup bears the same relation to Bacchus as a shield to Mars. A shield, therefore, may be called the cup of Mars (Athen. x. p. 433 c) , and a cup the shield of Bacchus. Again-evening being to day what old age is to life, the evening may be called the old age of the day, and old age, the evening of life; or, as Empedocles has expressed it, "Life's setting sun. " It sometimes happens that there is no proper analogous term answering to the term borrowed, which yet may be used in the same manner as if there were. For instance-to sow is the term appropriated to the action of dispersing seed upon the earth ; but the dispersion of rays from the sun is expressed by no appropriated term ; it is, however, with respect to the sun's light what sowing is with respect to seed. Hence the poet's expression of the sun— σπείρων θεοκτίστων φλόγα. ......Sowing abroad His heaven-created flame. There is, also, another way of using this kind of metaphor, by adding to the borrowed word a negation of some of those qualities which belong to it in its proper sense : as if, instead of calling a shield the cup of Mars, we should call it the wineless cup. An invented word is a word never before used by any one, but coined by the poet himself, for such it appears there are ; as epvvyes, boughs, for Képaтa, horns; or apηrýp, an utterer ofprayer, for iepeús, a priest. A word is extended when for the proper vowel a longer is substituted, or a syllable is inserted. A word is contracted when some part of it is retrenched. Thus πόληος for πόλεως, and Πηληϊάδεω for Πηλείδου, are extended words : contracted, such as κpî, and do, and oy : e. g. ......μία γίνεται ἀμφοτέρων ὄψ. An altered word is a word of which part remains in its usual state, and part is of the poet's making : as in δεξιτερός is for δεξιός. mean. [* Δεξιτερὸν κατὰ μαζόν,

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The excellence of diction consists in being perspicuous, without being The most perspicuous is that which is composed of strictly appropriate words, but at the same time it is mean. Such is the poetry of Cleophon, and that of Sthenelus. That language, on the contrary, is elevated, and remote from the vulgar idiom, which employs unusual words : by unusual I mean foreign, metaphorical, extended-all, in short, that 1 Here again follows a grammatical scholium inserted in the text, which for our present purpose it is better to omit.-J. W. D. ARISTOTLE'S TREATISE ON POETRY. 345 are not strictly appropriate words. Yet, if a poet composes his diction entirely of such words, the result will be either an enigma, or a barbarous jargon : an enigma, if composed of metaphors ; a barbarous jargon, if composed of foreign words. For the essence of an enigma consists in putting together things apparently inconsistent and impossible, and at the same time saying nothing but what is true. Now this cannot be effected by the mere arrangement of the words ; by the metaphorical use of them it may, as in this enigmaA man I once beheld (and wondering view'd), Who, on another, brass with fire had glew'd. With respect to barbarism, it arises from the use of foreign words. Ajudicious intermixture is therefore requisite. Thus the foreign word, the metaphorical, and the ornamental, and the other species before mentioned, will raise the language above the vulgar idiom, and appropriate words will give it perspicuity. But nothing contributes more considerably to produce clearness, without vulgarity of diction, than extensions, contractions, and alterations of words ; for here the variation from the proper form, being unusual, will give elevation to the expression ; and at the same time, what is retained of usual speech will give it clearness. It is without reason, therefore, that some critics have censured these modes of speech, and ridiculed the poet for the use of them ; as old Euclid did, objecting, that " versification would be an easy business, if it were permitted to lengthen words at pleasure : " and he used to make lines out of mere prose, as and ' Eπixápηv | eldov | Mapa|| 0ŵvá| de Ba| díšov| Ta|| Οὐκ ἂν | γενοίμην του κείνου | ἐλλεβόρου || 1 Undoubtedly, when these licenses appear to be thus purposely used, the thing becomes ridiculous ; in the employment of all the species of unusual words, moderation is necessary : for metaphors, foreign words, or any of the others, improperly used, and with a design to be ridiculous, would produce the same effect. But how great a difference is made by a proper and temperate use of such words, may be seen in heroic verse. Let any one only substitute strictly appropriate words in the place of the metaphorical, the foreign, and others of the same kind, and he will be convinced of the truth of what I say. For example : the same iambic verse occurs in Eschylus and in Euripides ; but by means of a single 1 As it is clear that Euclid wished to give examples of lines, scanned by making short syllables long, and as it is certain from Rhet. III. 17, § 16, that laußoroiéw may refer to a Trochaic as well as to an Iambic line, I have merely introduced such slight alterations into the false Trochaic and Iambic lines in the text, as were required to make sense of them.-J. W. D. 346 ARISTOTLE'S TREATISE ON POETRY. alteration—the substitution of a foreign for an appropriate and usual word, one of these verses appears beautiful, the other ordinary. For Eschylus, in his Philoctetes, says : Φαγέδαινα, ἢ μου σάρκας ἐσθίει ποδός The cank'rous wound that eats my flesh. But Euripides, instead of coíe , " eats," uses loivataɩ, “feasts on.” The same difference will appear, if in this verse, Νῦν δέ μ' ἐὼν ὀλίγος τε καὶ οὐτιδανὸς καὶ ἄκικυς, we substitute common words, and say : Νῦν δέ μ' ἐὼν μικρός τε καὶ ἀσθενικὸς καὶ ἀειδής. So, again, should we for the following, Δίφρον ἀεικέλιον καταθείς, ὀλίγην τε τράπεζαν substitute this : Δίφρον μοχθηρὸν καταθείς, μικράν τε τράπεζαν. Or change Ἠϊόνες βοόωσιν—“ The shores rebellow,” —to Ἠϊόνες κράCovolv " The shores cry out." [Ariphrades, also, endeavoured to throw ridicule upon the tragic poets, for making use of such expressions as no one would think of using in common speech : as δωμάτων ἄπο, instead of ἀπὸ δωμάτων : and σέθεν, and ἐγὼ δέ νιν (Soph. d. C. 986), and ᾿Αχιλλέως πέρι, instead of περὶ ᾿Αχιλλέως 'Axiλléws, &c. Now it is precisely owing to their being not strictly regular, that such expressions have the effect of giving elevation to the diction, But this he did not know.] To employ with propriety any of these modes of speech-the double words, the foreign, &c. is a great excellence ; but the greatest of all is to be happy in the use of metaphor; for it is this alone which cannot be acquired, and which, consisting in a quick discernment of resemblances, is a certain mark of genius. Of the different kind of words the double are best suited to dithyrambic poetry, the foreign to heroic, the metaphorical to iambic. In heroic poetry, indeed, they have all their place ; but to iambic verse, which is, as much as may be, an imitation of common speech, those words which are used in common speech are best adapted ; and such are the strictly appropriate, the metaphorical, and the ornamental.

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יון Concerning Tragedy, and the imitation by action, enough has now been said. 1 Spengel says (u . s . p. 251 ) : “ There is here an hiatus of several leaves ; what is said about the Xégis cannot possibly suffice ; and where is the µeλoroita, of which not even the name is mentioned ?"-J. W. D. ARISTOTLE'S TREATISE ON POETRY. 347 C. Epic Poetry. must have a own. With respect to that species of poetry which imitates by narration, Cap. xxIII. and in hexameter verse, it is obvious that the story ought to be drama- Epic poetry tically constructed, like that of Tragedy : and that it should have for its unity of its subject one entire and perfect action, having a beginning, and middle, and an end; so that, forming, like an animal, a complete whole, it may afford its proper pleasure : widely differing, in its construction, from history, which necessarily treats, not of one action, but of one time, and of all the events that happened to one person, or to many, during that time ; events, the relation of which to each other is merely casual. For, as the naval action at Salamis, and the battle with the Carthaginians in Sicily, were events of the same time, unconnected by any relation to a common end or purpose ; so also, in successive events, we sometimes see one thing follow another, without resulting in a common end. And this is the practice of the generality of poets. Even in this, therefore, as we have before observed, Homer, as compared with all others, would seem to be a divine poet (Oeσréolos) ; for he did not attempt to bring the whole war, though an entire action with beginning and end, into his poem. It would have been too vast an object, and not easily comprehended in one view ; or, had he forced it into a moderate compass, it would have been perplexed by its variety. Instead of this, selecting one part only of the war, he has, from the rest, introduced many episodes— such as the catalogue of the ships, and others, with which he has interspersed his poem. Other poets take for their subject the actions of one person or of one period of time, or an action which, though one, is composed of too many parts. Thus the author of the Cypria, and of the Little Iliad. [Hence it is, that the Iliad and the Odyssey each of them furnish matter for one tragedy, or two, at most ; but from the Cypria many may be taken, and from the Little Iliad more than eight ; as, The Contest forthe Armour, Philoctetes, Neoptolemus, Eurypylus, The Vagrant, The Spartan Women,. The Fall of Troy, The Return ofthe Fleet, Sinon, and The Trojan Women. ] Epic and Again-the epic poem must also agree with the tragic, as to its Cap. xxI . kinds : it must be simple or complicated, moral or disastrous. Its parts, tragic poetry also, setting aside music and decoration, are the same ; for it requires compared. revolutions, discoveries, and disasters ; and it must be furnished with proper sentiments and diction : of all which Homer gave both the first, and the most perfect example. Thus, of his two poems, the Iliad is of the simple and disastrous kind ; the Odyssey, complicated (for it abounds 348 ARISTOTLE'S TREATISE ON POETRY. throughout in discoveries) and moral. Add to this, that in language and sentiments he has surpassed all poets. The epic poem differs from tragedy, in the length of its plan, and in its metre. With respect to length, a sufficient measure has already been assigned. It should be such as to admit of our comprehending at one view the beginning and the end: and this would be the case, if the epic poem were reduced from its ancient length, so as not to exceed that of such a number of tragedies as are performed successively at one hearing. But there is a circumstance in the nature of epic poetry which affords it peculiar latitude in the extension of its plan. It is not in the power of Tragedy to imitate several different actions performed at the same time; it can imitate only that one which occupies the stage, and in which the actors are employed. But the epic imitation, being narrative, admits of many such simultaneous incidents, properly related to the subject, which swell the poem to a considerable size. And this gives it a great advantage, both in point of magnificence, and also as it enables the poet to relieve his hearer, and diversify his work, by a variety of dissimilar episodes : for it is to the satiety naturally arising from similarity that tragedies frequently owe their ill success. With respect to metre, the heroic is established by experience as the most proper, so that, should any one compose a narrative poem in any other, or in a variety of metres, he would be thought guilty of a great impropriety. For the heroic is the gravest and most majestic of all measures : [and hence it is, that it peculiarly admits the use of foreign and metaphorical expressions ; for in this respect also, the narrative imitation is abundant and various beyond the rest : ] but the Iambic and Trochaic have more motion; the latter being adapted to dance, the other to action and business. To mix these different metres as Charêmon has done, would be still more absurd. No one, therefore, has ever attempted to compose a poem of an extended plan in any other than heroic verse ; nature itself, as we before observed, pointing out the proper choice. Among the many just claims of Homer to our praise, this is one— that he is the only poet who seems to have understood what part in his poem it was proper for him to take himself. The poet, in his own person, should speak as little as possible ; for he is not then the imitator. But other poets, ambitious to figure throughout themselves, imitate but little, and seldom. Homer, after a few preparatory lines, immediately introduces a man, a woman, or some other character ; for all have their character-nowhere are the manners neglected. The surprising is necessary in Tragedy ; but the epic poem goes ARISTOTLE'S TREATISE ON POETRY. 349 farther, and admits even the improbable and incredible, from which the highest degree of the surprising results, because, there, the action is not seen. The circumstances, for example, of the pursuit of Hector by Achilles, are such as upon the stage would appear ridiculous ; —the Grecian army standing still, and taking no part in the pursuit, and Achilles making signs to them, by the motion of his head, not to interfere. But in the epic poem this escapes our notice. Now the wonderful always pleases ; as is evident from the additions which men always make in relating anything, in order to gratify the hearers. It is from Homer principally that other poets have learned the art of properly narrating fictions. This consists in a sort of sophism. When one thing is observed to be constantly followed by another, men are apt to conclude, that if the latter is, or happens, the former must also be or must happen. But this is a fallacy ' . The poet should prefer impossibilities which appear probable, to such things as, though possible, appear improbable. He should not produce a plan made up of improbable incidents, [but he should, if possible, admit no one circumstance of that kind ; or, if he does, it should be exterior to the action itself, like the ignorance of Edipus concerning the manner in which Laius died ; not within the drama, like the narrative of what happened at the Pythian games, in the Electra ; or in The Mysians, the man who travels from Tegea to Mysia without speaking. ] To say, that without these circumstances the fable would have been destroyed, is a ridiculous excuse : the poet should take care, from the first, not to construct his fable in that manner. If, however, anything of this kind has been admitted, and yet is made to pass under some colour of probability, it may be allowed, though even in itself absurd. Thus, in the Odyssey, the improbable account of the manner in which Ulysses was landed upon the shore of Ithaca is such as, in the hands of an ordinary poet, would evidently have been intolerable : but here the absurdity is concealed under the various beauties, of other kinds, with which the poet has embellished it. The diction should be most laboured in the idle parts of the poem-those in which neither manners nor sentiments prevail ; for the manners and the sentiments are only obscured by too splendid a diction. [*

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1 The editions here insert the following Scholium : διὸ δή, ἂν τὸ πρῶτον ψεῦδος, ἄλλου δὲ τούτου ὄντος, ἀνάγκη ἢ εἶναι ἢ γενέσθαι προσθεῖναι. διὰ γὰρ τὸ τοῦτο εἰδέναι ἀληθὲς ὄν, παραλογίζεται ἡμῶν ἡ ψυχὴ καὶ τὸ πρῶτον ὡς ὄν. παράδειγμα δὲ τοῦτο ἐκ τῶν Νίπτρων. —J. W. D. 2 Here follows a Chapter XXV. , which is not in the style of Aristotle, and may safely be omitted for the reasons given by Ritter.-J. W. D. Cap. XXV. 350 ARISTOTLE'S TREATISE ON POETRY. Cap. XXVI. Superiority of tragic to epic poetry. It may be inquired, farther, which of the two imitations, the epic or the tragic, deserves the preference. If that, which is the least vulgar or popular of the two, be the best, and that be such which is calculated for the better sort of spectators— the imitation which extends to every circumstance must evidently be the most vulgar or popular ; for there the imitators have recourse to every kind of motion and gesticulation, as if the audience, without the aid of action, were incapable of understanding them: like bad fluteplayers, who whirl themselves round when they would imitate the motion of the discus, and pull the Coryphæus, when Scylla is the subject. Such is Tragedy. It may also be compared to what the modern actors are in the estimation of their predecessors ; for Myniscus used to call Callippides, on account of his intemperate action, the ape : and Tyndarus was censured on the same account. What these performers are with respect to their predecessors, the tragic imitation, when entire, is to the epic. The latter, then, it is urged, addresses itself to hearers of the better sort, to whom the addition of gesture is superfluous : but Tragedy is for the people ; and being, therefore, the most vulgar kind of imitation, is evidently the inferior. But now, in the first place, this censure falls, not upon the poet's art, but upon that of the actor; for the gesticulation may be equally laboured in the recitation of an epic poem, as it was by Sosistratus; and in singing, as by Mnasitheus the Opuntian. Again-All gesticulation is not to be condemned, since even all dancing is not; but such only as is unbecoming-such as was objected to Callippides, and is now objected to others, whose gestures resemble those of immodest women. Further Tragedy, as well as the epic, is capable of producing its effect, even without action ; we can judge of it perfectly by reading. If, then, in other respects, Tragedy be superior, it is sufficient that the fault here objected is not essential to it. Tragedy has the advantage in the following respects. It possesses all that is possessed by the epic ; it might even adopt its metre ; and to this it makes no inconsiderable addition in the music and the decoration ; by the latter of which the illusion is heightened, and the pleasure, arising from the action, is rendered more sensible and striking. It has the advantage of greater clearness and distinctness of impression, as well in reading as in representation. It has also that of attaining the end of its imitation in a shorter compass for the effect is more pleasurable, when produced by a short and close series of impressions, than when weakened by diffusion ARISTOTLE'S TREATISE ON POETRY. 351 through a long extent of time ; as the Edipus of Sophocles, for example, would be, if it were drawn out to the length of the Iliad. Further : there is less unity in all epic imitation ; as appears from this—that any epic poem will furnish matter for several Tragedies. For, supposing the poet to choose a fable strictly one, the consequence must be, either, that his poem, if proportionably contracted, will appear curtailed and defective, or, if extended to the usual length, will become weak, and, as it were, diluted. If, on the other hand, we suppose him to employ several fables—that is, a fable composed of several actions-his imitation is no longer strictly one. The Iliad, for example, and the Odyssey, contain many such subordinate parts, each of which has a certain magnitude and unity of its own ; yet is the construction of those poems as perfect, and as nearly approaching to the imitation of a single action as possible. If then, Tragedy be superior to the epic in all these respects, and also in the peculiar end at which it aims (for each species ought to afford, not any sort of pleasure indiscriminately, but such only as has been pointed out), it evidently follows, that Tragedy, as it attains more effectually the end of the art itself, must deserve the preference. [And thus much concerning Tragic and epic poetry in general, and their several species-the number and the differences of their parts-the causes of their beauties and their defects—the censures of critics, and the principles on which they are to be answered. ] (II. ) VITRUVIUS ON THE STRUCTURE OF THE THEATRE. De conformatione theatri facienda. PSIUS autem theatri conformatio sic est facienda, ut , quam magna futura est perimetros imi, centro medio collocato circumagatur linea rotundationis, in eaque quatuor scribantur trigona paribus lateribus et intervallis, quæ extremam lineam circinationis tangant : quibus etiam in duodecim signorum cælestium descriptione astrologi ex musica convenientia astrorum ratiocinantur. Ex his trigonis cuius latus fuerit proximum scena ea regione, qua præcidit curvaturam circinationis, ibi finiatur scene frons, et ab eo loco per centrum parallelos linea ducatur, quæ disiungat proscenii pulpitum et orchestræ regionem. 2. Ita latius factum fuerit pulpitum quam Græcorum, quod omnes artifices in scena dant operam : in orchestra autem senatorum sunt sedibus loca designata : et eius pulpiti altitudo sit ne plus pedum quinque, uti qui in orchestra sederint, spectare possint omnium agentium gestus. Cunei spectaculorum in theatro ita dividantur, uti anguli trigonorum, qui currunt circum curvaturam circinationis, dirigant ascensus scalasque inter cuneos ad primam præcinctionem. Supra autem alternis itineribus superiores cunei medii dirigantur. 3. Hi autem, qui sunt in imo et dirigunt scalaria, erunt numero septemn, [anguli] reliqui quinque scenæ designabunt compositionem ; et unus medius contra se valvas regias habere debet ; et qui erunt dextra ac sinistra hospitalium designabunt compositionem ; extremi duo spectabunt itinera versurarum. Gradus spectaculorum, ubi subsellia componantur, ne minus alti sint palmopede, ne plus pede et digitis sex : latitudines eorum ne plus pedes duos semis, ne minus pedes duo constituantur. Tectum porticus, quod futurum est in summa gradatione, cum scenæ altitudine libratum perficiatur ideo, quod VITRUVIUS ON THE STRUCTURE OF THE THEATRE. 353 vox crescens æqualiter ad summas gradationes et tectum perveniet. Namque si non erit æquale, quo minus fuerit altum, vox præripietur ad eam altitudinem, ad quam perveniet primo. 5. Orchestra inter gradus imos quam diametron habuerit, eius sexta pars sumatur, et in cornibus utrinque aditus ad eius mensuræ perpendiculum inferiores sedes præcidantur, et qua præcisio fuerit, ibi constituantur itinerum supercilia ; ita enim satis altitudinem habebunt eorum confornicationes. 6. Scenæ longitudo ad orchestræ diametron duplex fieri debet : podii altitudo ab libramento pulpiti cum corona et lysi duodecima orchestræ diametri : supra podium columnæ cum capitulis et spiris altæ quarta parte eiusdem diametri : epistylia et ornamenta earum columnarum altitudinis quinta parte : pluteum insuper cum unda et corona inferioris plutei dimidia parte supra id pluteum columnæ quarta parte minore altitudine sint quam inferiores : epistylia et ornamenta earum columnarum quinta parte. Item si tertia episcenos futura erit, mediani plutei summum sit dimidia parte : columnæ summæ medianarum minus altæ sint quarta parte epistylia cum coronis earum columnarum item habeant altitudinis quintam partem. 7. Nec tamen in omnibus theatris symmetriæ ad omnes rationes et effectus possunt respondere, sed oportet architectum animadvertere, quibus proportionibus necesse sit sequi symmetriam, et quibus rationibus ad loci naturam magnitudinem operis debeat temperari. Sunt enim res, quas et in pusillo et in magno theatro necesse est eadem magnitudine fieri propter usum ; uti gradus, diazomata, pluteos, itinera, adscensus, pulpita, tribunalia, et si qua alia intercurrunt, ex quibus necessitas cogit discedere ab symmetria, ne impediatur usus. Non minus si qua exiguitas copiarum, id est marmoris, materiæ, reliquarumque rerum, quæ parantur, in opere defuerint, paululum demere aut adiicere, dum id ne nimium improbe fiat sed cum sensu, non erit alienum. Hoc autem erit, si architectus erit usu peritus, præterea ingenio mobili solertiaque non fuerit viduatus. 8. Ipsæ autem scenæ suas habeant rationes explicatas ita, uti mediæ valvæ ornatus habeant aulæ regiæ ; dextra ac sinistra hospitalia : secundum autem spatia ad ornatus comparata, quæ loca Græci Teplákтovs dicunt ab eo, quod machinæ sunt in iis locis versatiles trigonæ, habentes in singula tres species ornationis, quæ cum aut fabularum mutationes sunt futuræ, seu deorum adventus cum tonitribus repentinis, versentur mutentque speciem ornationis in frontes : secundum ea loca versuræ sunt procurrentes, quæ efficiunt una a foro altera a peregre aditus in scenam. 9. Genera autem sunt scenarum tria : unum, quod dicitur tragicum, alterum comicum, tertium satyricum. Horum autem ornatus sunt inter se dissimili disparique ratione : quod tragicæ deformantur columnis et fastigiis et signis reliquisque regalibus rebus : comicæ autem ædificiorum D. T. G. 23 354 VITRUVIUS ON THE STRUCTURE OF THE THEATRE. privatorum et menianorum habent speciem, prospectusque fenestris dispositos imitatione communium ædificiorum rationibus : satyricæ vero ornantur arboribus, speluncis, montibus, reliquisque agrestibus rebus in τοπειωδῆ speciem deformatis. De theatris Græcorum. In Græcorum theatris non omnia iisdem rationibus sunt facienda ; quod primum in ima circinatione, ut in Latino trigonorum quatuor, in eo quadratorum trium anguli circinationis lineam tangunt : et cuius quadrati latus est proximum scenæ præciditque curvaturam circinationis, ea regione designatur finitio proscenii ; et ab ea regione ad extremam circinationem curvaturæ parallelos linea designatur, in qua constituitur frons scena : per centrumque orchestræ proscenii e regione parallelos linea describitur, et qua secat circinationis lineas dextra ac sinistra in cornibus hemicycli, centra designantur, et circino collocato in dextra, ab intervallo sinistro circumagatur circinatio ad proscenii dextram partem : item centro collocato in sinistro cornu, ab intervallo dextro circumagatur ad proscenii sinistram partem. 2. Ita a tribus centris hac descriptione ampliorem habent orchestram Græci et scenam recessiorem minoreque latitudine pulpitum, quod λoyeîov appellant, ideo quod apud eos tragici et comici actores in scena peragunt, reliqui autem artifices suas per orchestram præstant actiones. Itaque ex eo scenici et thymelici Græce separatim nominantur. Eius logei altitudo non minus debet esse pedum decem, non plus duodecim . Gradationes scalarum inter cuneos et sedes contra quadratorum angulos dirigantur ad primam præcinctionem ab ea præcinctione inter eas iterum media dirigantur, et ad summam quotiens præcinguntur, altero tanto semper amplificantur. De locis consonantibus ad theatra eligendis. Cum hæc omnia summa cura solertiaque explicata sint, tunc etiam diligentius est animadvertendum, uti sit electus locus, in quo leniter applicet se vox, neque repulsa resiliens incertas auribus referat significationes. Sunt enim nonnulli loci naturaliter impedientes vocis motus, uti dissonantes, qui Græce dicuntur karηxoûvтes : circumsonantes, qui apud eos nominantur περιηχοῦντες : item resonantes, qui dicuntur ἀντη XOUVTES: consonantesque, quos appellant ovvxoûvras. Dissonantes sunt, in quibus vox prima, cum est elata in altitudinem, offensa superioribus solidis corporibus, repulsaque resiliens in imum, opprimit insequentis vocis elationem. 2. Circumsonantes autem sunt, in quibus circumvagando coacta vox se solvens in medio sine extremis casibus sonans, ibi VITRUVIUS ON THE STRUCTURE OF THE THEATRE. 355 extinguitur incerta verborum significatione. Resonantes vero, in quibus, cum in solido tactu percussa resiliat, imagines exprimendo novissimos casus duplices faciunt auditu. Item consonantes sunt, in quibus ab imis auxiliata, cum incremento scandens, ingreditur ad aures diserta verborum claritate. Ita si in locorum electione fuerit, diligens animadversio, emendatus erit prudentia ad utilitatem in theatris vocis effectus. Formarum autem descriptiones inter se discriminibus his erunt notatæ, uti quæ ex quadratis designantur, Græcorum habeant usus, Latinæ paribus lateribus trigonorum. Ita his præscriptionibus qui voluerit uti, emendatas efficiet theatrorum perfectiones. 23-2 (III. ) JULIUS POLLUX ON THE VOCABULARY OF THE DRAMA. Lib. IV. § 95. E¹ Περὶ ὀρχηστοῦ καὶ ὀρχήσεως. δὲ καὶ ὄρχησις μέρος μουσικῆς, ῥητέον, ὀρχηστής, ὀρχηστικός, ὀρχήσασθαι, ὑπορχήσασθαι, ἐξορχήσασθαι, ὀρχήματα, υπορχήματα. τάχα δὲ καὶ Ὀρχόμενος, παρὰ τὴν τῶν Χαρίτων ὄρχησιν, ὡς Εὐφορίων· Ορχομενὸν Χαρίτεσσιν ἀφάρεσιν ὀρχηθέντα. ἐπορχούμενος, ὀρχήστρα, ορχήστρια, ὀρχηστρίς, ὀρχηστοδιδάσκαλος. σχηματίσασθαι, σχηματοποιήσασθαι. εὐσχημοσύνη, εὐρυθμία, εὐαρμοστία, νεῦσαι, 96 συναπονεῦσαι, μορφάσαι, παραγαγεῖν τὴν κεφαλήν, διενεγκεῖν, περιενεγκεῖν, περιαγωγῇ χρήσασθαι, τῶν χειρῶν περιαγωγῇ, πηδῆσαι, πυῤῥιχίσαι· πυῤῥίχη ἐνόπλιος ὄρχησις. εἴποις δ᾽ ἂν ὀρχηστήν, κούφον, ἐλαφρόν, πηδητικόν, ἁλτικόν, εὐάρμοστον, εὔρυθμον, εὐσχήμονα, υγρόν, πολυσχήμονα, ἐναργῆ, ἐνδεικτικόν, δηλωτικόν, ἐπιδεικτικόν, παντοδαπόν, εὔτρεπτον, εὐτράπελον, δη97 μαγωγικόν, δημοτερπῆ, ὀχλοτερπῆ, ὑγρομελῆ, ῥᾴδιον, πρόχειρον, εὔκολον, εὐκαμπῆ, λυγιστικόν, ἐπικλώμενον, ἐξυγραινόμενον, ταχύχειρα, ταχύπουν, εὐκέφαλον, εὔφορον, ἰσόφορον, εὔτακτον· καὶ τὰ πράγματα κουφότητα, έλαφρότητα, πήδημα, ἅλμα, εὐαρμοστίαν, εὐρυθμίαν, εὐσχημοσύνην, ὑγρότητα, ἐναργότητα, τέρψιν, πανήγυριν, ἔνδειξιν, δήλωσιν, ἐπίδειξιν, ῥαστώνην, εὐκολίαν, λυγισμόν, παραγωγήν, παραφοράν, κάμψιν, ὀξυχειρίαν, εὐχειρίαν, ταχυχειρίαν, εὐποδίαν, εὐφορίαν, ἰσοφορίαν, εὐταξίαν. καὶ τὰ ῥήματα δέ, 98 κουφισθῆναι, ἐλαφρίσασθαι, πηδῆσαι, παραδηλῶσαι, ἐπιδείξασθαι, ἐνδείξασ θαι, παρενδείξασθαι, παρεπιδείξασθαι, λυγίσαι τὸ σῶμα, κάμψαι, κλάσαι. καὶ τὰ ἐπιῤῥήματα ὀρχηστικώς, εὐσχημόνως, πολυσχημόνως, εὐρύθμως, εὐαρμόστως, ὑγρῶς, ἐναργῶς, ἐνδεικτικῶς, δηλωτικῶς, ἐπιδεικτικῶς, πανηγυ ρικῶς, τερπνῶς, ῥᾳδίως, εὐκόλως, εὐφόρως, ἰσοφόρως, εὐτάκτως τὰ γὰρ ἀπὸ τῶν ἄλλων τραχέα. JULIUS POLLUX ON THE VOCABULARY OF THE DRAMA. 357 Περὶ εἰδῶν ὀρχήσεως. Εἴδη δὲ ὀρχημάτων, ἐμμέλεια τραγική, κόρδακες κωμικοί, σικιννὶς 99 σατυρική. ἐνόπλιοι ὀρχήσεις, πυῤῥίχη τε καὶ τελεσίας, ἐπώνυμοι δύο Κρητῶν ὀρχηστῶν, Πυῤῥίχου τε καὶ Τελεσίου. ἐκαλεῖτο δέ τι καὶ ξιφισμός, καὶ ποδισμός, καὶ ῥικνοῦσθαι, ὅπερ ἦν τὸ τὴν ὀσφὺν φορτικῶς περιάγειν. ἦν δὲ καὶ κῶμος εἶδος ὀρχήσεως. καὶ τετράκωμος, Ηρακλέους ἱερά, καὶ πολεμική. ἦν δὲ καὶ κωμαστική, μάχην καὶ πληγὰς ἔχουσα, καὶ 100 ἡδύκωμος, ἡδίων, καὶ κνισμός, καὶ ἔκλασμα· οὕτω γὰρ ἐν Θεσμοφοριαζούσαις ὀνομάζεται τὸ ὄρχημα τὸ Περσικὸν καὶ σύντονον. τὴν δ᾽ αὐτὴν καὶ ὑγρὰν ὠνόμαζον. καὶ φαλλικὸν ὄρχημα ἐπὶ Διονύσῳ, καὶ καλλίνικος ἐφ᾽ Ἡρακλεῖ. καὶ κολαβρισμὸς Θρᾴκιον ὄρχημα καὶ Καρικόν· ἦν δὲ καὶ τοῦτο ἐνόπλιον. καὶ βαυκισμὸς Βαύκου ὀρχηστοῦ κῶμος ἐπώνυμος, ἁβρά τις ὄρχησις καὶ τὸ σῶμα ἐξυγραίνουσα. βακτριασμὸς δέ, καὶ ἀπόκινος, καὶ ἀπόσεισις, καὶ ἴγδις, 101 ἀσελγῆ εἴδη ὀρχήσεων, ἐν τῇ τῆς ὀσφύος περιφορᾷ, καὶ στρόβιλος. ὁ δὲ μόθων, φορτικὸν ὄρχημα, καὶ ναυτικόν. τὴν δὲ γέρανον κατὰ πλῆθος ὠρχοῦντο, ἕκαστος ἐφ' ἑκάστῳ κατὰ στοῖχον, τὰ ἄκρα ἑκατέρωθεν τῶν ἡγεμόνων ἐχόντων, τῶν περὶ Θησέα πρῶτον περὶ τὸν Δήλιον βωμὸν ἀπομιμησαμένων τὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ λαβυρίνθου ἔξοδον . καὶ διποδία δέ, ὄρχημα Λακωνικόν. ἦν δὲ καὶ γίγγρας 102 πρὸς αὐλὸν ὄρχημα, ἐπώνυμον τοῦ αὐλήματος. ἑκατερίδες δὲ καὶ θερμαν στρίδες, ἔντονα ὀρχήματα, τὸ μὲν χειρῶν κίνησιν ἀσκοῦν, ἡ δὲ θερμαυστρὶς πηδητικόν. τὰ δὲ ἐκλακτίσματα γυναικῶν ἦν ὀρχήματα· ἔδει δ᾽ ὑπὲρ τὸν ὦμον ἐκλακτίσαι. καὶ βίβασις δέ τι ἦν εἶδος Λακωνικῆς ὀρχήσεως, ἧς καὶ τὰ ἆθλα προυτίθετο οὐ τοῖς παισὶ μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ταῖς κόραις· ἔδει δὲ ἄλλεσθαι καὶ ψαύειν τοῖς ποσὶ πρὸς τὰς πυγάς. καὶ ἠριθμεῖτο τὰ πηδήματα, ὅθεν καὶ ἐπὶ μιᾶς ἦν ἐπίγραμμα, χίλιά ποκα βιβάτι, πλεῖστα δὴ τῶν πῇ πόκα. τὰς δὲ πινακίδας ὠρχοῦντο οὐκ οἶδα εἶτ᾽ ἐπὶ πινάκων, εἴτε πίνακας φέ- 103 ροντες· τὸ γὰρ κερνοφόρον όρχημα οἶδα ὅτι λίκνα ἢ ἐσχαρίδας φέροντες· κέρνα δὲ ταῦτα ἐκαλεῖτο. τὸ δὲ Ἰωνικὸν Αρτέμιδι ὠρχοῦντο Σικε λιῶται μάλιστα. τὸ δὲ ἀγγελτικὸν ἐμιμεῖτο σχήματα ἀγγέλων. ὁ δὲ μορφασμὸς παντοδαπών ζώων μίμησις ἦν. ἦν δέ τι καὶ σκώψ. τὸ δ᾽ αὐτὸ καὶ σκωπίας, εἶδος ὀρχήσεως, ἔχον τινὰ τοῦ τραχήλου περιφορὰν κατὰ τὴν τοῦ ὄρνιθος μίμησιν, ὃς ὑπ᾽ ἐκπλήξεως πρὸς τὴν ὄρχησιν ἁλίσκεται. ὁ δὲ λέων 104 ὀρχήσεως φοβερᾶς εἶδος. ἦν δέ τινα καὶ Λακωνικὰ ὀρχήματα, δειμαλέα. Σειληνοὶ δ᾽ ἦσαν, καὶ ἐπ᾿ αὐτοῖς Σάτυροι ὑπότρομα ὀρχούμενοι. καὶ ἴθυμβοι ἐπὶ Διονύσῳ. καὶ καρυατίδες ἐπὶ ᾿Αρτέμιδι. καὶ βρυάλιχα, τὸ μὲν εὕρημα Βρυαλίχου, προσωρχοῦντο δὲ γυναῖκες ᾿Απόλλωνι καὶ ᾿Αρτέμιδι. οἱ δὲ ὑπογύπωνες, γερόντων ὑπὸ βακτηρίαις τὴν μίμησιν εἶχον · οἱ δὲ γύπωνες, ξυλίνων κώλων ἐπιβαίνοντες, ὠρχοῦντο, διαφανῆ ταραντινίδια ἀμπεχόμενοι. καὶ μὴν Ἐσχάρινθον ὄρχημα ἐπώνυμον ἦν τοῦ εὑρόντος αὐλητοῦ. τυρ βασίαν δ᾽ ἐκάλουν τὸ ὄρχημα τὸ διθυραμβικόν, δεικηλιστικὴν δὲ δι᾿ ἧς ἐμι- 105 358 JULIUS POLLUX ON THE 106 . μοῦντο τοὺς ἐπὶ τῇ κλοπῇ τῶν ἑώλων κρεῶν ἁλισκομένους. λομβρότερον δὲ ἦν ὃ ὠρχοῦντο γυμνοὶ σὺν αἰσχρολογία. ἦν δὲ καὶ τὸ σχιστὰς ἕλκειν, σχῆμα ὀρχήσεως χωρικῆς. ἔδει δὲ πηδῶντα ἐπαλλάττειν τὰ σκέλη. καὶ μὴν τραγικῆς ὀρχήσεως τὰ σχήματα, σιμὴ χείρ, καλαθίσκος, χεὶρ καταπρανής, ξύλου παράληψις, διπλῆ, θερμανστρίς, κυβίστησις, παραβῆναι τέτταρα. ὁ δὲ τετράκωμος, τὸ τῆς ὀρχήσεως εἶδος, οὐκ οἶδα εἴ τι προσῆκον ἦν τοῖς ᾿Αθήνῃσι τετρακώμοις, οἳ ἦσαν, Πειραιεῖς, Φαληρεῖς, υπεταίονες, Θυμοιτάδαι. Περὶ χορού, χορευτοῦ, καὶ τῶν τοιούτων. Τούτοις δ᾽ ἂν προσήκοι χορός, χοροποιία, χοροστασία, χορικὸν μέλος, χορεῦσαι, χορευτής, συγχορευτής, χορηγός, χορηγία, χορήγιον ὁ τόπος, οὗ ἡ παρασκευὴ τοῦ χορηγοῦ. πρόσχορον δέ, καὶ συγχορεύτριαν κέκληκε τὴν συγ χορεύουσαν Αριστοφάνης. ἡγεμὼν χοροῦ, κορυφαῖος χοροῦ, χορολέκτης, χοροποιός, διδάσκαλος, ὑποδιδάσκαλος, χοροδιδάσκαλος, δεξιοστάτης, ἀριστ τεροστάτης, λαιοστάτης, τριτοστάτης. καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα δέ, τριτοστάτιν ᾿Αριστ 107 τοφάνης καλεῖ, παιδικός χορός, ἀνδρικός, κωμικός, τραγικός. καὶ ἡμιχόριον δέ, καὶ διχορία, καὶ ἀντιχορία. ἔοικε δὲ ταὐτὸν εἶναι ταυτὶ τὰ τρία ὀνόματα. ὁπόταν γὰρ ὁ χορὸς εἰς δύο διαιρεθῇ, τὸ μὲν πρᾶγμα καλεῖται διχορία, ἑκατέρα δὲ ἡ μοῖρα ἡμιχόριον, ἃ δὲ ἀντᾴδουσιν, ἀντιχορία. τριχορίαν δὲ Τυρταῖος ἔστησε, τρεῖς Λακώνων χορούς, καθ᾽ ἡλικίαν ἑκάστην, παῖδας, ἄνδρας, γέροντας. 108 ἐπὶ δὲ χοροῦ, καὶ συμφωνία, καὶ συνῳδία, καὶ συναυλία. καὶ ἡ μὲν εἴσοδος τοῦ χοροῦ, πάροδος καλεῖται, ἡ δὲ κατὰ χρείαν ἔξοδος, ὡς πάλιν εἰσιόντων, μετάστασις. ἡ δὲ μετ᾿ αὐτὴν εἴσοδος, ἐπιπάροδος. ἡ δὲ τελεία ἔξοδος, ἄφοδος. καὶ ἐπεισόδιον δὲ ἐν δράμασι πρᾶγμα πράγματι συναπτόμενον. καὶ μέλος δέ τι ἐξόδιον, ὃ ἐξιόντες ᾔδον. Μέρη δὲ χορού, στοῖχος, ζυγός. καὶ τραγικοῦ μὲν χορού, ζυγὰ πέντε ἐκ τριῶν καὶ στοῖχοι τρεῖς ἐκ πέντε. 109 πεντεκαίδεκα γὰρ ἦσαν ὁ χορός. καὶ κατὰ τρεῖς μὲν εἰσῄεσαν, εἰ κατὰ ζυγὰ γίγνοιτο ἡ πάροδος, εἰ δὲ κατὰ στοίχους, ἀνὰ πέντε εἰσῄεσαν. ἔσθ' ὅτε δὲ καὶ καθ᾽ ἕνα ἐποιοῦντο τὴν πάροδον. ὁ δὲ κωμικὸς χορὸς τέτταρες καὶ εἴκοσιν οἱ χορευταί, ζυγὰ ἕξ, ἕκαστον δὲ ζυγὸν ἐκ τεττάρων, στοῖχοι δὲ τέσσαρες, ἓξ ἄνδρας ἔχων ἕκαστος. ὁπότε μὲν ἀντὶ τετάρτου ὑποκριτοῦ δέοι τινὰ τῶν χορευτῶν εἰπεῖν ἐν ᾠδῇ, παρασκήνιον καλεῖται τὸ πρᾶγμα. εἰ δὲ τέταρτος ὑποκριτής τι παραφθέγξαιτο, τοῦτο παραχορήγημα ἐκαλεῖτο, 110 καὶ πεπραχθαί φασιν αὐτὸ ἐν ᾿Αγαμέμνονι Αἰσχύλου. τὸ δὲ παλαιὸν ὁ τραγικὸς χορὸς πεντήκοντα ἦσαν, ἄχρι τῶν Εὐμενίδων Αἰσχύλου. πρὸς δὲ τὸν ὄχλον αὐτῶν τοῦ πλήθους ἐκπτοηθέντος, συνέστειλεν ὁ νόμος εἰς ἐλάττω ἀριθμὸν τὸν χορόν. 111 Περὶ χορικῶν ᾀσμάτων. Τῶν δὲ χορικῶν ᾀσμάτων τῶν κωμικῶν ἕν τι καὶ ἡ παράβασις, ὅταν ἃ ὁ ποιητὴς πρὸς τὸ θέατρον βούληται λέγειν, ὁ χορὸς παρελθὼν λέγει VOCABULARY OF THE DRAMA. 359 ταῦτα. ἐπιεικῶς δὲ αὐτὸ ποιοῦσιν οἱ κωμῳδοποιηταί, τραγικὸν δὲ οὐκ ἔστιν· ἀλλ᾽ Εὐριπίδης αὐτὸ πεποίηκεν ἐν πολλοῖς δράμασιν. ἐν μέν γε τῇ Δανάῃ τὸν χορὸν τὰς γυναῖκας ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ τι ποιήσας παρᾴδειν, ἐκλαθόμενος, ὡς ἄνδρας λέγειν ἐποίησε τῷ σχήματι τῆς λέξεως τὰς γυναῖκας. καὶ Σοφοκλῆς δὲ αὐτὸ ἐκ τῆς πρὸς ἐκεῖνον ἁμίλλης ποιεῖ σπανιάκις, ὥσπερ ἐν Ιππόνῳ. τῆς μέντοι παραβάσεως τῆς κωμικῆς ἑπτὰ ἂν εἴη μέρη, κομ- 112 μάτιον, παράβασις, μακρόν, στροφή, ἐπίῤῥημα, ἀντίστροφος, ἀντεπίῤῥημα. ὧν τὸ μὲν κομμάτιον, καταβολή τίς ἐστι βραχέος μέλους. ἡ δὲ παράβασις, ὡς τὸ πολὺ μὲν ἐν ἀναπαίστῳ μέτρῳ· εἰ δ᾽ οὖν καὶ ἐν ἄλλῳ, ἀνάπαιστα τὸ ἐπίκλην ἔχει. τὸ δὲ ὀνομαζόμενον μακρόν, ἐπὶ τῇ παραβάσει βραχὺ μελύδριόν ἐστιν, ἀπνευστὶ ἀδόμενον. τῇ δὲ στροφῇ ἐν κώλοις προασθείσῃ, τὸ ἐπίῤῥημα, ἐν τετραμέτροις ἐπάγεται. καὶ τῆς ἀντιστρόφου τῇ στροφῇ ἀντασθείσης, τὸ ἀντεπίῤῥημα τελευταῖον ὂν τῆς παραβάσεως, ἐστὶ τετράμετρα, οὐκ ἐλάττω τὸν ἀριθμὸν τοῦ ἐπιῤῥήματος. Περὶ ὑποκριτῶν ἢ ὑποκρίσεως. Εἰσὶ δὲ ἀπὸ τούτων καὶ ὑποκριταί, καὶ ὑπόκρισις, καὶ ἀντίκρισις, καὶ 113 ὑποκρίνασθαι τὰ ἰαμβεῖα, διαθέσθαι, σχηματίσασθαι, ῥῆσιν ἀποτεῖναι, ῥῆσιν διαπεράνασθαι, εἶραι, συνεῖραι, ἀποτάδην, ἀπνευστί, ὑπορχήσασθαι, ἐνδείξασθαι, παρενδείξασθαι, νεῦσαι, χλευάσαι, μορφάσαι. στιχομυθεῖν δὲ ἔλεγον, τὸ παρ᾽ ἓν ἰαμβεῖον ἀντιλέγειν. καὶ τὸ πρᾶγμα, στιχομυθίαν. Εἴποις δ᾽ ἄν, 114 βαρύτονος ὑποκριτής, βομβῶν, περιβομβῶν, ληκυθίζων, λαρυγγίζων, φαρυγγίζων. καὶ βαρύφωνος δέ, καὶ λεπτόφωνος, καὶ γυναικόφωνος, καὶ στρηνόφωνος, καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα ἐν τοῖς περὶ φωνῆς εἴρηται . ἀναζυγῶσαι δὲ τὸ φθέγμα ἔλεγον, καὶ καταπεπνῖχθαι τὸ φθέγμα. καὶ ᾿Αριστοφάνης που φησὶ φθέγξαι σὺ τὴν φωνὴν ἀναστοιχήσας ἄνω. ὁ δ᾽ αὐτὸς καὶ φθέγμα κεκράτηκεν. Περὶ ὑποκριτῶν σκευῆς. Καὶ σκευὴ μὲν ἡ τῶν ὑποκριτῶν, στολή. ἡ δ᾽ αὐτὴ καὶ σωμάτιον 115 ἐκαλεῖτο. σκευοποιὸς δέ, ὁ προσωποποιός. καὶ ἔστιν εἰπεῖν, πρόσωπον, προσωπεῖον, προσωπίς, μορμολύκειον, γοργόνειον. Περὶ ὑποδημάτων καὶ ἐσθήτων τραγικῶν καὶ κωμικῶν καὶ λοιπῆς σκευῆς. Καὶ τὰ ὑποδήματα, κόθορνοι μὲν τὰ τραγικὰ καὶ ἐμβάδες. ἐμβάται 116 δέ, τὰ κωμικά. καὶ ἐσθῆτες μὲν τραγικαί, ποικίλον ( οὕτω γὰρ ἐκαλεῖτο ὁ χιτών) τὰ δὲ ἐπιβλήματα, ξυστίς, βατραχίς, χλανίς, χλαμὺς διάχρυσος, χρυσόπαστος, φοινικίς, τιάρα, καλύπτρα στατός, μίτρα, ἀγρηνόν· τὸ δ᾽ ἦν πλέγμα ἐξ ἐρίων δικτυώδες περὶ πᾶν τὸ σῶμα, ὃ Τειρεσὶς ἐπεβάλλετο, ἤ 360 JULIUS POLLUX ON THE τις ἄλλος μάντις. κόλπωμα, ὃ ὑπὲρ τὰ ποικίλα ἐνεδέδυντο οἱ ᾿Ατρεῖς, καὶ οἱ Αγαμέμνονες, καὶ ὅσοι τοιοῦτοι. ἐφαπτίς, συστρεμμάτιόν τι φοινικοῦν, ἢ πορφυροῦν, ὃ περὶ τὴν χεῖρα εἶχον οἱ πολεμοῦντες, ἢ θηρῶντες. ὁ δὲ 117 κροκωτός, ἱμάτιον· Διόνυσος δὲ αὐτῷ ἐχρῆτο, καὶ μασχαλιστῆρι ἀνθινῷ, καὶ θύρσῳ. οἱ δὲ ἐν δυστυχίαις ὄντες ἢ λευκὰ δισπινῆ εἶχον, μάλιστα οἱ φυγάδες, ἢ φαιά, ἢ μέλανα, ἢ μήλινα, ἢ γλαύκινα . ῥάκια δέ, Φιλοκτήτου - ἡ στολὴ καὶ Τηλέφου. καὶ νεβρίδες δέ, καὶ διφθέραι, καὶ μάχαιραι, καὶ σκῆπτρα, καὶ δόρατα, καὶ τόξα, καὶ φαρέτρα, καὶ κηρύκεια, καὶ ῥόπαλα, 118 καὶ λεοντῆ, καὶ παντευχία, μέρη τραγικῆς ἀνδρείας σκευῆς. γυναικείας δέ, συρτὸς πορφυροῦς, παράπηχυ λευκόν, τῆς βασιλευούσης· τῆς δὲ ἐν συμφορᾷ, ὁ μὲν συρτός, μέλας, τὸ δὲ ἐπίβλημα, γλαυκόν, ἢ μήλινον. ἡ δὲ Σατυρικὴ ἐσθής, νεβρίς, αἰγῆ, ἣν καὶ ἐξαλῆν ἐκάλουν, καὶ τραγῆν, καί που καὶ παρδαλὴ ὑφασμένη. καὶ τὸ θήραιον τὸ Διονυσιακόν. καὶ χλανὶς ἀνθινή. καὶ φοινικοῦν ἱμάτιον, καὶ χορταῖος, χιτων δασύς, ὃν οἱ Σειληνοὶ φοροῦσι. κωμικὴ δὲ ἐσθής, ἐξωμίς· ἔστι δὲ χιτων λευκός, ἄσημος, κατὰ 119 τὴν ἀριστερὰν πλευρὰν ῥαφὴν οὐκ ἔχων ἄγναπτος. γερόντων δὲ φόρημα ἱμάτιον, καμπύλη, φοινικίς, ἢ μελαμπόρφυρον ἱμάτιον, φόρημα νεωτέρων. πήρα, βακτηρία, διφθέρα, ἐπὶ τῶν ἀγροίκων. καὶ πορφυρᾷ δὲ ἐσθῆτι ἐχρῶντο οἱ νεανίσκοι, οἱ δὲ παράσιτοι, μελαίνῃ, ἢ φαιᾷ, πλὴν ἐν Σικυωνίῳ, λευκῇ, ὅτε μέλλει γαμεῖν ὁ παράσιτος. τῇ δὲ τῶν δούλων ἐξωμίδι καὶ ἱματίδιόν τι πρόσκειται λευκόν, ὃ ἐγκόμβωμα λέγεται, ἢ ἐπίῤῥημα. Τῷ δὲ μαγείρῳ, διπλῆ, ἄγναπτος ἡ ἐσθής. ἡ δὲ γυναικῶν ἐσθῆς κωμικῶν, ἡ μὲν τῶν γραῶν, μηλίνη, 120 ἢ ἀερίνη, πλὴν ἱερειῶν. ταύταις δέ, λευκή. αἱ δὲ μαστροποί, ἢ μητέρες ἑταιρῶν, ταινίδιόν τι πορφυροῦν περὶ τῇ κεφαλῇ ἔχουσιν. ἡ δὲ τῶν νέων, λευκή, ἢ βυσσίνη. ἐπικλήρων δέ, λευκή, κροσσωτή. πορνοβοσκοὶ δέ, χιτῶνι βαπτῷ, καὶ ἀνθινῷ περιβολαίῳ ἐνδέδυνται, καὶ ῥάβδον εὐθεῖαν φέρουσιν· ἄρεσκος καλεῖται ἥδε ἡ ῥάβδος. Τοῖς δὲ παρασίτοις πρόσεστι καὶ στλεγγίς, καὶ λήκυθος, ὡς τοῖς ἀγροίκοις λαγωβόλον. ἐνίαις δὲ γυναιξὶ καὶ παράπηχυ, καὶ συμμετρία, ὅπερ ἐστὶ χιτων ποδήρης, ἁλουργὴς κύκλῳ. 121 Περὶ θεάτρου καὶ τῶν περὶ αὐτό. Ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ τὸ θέατρον οὐ μικρὸν μέρος ἐστὶ τῶν μουσικών, αὐτὸ μὲν ἂν εἴποις θέατρον, καὶ Διονυσιακὸν θέατρον, καὶ Ληναϊκόν. καὶ τὸ πλῆθος, θεατάς. καὶ ᾿Αριστοφάνης δὲ συνθεάτριαν εἴρηκεν. ὥστ᾽ οὐ θεατὴν μόνον εἴποις ἄν, ἀλλὰ καὶ θεάτριαν. κατὰ δὲ Πλάτωνα, καὶ θεατροκρατίαν. τοὺς δ᾽ ἀναβαθμούς, καὶ βάθρα, καὶ ἕδρας, καὶ ἑδώλια. καὶ ἑδωλιάζειν, τὸ συγκαθίζειν . πρῶτον δὲ ξύλον, ἡ προεδρία, μάλιστα μὲν δικαστῶν. ἐφ᾽ ὧν καὶ τὸν πρῶτον καθίζοντα, πρωτόβαθρον Φερεκράτης εἴρηκεν ὁ κωμῳδο122 διδάσκαλος. ἴσως δ᾽ ἂν καὶ ἐπὶ θεάτρου κατὰ καταχρῆσιν λέγοις. τὸ μέντοι τὰ ἑδώλια ταῖς πτέρναις κατακρούειν, πτερνοκοπεῖν ἔλεγον. ἐποίουν δὲ τοῦτο, ὁπότε τινὰ ἐκβάλοιεν. ἐφ᾽ οὗ καὶ τὶ κλώζειν, καὶ τὸ συρίττειν. ἐκαλεῖτο ου VOCABULARY OF THE DRAMA. 361 δέ τι καὶ βουλευτικὸν μέρος τοῦ θεάτρου, καὶ ἐφηβικόν. ἔξεστι δὲ καὶ τὸ παραπέτασμα, αὐλαίαν καλεῖν, Ὑπερίδου εἰπόντος ἐν τῷ κατὰ Πατροκλέους, “ οἱ δὲ ἐννέα ἄρχοντες εἱστιῶντο ἐν τῇ Στοᾷ, περιφραξάμενοί τι μέρος αὐτῆς αὐλαίᾳ.” Περὶ μερῶν θεάτρου. Μέρη θεάτρου δὲ πυλίς, καὶ ψαλίς, καὶ κατατομή, κερκίδες, σκηνή, 123 ὀρχήστρα, λογεῖον, προσκήνιον, παρασκήνια, ὑποσκήνια. καὶ σκηνὴ μέν, ὑποκριτῶν ἴδιον. ἡ δὲ ὀρχήστρα, τοῦ χοροῦ, ἐν ᾗ καὶ ἡ θυμέλη, εἴτε βῆμά τι οὖσα, εἴτε βωμός. ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς σκηνῆς καὶ ἀγνιεὺς ἔκειτο βωμὸς πρὸ τῶν θυρῶν. καὶ τράπεζα, πέμματα ἔχουσα, ἢ θεωρὶς ὠνομάζετο, ἢ θυωρίς. ἐλεὺς δ᾽ ἦν τράπεζα ἀρχαία, ἐφ᾿ ἣν πρὸ Θεσπίδος εἷς τις ἀναβὰς τοῖς χορευταῖς ἀπεκρίνατο. τὸ δὲ ὑποσκήνιον, κίοσι, καὶ ἀγαλματίοις ἐκ- 124 εκόσμητο, πρὸς τὸ θέατρον τετραμμένον, ὑπὸ τὸ λογεῖον κείμενον. τριῶν δὲ τῶν κατὰ τὴν σκηνὴν θυρῶν ἡ μέση μέν, βασίλειον, ἢ σπήλαιον, ἢ οἶκος ἔνδοξος, ἢ πᾶν τὸ πρωταγωνιστοῦν τοῦ δράματος. ἡ δὲ δεξιά, τοῦ δευτεραγωνιστοῦντος καταγώγιον. ἡ δὲ ἀριστερά, ἢ τὸ εὐτελέστατον ἔχει πρόσωπον, ἢ ἱερὸν ἐξηρημωμένον, ἢ ἄοικός ἐστιν. ἐν δὲ τραγῳδίᾳ ἡ μὲν 125 δεξιὰ θύρα, ξενών ἐστιν, εἰρκτὴ δέ, ἡ λαιά. τὸ δὲ κλίσιον ἐν κωμῳδίᾳ παράκειται παρὰ τὴν οἰκίαν, παραπετάσματι δηλούμενον. καὶ ἔστι μὲν σταθμὸς ὑποζυγίων. καὶ αἱ θύραι αὐτοῦ μείζους δοκοῦσι, καλούμεναι κλισιάδες, πρὸς τὸ καὶ τὰς ἁμάξας εἰσελαύνειν, καὶ τὰ σκευοφόρα. ἐν δὲ ᾿Αντιφάνους ᾿Ακεστρίᾳ καὶ ἐργαστήριον γέγονεν· φησὶ γοῦν τὸ κλίσιον ὃ πρότερόν ποτ᾽ ἦν τοῖς ἐξ ἀγροῦ βουσὶ σταθμός, καὶ τοῖς ὄνοις, πεποίηκεν ἐργαστήριον. παρ' ἑκάτερα δὲ τῶν δύο θυρῶν τῶν περὶ τὴν μέσην, ἄλλαι δύο 126 εἶεν ἄν, μία εκατέρωθεν, πρὸς ἃς αἱ περίακτοι συμπεπήγασιν. ἡ μὲν δεξιά, τὰ ἔξω πόλεως δηλοῦσα, ἡ δ᾽ ἀριστερά, τὰ ἐκ πόλεως. μά λιστα τὰ ἐκ λιμένος. καὶ θεούς τε θαλαττίους ἐπάγει, καὶ πάνθ' ὅσα ἐπαχθέστερα ὄντα ἡ μηχανὴ φέρειν ἀδυνατεῖ. εἰ δὲ ἐπιστρέφοιεν αἱ περίακτοι, ἡ δεξιὰ μὲν ἀμείβει τόπον· ἀμφότεραι δὲ χώραν ὑπαλλάτ τουσι. τῶν μέντοι παρόδων ἡ μὲν δεξιὰ ἀγρόθεν, ἢ ἐκ λιμένος, ἢ ἐκ πόλεως ἄγει· οἱ δὲ ἀλλαχόθεν πεζοὶ ἀφικνούμενοι, κατὰ τὴν ἑτέραν εἰσί- 127 ασιν. εἰσελθόντες δὲ κατὰ τὴν ὀρχήστραν, ἐπὶ τὴν σκηνὴν διὰ κλιμάκων ἀναβαίνουσι. τῆς δὲ κλίμακος οἱ βαθμοί, κλιμακτῆρες καλοῦνται. εἶεν δ᾽ ἂν τῶν ἐκ θεάτρου καὶ ἐκκύκλημα, καὶ μηχανή, καὶ ἐξώστρα, καὶ σκοπή, καὶ τεῖχος, καὶ πύργος, καὶ φρυκτώριον, καὶ διστεγία, καὶ κεραυνοσκοπεῖον, καὶ βροντεῖον, καὶ θεολογεῖον, καὶ γέρανος, καὶ αἰωραι, καὶ καταβλήματα, καὶ ἡμικύκλιον, καὶ στροφεῖον, καὶ ἡμιστρόφιον, καὶ χαρώνιοι κλίμακες, καὶ ἀναπιέσματα. καὶ τὸ μὲν ἐκκύκλημα, ἐπὶ ξύλων, ὑψηλὸν βάθρον, ᾧ 128 362 JULIUS POLLUX ON THE ἐπίκειται θρόνος. δείκνυσι δὲ καὶ τὰ ὑπὸ τὴν σκηνὴν ἐν ταῖς οἰκίαις ἀπόῤῥητα πραχθέντα. καὶ τὸ ῥῆμα τοῦ ἔργου καλεῖται ἐγκυκλεῖν. ἐφ᾽ οὗ δὲ εἰσάγεται τὸ ἐκκύκλημα, εἰσκύκλημα ὀνομάζεται. καὶ χρὴ τοῦτο νοεῖσθαι καθ' ἑκάστην θύραν, οἱονεί, καθ᾿ ἑκάστην οἰκίαν. ἡ μηχανὴ δὲ θεοὺς δείκνυσι, καὶ ἥρωας τοὺς ἐν ἀέρι, Βελλεροφόντας, ἢ Περσεῖς, καὶ κεῖται 129 κατὰ τὴν ἀριστερὰν πάροδον, ὑπὲρ τὴν σκηνὴν τὸ ὕψος. ὃ δ᾽ ἐστὶν ἐν τραγῳ δίᾳ μηχανή, τοῦτο ἐν κωμῳδίᾳ κράδη. δῆλον δὲ ὅτι συκῆς ἐστι μίμησις· κράδην γὰρ τὴν συκῆν καλοῦσιν οἱ Αττικοί. τὴν δὲ ἐξώστραν ταὐτὸν τῷ ἐκκυκλήματι νομίζουσιν. ἡ σκοπὴ δὲ πεποίηται κατασκόποις, ἢ τοῖς ἄλλοις ὅσοι προσκοποῦσι. καὶ τὸ τεῖχος, καὶ ὁ πύργος, ὡς ἀπὸ ὕψους ἰδεῖν. τὸ δὲ φρυκτώριον τῷ ὀνόματι δηλοῖ τὸ ἔργον. ἡ δὲ διστεγία, ποτὲ μὲν ἐν οἴκῳ βασιλείῳ, διῆρες δωμάτιον, οἷον ἀφ᾽ οὗ ἐν Φοινίσσαις ἡ ᾿Αντιγόνη βλέπει τὸν στρατόν· ποτὲ δὲ κέραμος, ἀφ' οὗ καὶ βάλλουσι τῷ κεράμῳ. 130 ἐν δὲ κωμῳδίᾳ ἀπὸ τῆς διστεγίας πορνοβοσκοί τινες κατοπτεύουσι, ἢ γραΐδια ἢ γύναια καταβλέπει. κεραυνοσκοπεῖον δὲ καὶ βροντεῖον, τὸ μέν ἐστι περίακτος ὑψηλή· τὸ δὲ βροντεῖον, ὑπὸ τὴν σκηνὴν ὄπισθεν, ἄσκοι ψήφων ἔμπλεοι διωγκώμενοι φέρονται κατὰ χαλκωμάτων. ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ θεολογείου, ὄντος ὑπὲρ τὴν σκηνήν, ἐν ὕψει ἐπιφαίνονται θεοί, ὡς ὁ Ζεὺς καὶ οἱ περὶ αὐτὸν ἐν Ψυχοστασίᾳ. ἡ δὲ γέρανος μηχάνημά τί ἐστιν ἐκ μετεώρου καταφερόμενον, ἐφ᾽ ἁρπαγῇ σώματος, ᾧ κέχρηται ἡ Ἠὼς ἁρπάζουσα τὸ σῶμα 131 τοῦ Μέμνονος. αἰώρας δ᾽ ἂν εἴποις τοὺς κάλως, οἳ κατήρτηνται ἐξ ὕψους, ἀνέχειν τοὺς ἐπὶ τοῦ ἀέρος φέρεσθαι δοκοῦντας ἥρως ἢ θεούς. καταβλήματα δέ, υφάσματα, ἢ πίνακες ἦσαν, ἔχοντες γραφάς, τῇ χρείᾳ τῶν δραμάτων προσφόρους· κατεβάλλετο δὲ ἐπὶ τὰς περιάκτους, ὄρος δεικνύντα, ἢ θάλατταν, ἢ ποταμόν, ἢ ἄλλο τι τοιοῦτον. τῷ δὲ ἡμικυκλίῳ τὸ μὲν σχῆμα ὄνομα· 132 ἡ δὲ θέσις, κατὰ τὴν ὀρχήστραν· ἡ δὲ χρεία, δηλοῦν πόῤῥω τινὰ τῆς πόλεως τόπον, ἢ τοὺς ἐν θαλάττῃ νηχομένους, ὥσπερ καὶ τὸ στροφεῖον, ὃ τοὺς ἥρως ἔχει, τοὺς εἰς τὸ θεῖον μεθεστηκότας, ἢ τοὺς ἐν πελάγει, ἢ πολέμῳ τελευτώντας. αἱ δὲ χαρώνιοι κλίμακες, κατὰ τὰς ἐκ τῶν ἑδωλίων καθόδους κείμεναι, τὰ εἴδωλα ἀπ᾿ αὐτῶν ἀναπέμπουσι. τὰ δὲ ἀναπιέσματα, τὸ μέν ἐστιν ἐν τῇ σκηνῇ, ὡς ποταμὸν ἀνελθεῖν, ἤ τι τοιοῦτον πρόσωπον, τὸ δὲ περὶ τοὺς ἀναβαθμούς, ἀφ᾽ ὧν ἀνέβαινον Ἐρινύες. Περὶ προσώπων τραγικῶν. 133 ᾿Αλλὰ μὴν καὶ πρόσωπα, τὰ μὲν τραγικὰ εἴη ἄν, ξυρίας ἀνήρ, λευκός, σπαρτοπόλιος, μέλας ἀνήρ, ἀνὴρ ξανθός, ἀνὴρ ξανθότερος. οὗτοι μὲν γέροντες. Ὁ δὲ ξυρίας, πρεσβύτατος τῶν γερόντων, λευκότατος τὴν κόμην. προσκείμεναι τῷ ὄγκῳ αἱ τρίχες. ὄγκος δέ ἐστι τὸ ὑπὲρ τὸ πρόσωπον ἀνέχον εἰς ὕψος, λαβδοειδεῖ τῷ σχήματι. τὸ δὲ γένειον, ἐν χρῷ κουρίας 134 ἐστὶν ὁ ξυρίας, ἐπιμήκης ὢν τὰς παρειάς. Ὁ δὲ λευκὸς ἀνήρ, πᾶς μέν ἐστι πολιός, βοστρύχους δ᾽ ἔχει περὶ τῇ κεφαλῇ, καὶ τὸ γένειον πεπηγός, VOCABULARY OF THE DRAMA. 363 καὶ προπετεῖς ὀφρῦς καὶ παράλευκον τὸ χρῶμα ὁ δὲ ὄγκος, βραχύς. γε μὴν σπαρτοπόλιος δηλοῖ μὲν τὴν τῶν πολιῶν φύσιν, μέλας δέ ἐστι καὶ ὕπωχρος. ὁ δὲ μέλας ἀνήρ, ἀπὸ μὲν τῆς χροιᾶς ἔχων τοὔνομα, οὖλος δὲ τὸ γένειον, καὶ τὴν κόμην, τραχὺς τὸ πρόσωπον, καὶ μέγας ὁ ὄγκος. ὁ 135 δὲ ξανθὸς ἀνὴρ ξανθοὺς ἔχει βοστρύχους, καὶ ὄγκον ἥττω, καὶ ἔστιν εὔχρους. ὁ δὲ ξανθότερος, τὰ μὲν ἄλλα ὅμοιος, ὕπωχρος δὲ μᾶλλον, καὶ δηλοῖ νοσοῦντας. τὰ δὲ νεανίσκων πρόσωπα, πάγχρηστος, οὗλος, πάρουλος, ἁπαλός, πιναρός, δεύτερος πιναρός, ὠχρός, πάρωχρος. ὁ δὲ πάγχρηστος, πρεσβύ τατος τῶν νεανίσκων, ἀγένειος, εὔχρους, μελαινόμενος, δασεῖαι καὶ μέλαιναι αἱ τρίχες. ὁ δὲ οὖλος, ξανθός, ὑπέρογκος· αἱ τρίχες τῷ ὄγκῳ προσπε- 136 πήγασιν, ὀφρὺς ἀνατέταται, βλοσυρὸς τὸ εἶδος. ὁ δὲ πάρουλος, τἆλλα ἐοικὼς τῷ πρὸ αὐτοῦ, μᾶλλον νεανίζει . ὁ δὲ ἁπαλός, βοστρύχοις ξανθός, λευκόχρως, φαιδρός, πρέπων θεῷ ἢ καλῷ. ὁ δὲ πιναρός, ογκώδης, ὑποπέλιδνος, κατηφής, δυσπινής, ξανθοκόμης, ξανθῇ κόμῃ ἐπικομῶν. ὁ δὲ δεύ τερος πιναρὸς τοσούτῳ τοῦ προτέρου ισχνότερος, ὅσῳ καὶ νεαρώτερος. ὁ δὲ ὠχρὸς φρυγανός ἐστι ταῖς σαρξί, καὶ περίκομος, υπόξανθος, νοσώ- 137 δης τὴν χρόαν, οἷος εἰδώλῳ, ἢ τραυματίᾳ πρέπειν. ὁ δὲ πάρωχρος τὰ μὲν ἄλλα οἷος ὁ πάγχρηστος· ὠχριᾷ δέ, ὡς νοσοῦντα, ἢ ἐρῶντα δηλοῦν. τὰ μέντοι τῶν θεραπόντων πρόσωπα, διφθερίας, σφηνοπώγων, ἀνάσιμος. ὁ μὲν διφθερίας, ὄγκον οὐκ ἔχων, περίκρανον ἔχει, καὶ τρίχας ἐκτενισμένας λευκάς, πρόσωπον ὕπωχρόν τε καὶ ὑπόλευκον, καὶ μυκτῆρα τραχύν, ἐπισκύνιον μετέωρον, ὀφθαλμοὺς σκυθρωπούς. ὕπωχρος δ᾽ ἐστὶ καὶ τὸ γένειον προπαλαί- 138 τερος. ὁ δὲ σφηνοπώγων, ἀκμάζει, καὶ ὄγκον ὑψηλὸν ἔχει καὶ πλατύν, κοιλαινόμενον ἐν τῇ περιφορᾷ· ξανθός, τραχύς, ἐρυθρός, πρέπων ἀγγέλῳ. ὁ δὲ ἀνάσιμος, ὑπέρογκος, ξανθός, ἐκ μέσου ἀνατέτανται αἱ τρίχες, ἀγένειός ἐστιν, ὑπέρυθρος· καὶ οὗτος ἀγγέλλει. τὰ δὲ γυναικῶν πρόσωπα πολιὰ κατάκομος, γρᾴδιον ἐλεύθερον, γρᾴδιον οἰκετικόν, μεσόκουρον, διό φθερίτις, κατάκομος ὠχρά, πρόσφατος, κούριμος παρθένος. ἡ μὲν πολιὰ 139 κατάκομος ὑπὲρ τὰς ἄλλας τήν τε ἡλικίαν καὶ τὴν ἀξίωσιν, λευκόκομος, μετρία τὸν ὄγκον, ὕπωχρος· πάλαι δὲ παράχρωμος ἐκαλεῖτο. τὸ δ᾽ ἐλεύ θερον γρᾴδιον, ὑπόξανθον τὴν πολιάν, μικρὸν ὄγκον ἔχον, μέχρι τῶν κλειδῶν αἱ τρίχες, ὑποφαίνει συμφοράν. τὸ δὲ οἱκετικὸν γρᾴδιον, περίκρανον ἐξ ἀρνακίδων ἀντὶ ὄγκου ἔχει, καὶ ῥυσόν ἐστι τὰς σάρκας. τὸ δὲ οἰκετικὸν μεσόκουρον, καὶ βραχὺς ὄγκος, χρόα λευκή, παρωχρος, οὐ πάντα πολιόν. ἡ δὲ διφθερίτις, νεωτέρα ἐκείνης, καὶ ὄγκον οὐκ ἔχει . ἡ δὲ 140 κατάκομος ὠχρά, μέλαινα τὴν κόμην, βλέμμα λυπηρόν. τὸ δὲ χρῶμα ἐκ τοῦ ὀνόματος. ἡ δὲ μεσόκουρος ὠχρά, ὁμοία τῇ κατακόμῳ, πλὴν ὅσα ἐκ μέσου κέκαρται . ἡ δὲ μεσόκουρος πρόσφατος, τὴν μὲν κουρὰν ἔχει κατὰ τὴν πρὸ αὐτῆς· οὐκ ἔχει δὲ κατὰ τὴν ὠχρότητα. ἡ δὲ κούριμος παρθένος ἀντὶ ὄγκου ἔχει τριχών κατεψυγμένων διάκρισιν. καὶ βραχέα ἐν κύκλῳ περικέκαρται· ὕπωχρος δὲ τὴν χρόαν. ἡ δὲ ἑτέρα κούριμος παρθένος, 141 τὰ ἄλλα ὁμοίως, πλὴν τῆς διακρίσεως καὶ τῶν κύκλῳ βοστρύχων, ὡς ἐκ 364 JULIUS POLLUX ON THE πολλοῦ δυστυχοῦσα, ἡ δὲ κόρη, νεαρὸν πρόσωπον, οἷον ἂν Δαναϊς γένοιτο ἢ ἄλλη παιδίσκη. τὰ δὲ ἔκσκευα πρόσωπα, ᾿Ακταίων ἐστὶ κερασφόρος, ἢ Φινεὺς τυφλός, ἢ Θάμυρις, τὸν μὲν ἔχων γλαυκὸν ὀφθαλμόν, τὸν δὲ μέλανα. ἢ ῎Αργος πολυόφθαλμος, ἢ Τυρω πελιδνὴ τὰς παρειὰς παρὰ Σοφοκλεί. τοῦτο δ᾽ ὑπὸ τῆς μητρυιᾶς Σιδηροῦς πληγαῖς πέπονθεν. ἢ Εὐίππη ἡ 142 Χείρωνος, ὑπαλλαττομένη εἰς ἵππον παρ᾽ Εὐριπίδῃ. ἢ ᾿Αχιλλεὺς ἐπὶ Πατρόκλῳ ἄκοσμος. ἢ ᾿Αμυμώνη, ἢ ποταμός, ἢ ὄρος, ἢ Γοργώ, ἢ δίκη, ἢ θάνατος, ἢ ἐρινύς, ἢ λύσσα, ἢ οἶστρος, ἢ ὕβρις, ἢ Κένταυρος, ἢ Τιτάν, ἢ Γίγας, ἢ Ινδός, ἢ Τρίτων. τάχα δὲ καὶ πόλις, καὶ Πρίαμος, καὶ Πειθώ, καὶ Μοῦσαι, καὶ ῾Ωραι, καὶ Μιθάκου νύμφαι, καὶ Πλειάδες, καὶ ἀπάτη, καὶ μέθη, καὶ ὄκνος, καὶ φθόνος. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ἂν εἴη καὶ κωμικά. 143 Περὶ προσώπων Σατυρικῶν. Σατυρικὰ δὲ πρόσωπα, Σάτυρος πολιός, Σάτυρος γενειῶν, Σάτυρος αγένειος, Σειληνὸς πάππος. τὰ δ᾽ ἄλλα, ὅμοια τὰ πρόσωπα, πλὴν ὅσοις ἐκ τῶν ὀνομάτων αἱ παραλλαγαὶ δηλοῦνται, ὥσπερ καὶ ὁ πάππας ὁ Σειληνὸς τὴν ἰδέαν ἐστὶ θηριωδέστερος. Περὶ προσώπων κωμικών. Τὰ δὲ κωμικὰ πρόσωπα, τὰ μὲν τῆς παλαιᾶς κωμῳδίας, ὡς ἐπιπολὺ τοῖς προσώποις ὧν ἐκωμῴδουν ἀπεικάζετο, ἢ ἐπὶ τὸ γελοιότερον ἐσχημάτιστο. τὰ δὲ τῆς νέας, πάππος πρῶτος, πάππος ἕτερος, ἡγεμών, πρεσβύτης μακροπώγων, ἢ ἐπισείων, Ερμώνειος, σφηνοπώγων, Λυκομήδιος, πορνοβοσκός, Ερμώνιος δεύτερος. οὗτοι μὲν γέροντες, ὁ μὲν πρῶτος πάππος, πρεσβύτατος, ἐν χρῷ κουρίας, ἡμερώτατος τὰς ὀφρῦς, εὐγένειος, ἰσχνὸς τὰς παρειάς, τὴν ὄψιν κατηφής, λευκὸς τὸ χρῶμα, τὸ πρόσωπον, τὸ μέτωπον ὑπόφαιδρος. 144 ὁ δ᾽ ἕτερος πάππος, ἰσχνότερος, καὶ ἐντονώτερος τὸ βλέμμα, καὶ λυπηρός, ὕπωχρος, εὐγένειος, πυρσόθριξ, ὠτοκαταξίας. ὁ δὲ ἡγεμὼν πρεσβύτης στεφάνην τριχῶν περὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν ἔχε, ἐπίγρυπος, πλατυπρόσωπος, τὴν ὀφρὺν ἀνατέταται τὴν δεξιάν. ὁ δὲ πρεσβύτης μακροπώγων καὶ ἐπισείων στεφάνην τριχῶν περὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν ἔχε, εὐπώγων δ' ἐστί, καὶ οὐκ ἀνατέταται τὰς ὀφρυς, νωθρὸς δὲ τὴν ὄψιν. ὁ δὲ Ερμώνιος, ἀναφαλαντίας, εὐπώγων, ἀνατέταται τὰς ὀφρυς, τὸ βλέμμα δριμύς. ὁ δὲ πορνοβοσκὸς τἆλλα μὲν ἔοικε τῷ Λυκομηδείῳ, τὰ δὲ χείλη ὑποσέσηρε, καὶ συνάγει τὰς ὀφρῦς, καὶ ἀναφαλαντίας ἐστίν, ἢ φαλακρός. ὁ δὲ δεύτερος Ερμώνιος, ἀπεξυρημένος 145 ἐστὶ καὶ σφηνοπώγων. [ ὁ δὲ σφηνοπώγων, ἀναφαλαντίας, ὀφρὺς ἀνατεταμέναι, ὀξυγένειος, ὑποδύστροπος. ] ὁ δὲ Λυκομήδειος, οὐλόκομος, μακρογένειος, ἀνατείνει τὴν ἑτέραν ὀφρύν, πολυπραγμοσύνην παρενδείκνυται. 146 τὰ δὲ τῶν νεανίσκων, πάγχρηστος νεανίσκος, μέλας νεανίσκος, οὖλος νεανίσκος, ἁπαλός, ἄγροικος, ἐπίσειστος, δεύτερος ἐπίσειστος, κόλαξ, παράσιτος, VOCABULARY OF THE DRAMA. 365 εἰκονικός, Σικελικός. ὁ μὲν πάγχρηστος, υπέρυθρος, γυμναστικός, ὑποκεχρωσμένος, ῥυτίδας ὀλίγας ἔχων ἐπὶ τοῦ μετώπου, καὶ στεφάνην τριχών, τἀναεταμένος τὰς ὀφρύς. ὁ δὲ μέλας νεανίσκος, νεώτερος, καθειμένος τὰς ὀφρῦς, πεπαιδευμένῳ, ἢ φιλογυμναστῇ ἐοικώς. ὁ δὲ οὔλος νεανίσκος, καλός, νέος, 147 καὶ ὑπέρυθρος τὸ χρῶμα. αἱ δὲ τρίχες, κατὰ τοὔνομα . ὀφρὺς ἀνατέταται, καὶ ῥυτὶς ἐπὶ τοῦ μετώπου μία μόνον. ὁ δὲ ἁπαλὸς νεανίσκος, τρίχας μὲν κατὰ τὸν πάγχρηστον, πάντων δὲ νεώτατος, λευκός, σκιατροφίας, απαλότητα ὑποδηλῶν. τῷ δὲ ἀγροίκῳ τὸ μὲν χρῶμα μελαίνεται, τὰ δὲ χείλη πλατέα, καὶ ἡ ῥὶς σιμή, καὶ στεφάνη τριχῶν. τῷ δὲ ἐπισείστῳ, στρατιώτῃ ὄντι καὶ ἀλαζόνι, καὶ τὴν χροιὰν μέλανι καὶ τὴν κόμην, ἐπισείονται αἱ τρίχες, ὥσπερ καὶ τῷ δευτέρῳ ἐπισείστῳ, ἁπαλωτέρῳ ὄντι, καὶ ξανθῷ τὴν κόμην. · κόλαξ δέ, καὶ παράσιτος, μέλανες, οὐ μὴν ἔξω παλαίστρας, ἐπίγρυποι, 148 εὐπαθεῖς. τῷ δὲ παρασίτῳ μᾶλλον κατέαγε τὰ ὦτα, καὶ φαιδρότερός ἐστιν, ὥσπερ ὁ κόλαξ ἀνατέταται κακοηθεστέρως τὰς ὀφρύς. ὁ δὲ εἰκονικὸς ἔχει μὲν ἐνεσπαρμένας τὰς πολιάς, καὶ ἀποξυρᾶται το γένειον, εὐπάρυφος δ᾽ ἐστὶ καὶ ξένος. ὁ δὲ Σικελικὸς παράσιτός ἐστι τρίτος. τὰ δὲ δούλων πρόσωπα κωμικά, πάππος, ἡγεμών, θεράπων, κάτω τριχίας, ἢ κάτω τετριχωμένος, θεράπων οὖλος, θεράπων Μαίσων, θεράπων τέττιξ, ἡγεμὼν ἐπίσειστος. ὁ μὲν πάππος μόνος τῶν θεραπόντων πολιός ἐστι, καὶ δηλοῖ 149 ἀπελεύθερον. ὁ δὲ ἡγεμὼν θεράπων σπείραν ἔχει τριχῶν πυῤῥῶν, ἀνατέτακε τὰς ὀφρῦς, συνάγει τὸ ἐπισκύνιον, τοιοῦτος ἐν τοῖς δούλοις, οἷος ἐν τοῖς ἐλευθέροις πρεσβύτης ἡγεμών. ὁ δὲ κάτω τριχίας ἢ κάτω τετριχωμένος, ἀναφαλαντίας ἐστὶ, καὶ πυῤῥόθριξ, ἐπῃρμένος τὰς ὀφρύς. ὁ δὲ οὖλος θεράπων, δηλοῖ μὲν τὰς τρίχας· εἰσὶ δὲ πυῤῥαί, ὥσπερ καὶ τὸ χρῶμα· καὶ ἀναφαλαντίας ἐστί, καὶ διάστροφος τὴν ὄψιν. ὁ δὲ θεράπων Μαίσων, 150 φαλακρός, πυῤῥός ἐστιν. ὁ δὲ θεράπων τέττιξ, μέλας, φαλακρός, διάστροφος τὴν ὄψιν, δύο ή τρία βοστρύχια μέλανα ἐπικείμενος, καὶ ὅμοια ἐν τῷ γενείῳ. ὁ δὲ ἐπίσειστος ἡγεμὼν ἔοικε τῷ ἡγεμόνι θεράποντι, πλὴν περὶ τὰς τρίχας, τὰ δὲ γυναικῶν, γρᾴδιον ἰσχνὸν ἢ λυκαίνιον, γραῦς παχεία, γρᾴδιον οἰκουρόν, ἢ οἰκετικόν, ἢ ὀξύ. τὸ μὲν λυκαίνιον, ὑπόμηκες. ῥυτίδες λεπταί, καὶ πυκναί· λευκόν, ὕπωχρον, στρεβλὸν τὸ ὄμμα, ἡ δὲ παχεία γραῦς παχείας ἔχει ῥυτίδας ἐν εὐσαρκίᾳ, καὶ ταινί- 151 διον τὰς τρίχας περιλαμβάνον. τὸ δὲ οἰκουρὸν γρᾴδιον, σιμόν, ἐν ἑκατέρᾳ τῇ σιαγόνι ἀνὰ δύο ἔχει γομφίους. νέων δὲ γυναικῶν πρόσωπα, λεκτική, οὔλη, κόρη, ψευδοκόρη, ἑτέρα ψευδοκόρη, σπαρτοπόλιος λεκτική, παλλακή, ἑταιρικὸν τέλειον, ἑταιρίδιον ὡραῖον, διάχρυσος ἑταίρα, ἑταίρα διάμιτρος, λαμπάδιον, ἅβρα περίκουρος, θεραπαινίδιον παράψηστον. ἡ μὲν 152 λεκτική, περίκομος, ἡσυχῇ παρεψημέναι αἱ τρίχες, ὀρθαὶ ὀφρύες, χρόα λευκή. ἡ δὲ οὔλη, τῇ τριχώσει παραλλάττει. ἡ δὲ κόρη, διάκρισιν ἔχει παρεψημένων τῶν τριχῶν, καὶ ὀρθὰς ὀφρος, καὶ μελαίνας, καὶ λευκότητα ὕπωχρον ἐν τῇ χρόᾳ. ἡ δὲ ψευδοκόρη, λευκοτέρα τὴν χρόαν, καὶ περὶ τὸ βρέγμα δέδεται τὰς τρίχας, καὶ ἔοικε νεογάμῳ. ἡ δὲ ἑτέρα 366 JULIUS POLLUX ON THE VOCABULARY OF THE DRAMA. 153 ψευδοκόρη, διαγινώσκεται μόνῳ τῷ ἀδιακρίτῳ τῆς κόμης. ἡ δὲ σπαρτοπόλιος λεκτικὴ δηλοῖ τῷ ὀνόματι τὴν ἰδέαν, μηνύει δὲ ἑταίραν πεπαυμένην τῆς τέχνης. ἡ δὲ παλλακὴ ταύτῃ μὲν ἔοικε, περίκομος δ᾽ ἐστίν. τὸ δὲ τέλειον ἑταιρικόν, τῆς ψευδοκόρης ἐστὶν ἐρυθρότερον, καὶ βοστρύχους ἔχει περὶ τὰ ὦτα. τὸ δὲ ἑταιρίδιον ἀκαλλώπιστόν ἐστι, ταινιδίῳ τὴν κεφαλὴν περιεσφιγμένον. ἡ δὲ διάχρυσος ἑταίρα πολὺν ἔχει τὸν χρυσὸν ἐπὶ τῇ 154 κόμῃ. ἡ δὲ διάμετρος ἑταίρα μίτρᾳ ποικίλῃ τὴν κεφαλὴν κατείληπται. τὸ δὲ λαμπάδιον ἰδέαν τριχῶν ἔχει πλέγματος εἰς ὀξὺ ἀπολήγοντος, ἀφ᾿ οὗ καὶ κέκληται. ἡ δὲ ἅβρα περίκουρος, θεραπαινίδιόν ἐστι περικεκαρ μένον, χιτῶνι μόνῳ ὑπεζωσμένῳ λευκῷ χρώμενον. τὸ δὲ παράψηστον θεραπαινίδιον, διακέκριται τὰς τρίχας, υπόσιμόν τέ ἐστι καὶ δουλεύει ἑταί ραις, ὑπεζωσμένον χιτῶνα κοκκοβαφή. PART III. ON THE LANGUAGE, METRES AND PROSODY OF THE GREEK DRAMATISTS.

ON THE LANGUAGE, METRES AND PROSODY OF THE GREEK DRAMATISTS. ATTE I. LANGUAGE. TTENTION has been already directed to the fact that the different origin of the dialogue and chorus in a Greek play is indicated by a corresponding difference of dialect, and that, while the dialogues represent the spoken language of the poet's age and country, with some few traditions derived from the Ionic of the rhapsodes, the choruses are more or less tinged with the conventional Doric of lyric poetry. The basis, however, of the whole dramatic style of the Greeks was the Attic dialect of the period during which the great dramatists flourished ; and while we have the older Attic in Eschylus, we find in Sophocles, Euripides, and Aristophanes all the characteristics of the middle Attic of Thucydides, and in the fragments of Menander and the other poets of the New Comedy we have the language of Athens as it was spoken by Demosthenes or written by Aristotle. In briefly noticing the successive changes of the tragic style, we shall begin with those Epic, Æolic, and Doric peculiarities which are found in the dramatists, and then examine the standard of their Atticism. I. Epic Forms in the Dramatists. Besides the common formns ξένος, μόνος, γόνατα, κόρος, δόρι, Θρᾷκες, ζωή, the dramatists wrote ξεῖνος, μοῦνος, γούνατα, κούρος, δουρί, Θρῇκες, ζωή. Wealso find oйvopa (Soph. Phil. 251), eidíσow, eiveka (New Cratylus, § 277) , εἰνάλιος (Eurip. Phæn. 6 ), καίω, κλαίω, ἐλαία (see Porson, Praf. Hec. p. 4, Hermann, Præf. Ajac. p. 18) , aierós, aieí or aiév (Pors. Præf. Hec. p. 4, and Herm. Præf. Hec. p. 21 ), čoσopai, péoσos, todλós, by the side of the Attic ὄνομα, ἑλίσσω, ἕνεκα, ἐνάλιος, κάω, κλάω, ἐλάα, ἀετός, ἀεί, ἔσομαι, μέσος, πολύς. The dative plural in -σι or -σιν is used whenever the 24 D.T.G. 370 ON THE LANGUAGE, METRES AND PROSODY metre requires it. Eschylus does not hesitate to substitute a for v in the 3 pers. pl. of the optative middle, as in ẻkowolato for KowlowTo (Pers. 449) . We have also occasional Ionisms like vnós for veus (Esch. Pers. 424), unv (Soph. Trach. 24), keivóv (ibid. 495), kies (Æsch. Choëph. 678), ίκμενος (Soph. Phil. 494), κουλεων (Soph. Αj. 730), ἤλυθον (Eurip. Electr. 593). The pronoun generally used as the article appears in the oblique cases as a substitute for the relative (Esch. Agam. 628, 642 ; Choëph. 596; Eumen. 322, 878, 919 ; Suppl. 262, 301, 516, 579 ; Soph. Phil. 1112 ; Ed. Col. 35 ; Ed. R. 1379), and in the demonstrative use we have even roì dé for oi dé (Æsch. Pers. 424). The use of viv for autóv is common enough, and we even find µuv (Soph. Trach. 388). The reflexive opé is a perfectly general pronoun of reference in Eschylus (e. g. it is = avTóv, Sept. c. Theb. 451 ; avroû, Suppl. 502 ; avrás, Sept. c. Theb. 846). It is extremely doubtful if σow can be used for oi. In Æsch. Pers. 759, Soph. Ed. C. 1490, it may be understood as for opíow. It is also an open question whether such a form as λeevós is allowable in the Greek dramatists (Pors. Præf. Hec. p. 7; Lobeck ad Soph. Aj. 421) . The rare forms novxwrepos ( Soph. Antig. 1089) and píλitos (Soph. Aj. 842) may perhaps be regarded as Ionic. Also κρυφείς for κρυβείς (Αj. 1124). There can be little doubt that an epic tradition suggeste